IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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%  A 


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1.0 


I.I 


Li  121    |2.5 

|50  '■^"   m^ 
■u  ^   12.2 

£f   |££    12.0 


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1.25    IIU     111.6 
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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14S80 

(716)872-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/iCIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  institute  for  Historical  l^/licroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microriyproductions  historiquas 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notas  tachniquas  a',  bibiiographiquaa 


Tha  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  avaitabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  aignificantly  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


0 


Colourad  covars/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I     I   Covars  damagad/ 


Couvartura  andommagte 


Covars  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  rastaurAa  at/ou  palliculAa 


I      I   Covar  titia  missing/ 


La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 


nn   Colourad  maps/ 


Cartas  gtographiquas  an  coulaur 

Colourad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autre  qua  bleue  ou  noire) 


I     I   Coloured  plates  and/or  lllustrationa/ 


Planches  et/ou  iliustrationa  an  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avac  d'autras  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  la  long  de  la  marge  intArieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouttes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  la  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  4tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmAes. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  la  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  4t*  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mAthoda  normale  de  fiimage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


The 
totf 


I      I   Coloured  pages/ 


D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppiimentaires: 


Map  aftsr  p.  774  it  cut  off. 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagtes 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restaur^as  et/ou  pelliculAes 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxe< 
Pages  dAcolories,  tachetdes  ou  piquies 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  dttachies 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  intgaia  de  i'impression 

Includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplimentaira 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponibie 


FT]  Pages  damaged/ 

r~r|  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

I    1  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

I      I  Pages  detached/ 

r~~j  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

r~n  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

I      I  Only  edition  available/ 


The 
posi 
of  tl 
filml 


Orig 

begl 

the 

sion 

othc 

first 

sion 

orii 


The 
shal 
TINI 
whi( 

Map 
diffi 
entii 
beg 
righ 
reqi 
met 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partieilement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuiilet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  filmies  A  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obtenir  ia  meiileure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  rMuction  indiqui  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


X 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


Th«  copy  filmed  h«re  has  bMn  raproducad  thanks 
to  tha  ganaroaity  of: 

Library  of  tha  Public 
Archivas  of  Canada 


L'axamplaira  filmA  fut  raproduit  grica  k  la 
gAnArosIt*  da: 

La  bibliothAqua  das  Archivas 
publiquas  du  Canada 


Tha  imagas  appearing  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
posslbia  conaidaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copiaa  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  imprea- 
sion,  or  tha  back  cover  when  eppropriata.  All 
other  original  copies  ara  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  imprea- 
sion,  and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  imagea  auivantea  ont  M  raproduites  av*.  ■".  la 
plus  grand  aoin,  compta  tenu  de  la  conditior  at 
da  la  nettet*  de  I'exempleire  fiimA,  et  en 
conformity  avac  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmaga. 

Lea  exemplairas  orlginaux  dont  la  couvarture  an 
papier  est  imprimte  sent  filmte  en  commen^ant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'Impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplairas 
orlginaux  aont  filmte  an  commanpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'Impression  ou  d'illustration  at  an  terminant  par 
la  darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
darnlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  ie 
caa:  la  symbols  — »>  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  Ie 
symbols  ▼  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ara  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartea,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  A  des  taux  da  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  Ie  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  f  ilmi  A  partir 
de  I'angle  suptrieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droita, 
et  de  haut  an  bas,  en  prenant  la  nombra 
d'imagas  nicessaira.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrant  la  m^thoda. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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DOCUMENTAEY  HISTORY 


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STATE  OF  NEW-YOM: 


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ARRANGED  UNDER  DIRECTION  OF  THB 

Hon.  CHRISTOPHER  MORGAN, 

Secretary  of  State. 


BY  E.  B.  O'CAILAGHAN,  M.  D. 


VOL.  I. 


(  '  (fl!»- 


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ALBANY: 

WEED,  PARSONS  *  Co.,  PUBUC  PRINTERS. 

1849. 


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%•  The  Map  facing  the  Title  page  of  this  Volume  ii  taken  from  one  of  Horth 
America,  engraved  by  Lucinij  an  Italian  artist,  originally  on  four  iheets,  three 
of  which  belong  to  the  Warden  Collection  of  the  State  Library. 

[t  will  be  perceived  from  its  Title  that  it  is  a  Map  of  New  Belgium  (now  New 
York,)  and  part  of  New  England,  the  former  of  whleh  Provinces  was  claimed 
at  the  time,  to  extend  fh>m  Cape  Cod  to  the  Capes  of  Delaware.  The  absence  of 
any  date  renders  it  difficult,  however,  to  ascertain  precisely  the  year  it  was  en« 
graved  and  this  point  can  be  determined  only  by  other  evidence.        _ 

Boston,  which  was  settled  in  163U,  is  found  laid  down,  but  there  is  no  mention 
of  Maryland,  the  Province  of  Virginia  forming  the  southern  Boundary  of  New 
Belgium. 

As  Maryland  was  first  granted  In  1632,  it  is  evident  the  date  of  this  Map  must 
be  some  year  between  that  and  the  settlemont  of  Boston.  Most  probably,  it 
was  engraved  in  1631. 

In  point  of  time,  it  may  be  considered  the  third  oldest  Map  of  the  Province 
extant,  having,  as  far  as  yet  known,  been  preceded  by  only  two  Dutch 
Maps,  one  of  1616  and  one  1618,  transcripts  of  which  are  in  the  office  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  of  one  of  which  this  Italian  Map  is  evidently  an  improved 
copy. 


■    V  \\t 


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17 


ft'1 


CONTENTS. 


VAOI. 
I.   PAPBBB   RELATING   TO  THB   IROqVOIl   AND  OTHBR  IN> 

DIAN  TRIBBI, 1 

II.  PAPBRB  RELATING  TO  THB  FIRST  MBTTLBMBNT  AT 
ONONDAGA,  AND  THB  DIIOOVBRY  OP  THB  BALT 
SPRINGS  AT  BALINA, 31 

III.  PAPERS  RELATING    TO  DB  OOUROBLLBS'   AND   DB  TRA- 

CY'S EXPEDITIONS   AGAINST  THE  MOHAWK  INDIANS, 

1665-6 67 

IV.  REPORTS  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OP  NEW-YORK,  1669-1678,     85 
y.   PAPERS  RELATING  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE'S  EXPEDITION 

TO  HUNGRY  BAY,  1684,  93 

VI.   GOVERNOR  DONGAN'S  REPORT    ON  THE  STATE  OF  THB 

PROVINCE,    1687. 146 

YII.   PAPERS  RELATING  TO  DBNONVILLB'B   EXPEDITION  TO 

THB  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA,   1687,  ■  191 

VIII.   NAMES   OF   THE    MALE   INHABITANTS   OF   ULSTER   CO., 

1689, 279 

IX.  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK 
AND     THE     BURNING      OF     SCHENECTADY     BY     THB 

FRENCH,  1690, 283 

X.   CIVIL  LIST  OF  THE   PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK,   1693,  313 

XI.   PAPERS     RELATING      TO      FRONTENAC'S      EXPEDITION 

AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGOES,  1696,       ....  321 

XII.  NEW-YORK  ARMY  LIST,  1700, 367 

XIII.  CENSUS  OF  THE  COUNTIES  OF  ORANGE,  DUTCHESS  AND 

ALBANY,  1702,  1714,  1720,     ......        365 

XIV.  CADWALLADER     COLDBN     ON     THE     LANDS    OF     NEW- 

YORK,  1732, 376 

XV.   PAPERS    RELATING    TO    THE   SUSQUEHANNAH    RIVER, 

1683-1767, 39J 

XVI.    PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OGDENBBUROH,  1749.         •  421 

XVII.   PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO, 441 

XVIII.    PAPERS    RELATING    TO    THE    ONEIDA    COUNTRY    AND 

MOHAWK  VALLEY,  1756,  1757, 507 


v. 


Ik. 


.i;M 


"-h 


VI  CONTENTS. 

VAOX. 
XIX.    PAPERS  RELATING  TO  FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE 

CHAMPLAIN,  985 

XX.    BOUNDARY     LINE    BETWEEN    THE    WHITES    AND    THE 

INDIANS,  1765, 587 

XXI.    PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK,       •  593 

XXIL    PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND,  .  .  .  627 

XXIII.  STATISTICS  OF  POPULATION,  1647 — 1774,       •  .  •  687 

XXIV.  STATISTICS    OF    REVENUE,    IMPORTS,    EXPORTS,    ETC., 

1691—1768,       .        .     • 699 

XXV.  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES, 

1705—1767,       .        .        .       •- 709 

XXVI.   REPORT  OF  GOV.  TRYON  ON  THE  STATE    OF    THE    PRO- 
VINCE, 1774, 737 

INDEX, 775 

DIRECTIONS    TO   BINDER, 787 


S5 


37 
93 

27 

87 


99 


09 


37 
76 

87 


DOCUMENTARY  HISTOM. 


% 


1. 
PAPERS 


HL&niiaxo 


<K[it  Srnquoia  anb  ot[rw  Inbian  (Eribta. 


1006-1763. 


•i>,^7 


/ 


The  I 

divisions 
They 
the  four 

TESHGS61 

Thefii 

It  is  the 

made  the 

are  earthi 

The  se< 

yonnij  or 

When  th( 

the  affair 

tribes  to  c 

They  asse 

war,  and 

matters  of 

The  thii 

guin. 

The  fou 
the  Bear, 
they  call  C 


The  fiftl 
duhe. 


THE  NINE  IROQUOIS  TRIBES.    1666. 


. 


[Paris  Loc.,  I.] 

The  Iroquois  Nation  consists  of  nine  tribes,  which  form  two 
divisions  j  one  of  four  tribes,  and  the  other  of  five. 

They  call  the  first  division  GuEY-NioxixESHESGuf ,  which  means 
the  four  tribes ;  and  the  second  division  they  call  it  Ouiche-nioti- 
TESHESGuf,  which  means  the  five  tribes. 

The  first  is  that  of  the  Tortoise,  which  calls  itself  Miniathin. 
It  is  the  first,  because  they  pretend,  when  the  Master  of  Life 
made  the  Earth,  that  he  placed  it  on  a  tortoise ;  and  when  there 
are  earthquakes,  it  is  the  tortoise  that  stirs. 

The  second  tribe  is  that  of  the  Wolf,  and  calls  itself  Enantha- 
yonnij  or  Cahenhisenhonorif  and  brother  of  the  Tortoise  tribe. 
When  there  is  question  of  war  they  deliberate  together  j  and  if 
the  a£fair  is  of  great  moment,  they  communicate  it  to  the  other 
tribes  to  deliberate  together  thereupon  ;  so  of  all  the  other  tribes. 
They  assemble  in  the  hut  of  a  war-chief  when  the  question  is  of 
war,  and  in  the  hut  of  a  council-chief  when  it  is  for  ordinary 
matters  of  state. 

The  third  tribe  is  that  of  the  Bear,  which  they  call  Jitinion- 
guin. 

The  fourth  tribe  is  that  of  the  Beaver,  and  brother  to  that  of 
the  Bear.  These  four  tribes  compose  the  first  division,  which 
they  call  Guey-niotiteshesgue. 


SECOND  DIVISION. 

The  fifth  tribe  is  that  of  the  Deer,  which  they  name  Canen- 
deshe. 


4  TU£  IROQUOIS  AND 

The  sixth  is  that  of  the  Potatoe,  which  they  call  Schoneschio- 
ronon. 

The  seventh  is  that  of  the  Great  Plover,  which  they  call  Oti- 
nanchahe. 

The  eighth  is  that  of  the  Little  Plover,  whictf  they  call  Jsco, 
or  J^icohes. 

The  ninth  is  that  of  the  Kiliou  [Eagle],  which  they  call  Canon- 
chahonronon.    They  call  these  five  tribes  Ouiche-motiteshesgue. 

These  nine  tribes  formerly  occupied  nine  villages,  which  were 
finally  collected  together  in  order  to  sustain  war  more  easily. 

The  ninth  tribe  derives  its  origin  from  a  cabin  that  was  in  the 
interior  {dans  les  terres)j  and  composed  of  several  fires  or  esta- 
blishments. In  the  middle  of  the  cabin  was  a  partition  which 
divided  the  cabin  in  two. 

Weary  of  knowing  no  one,  and  consequently  unable  to  marry, 
they  all  married  among  themselves;  which  is  the  reason  that 
their  name  signifies  two  cabins  united  together. 

Each  tribe  has  in  the  gable  end  of  its  cabin,  the  animal  of  the; 
tribe  painted ;  sotne  in  black,  others  in  red. 

When  they  assemble  together  for  consultation,  the  first  Divi- 
sion ranges  itself  on  one  side  of  the  fire  in  a  cabin;  and  the 
other  Division  places  itself  on  the  other  side. 

When  the  matter  on  which  they  have  met  has  been  discussed 
on  one  side  and  the  other,  they  accompany  the  decision  with 
much  ceremony. 

The  Division  which  decides  the  matter  gives  two  opinions,  so 
that  the  best  may  be  adopted,  and  offers  all  possible  opposition 
in  proposing  its  opinions,  in  order  to  shew  that  it  has  well  consi- 
dered what  it  says. 

They  adopt,  usually,  the  first  opinion,  unless  there  be  some 
strong  motive  to  the  contrary. 

When  they  go  to  war,  and  wish  to  inform  those  of  the  pa.ty 
who  may  pass  their  path,  they  make  a  representation  of  the  ani- 
mal of  their  tribe,  with  a  hatchet  in  his  dexter  paw  ;  sometimes 
a  sabre  or  a  club  j  and  if  there  be  a  number  of  tribes  together  of 
the  same  party,  each  draws  the  animal  of  his  tribe,  and  their 
number,  all  on  a  tree  from  which  they  remove  the  bark.     The 


OTHER   INDIAN    TRIBES.  0 

animal  of  Ibe  tribe  which  heads  the  expedition  is  always  the  fore- 
most. 

They  generally  have  a  rendezvous  when  they  propose  to  strike 
a  blow,  where  in  case  of  pursuit,  they  leave  a  part  of  their  clothes 
and  ammunition.  When  they  fight,  they  are  very  Molochs,  and 
have  merely  the  waistcloth  on,  with  a  pair  of  mocasins  on  the 
feet. 

When  the  expedition  is  numerous  they  often  leave  a  party  a 
hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  {lieuesj  qy.  pacesi)  from 
the  village  which  they  are  about  to  attack.  When  they  have 
finished,  if  they  have  casse-tetes  or  clubs,  they  plant  them  against 
the  corpse  inclining  a  little  towards  the  village  of  the  slain. 

On  their  return,  if  they  have  prisoners  or  scalps,  they  paint 
the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they  belong,  rampant,  {debout) 
with  a  staff  on  the  shoulder  along  which  are  strung  the  scalps 
they  may  have,  and  in  the  same  number.  After  the  animal 
are  the  prisoners  they  have  made,  with  a  chichicoisy  (or  gourd 
filled  with  beans  which  rattle),  in  the  right  hand.  If  they  be 
women,  they  represent  them  with  a  Cadenette  or  queue  and  a 
waistcloth. 

If  there  be  several  tribes  in  the  war  party,  each  paints  the  ani- 
mal  of  his  tribe  with  the  scalps  and  prisoners  it  has  made,  as 
before,  but  always  after  that  which  is  head  of  the  party. 

When  they  have  scalps  they  give  them  to  one  or  two  men  who 
suspend  them  behind  them  to  their  girdle. 

These  men  who  carry  these  scalps  follow  the  others  at  a  dis- 
tance, that  is  to  say,  at  a  quarter  of  a  league,  because  they  pre- 
tend that  when  they  retreat  and  have  scalps,  if  these  precede  the 
others  they  cannot  march  any  further  because  they  are  seized  with 
terror  at  the  sight  of  the  dripping  blood.  But  this  is  only  the 
first  day,  sometimes  the  second  and  third  when  they  are  pursued. 

When  they  come  again  together,  they  proceed  to  notify  the 
others  and  then  each  one  takes  his  station  or  awaits  the  enemy. 
When  night  falls  they  make  a  hole  in  the  earth  where  they  kin- 
dle a  fire  with  bark  to  cook  their  meat,  if  they  have  any,  and  that 
during  three  or  four  days. 

They  tie  the  prisoners  to  stakes  set  in  the  ground,  into  which 


-\ 


e 


TBB  IROQUOIS  AJXD 


they  fix  their  leg  or  rather  foot,  and  this  stake  is  closed  by  ano- 
ther tied  together  at  a  man's  height.  They  place  a  man  at  each 
side  who  sleeps  near  them  and  who  is  careful  to  visit  the  pri- 
soners from  time  to  time,  during  the  night. 

"Wheir  they  have  lost  any  men  on  the  field  of  battle  they  paint 
the  men  with  the  legs  in  the  air,  and  without  heads  and  in  the 
same  number  as  they  have  lost ;  and  to  denote  the  tribe  to  which 
they  belonged,  they  paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  of  the  deceased 
on  its  back,  the  paws  in  the  air,  and  if  it  be  the  chief  of  the  par- 
ty that  is  dead,  the  animal  is  without  the  head. 

If  there  be  only  wounded,  they  paint  a  broken  gun  which  how- 
ever is  connected  with  the  stock,  or  even  an  arrow,  and  to  de- 
note where  they  have  been  wounded,  they  paint  the  animal  of  the 
tribe  to  which  the  wounded  belong  with  an  arrow  piercing  the 
part  in  which  the  wound  is  located  ;  and  if  it  be  a  gunshot  they 
make  the  mark  of  the  ball  on  the  body  of  a  different  color. 

If  they  have  sick,  and  are  obliged  to  carry  them,  they  paint 
litters  {boyards)  of  the  same  number  as  the  sick,  because  they 
carry  only  one  on  each  litter. 

When  they  are  thirty  or  forty  leagues*  from  their  village  they 
send  notice  of  their  approach,  and  of  what  has  happened  them. 
Then  every  one  prepares  to  receive  the  prisoners,  when  there  are 
any,  and  to  torment  each  as  they  deem  proper. 

Those  who  are  condemned  to  be  burnt  are  conveyed  to  the  ca- 
bin which  has  been  given  them.  All  the  warriors  assemble  in  a 
war  cabin  and  afterwards  send  for  them  to  make  them  sing, 
dance,  and  to  torment  them  until  they  are  carried  to  the  stake. 

During  this  time  two  or  three  young  men  are  preparing  the 
stake,  placing  the  fuel  near  and  keep  their  guns  loaded. 

When  every  thing  is  ready,  he  is  brought  and  tied  to  the  stake 
and  finally  burnt.  When  he  is  burnt  up  to  the  stomach  they  de- 
tach him,  break  all  his  fingers,  raise  the  scalp  which  was  left 
hanging  behind  by  a  small  tongue  of  skin  to  the  head.  They 
put  him  to  death  in  these  agonies,  after  which  each  takes  his 
morsel  and  proceeds  to  make  merry. 


1  Three  or  four  miles.— Golden. 


) 


/ 


■\ 


■Tit-? 


,^- 


•^^fcsjp^         .      -    '  •  ■  ^«   ;y- 


fi 


Er»gravecLS:  PrmtcAty  'jaYit&i)\U'hie,  Albany. 


•0- 


'}  ,<l 


«■ 


'    :  >^' 


A.  Th 
toner,  kil 
of  a  stick 

B.  Th. 

C.  CM 

D.  Th« 

E.  Thi 
the  scalp- 

F.  Thi 
thin. 

G.  Coi 
the  Beave 

H.  A I 

I.  ABi 

L.  Is  a 

of  some  01 

Bearer. 

K.  Cou 

M.  The 

N.  The 

O.  The 

side. 

P.  Can< 

Q.  Pad( 

the  canoe, 

Over  these 

R.  The 

S.  This 

nights  on 

they  are  bi 

What  is 

T.  Deer 

V.'This 

hunting. 

Y.  Fashi 


J'   '• 


OmUl  INDIAK  TRIBU. 


fi  H 


ExnAVATIOM  OF  THE  FIRST  DCSIOMS. 

A.  This  is  a  periH)n  returning  from  war  who  has  taken  a  pri- 
soner) killed  a  man  and  a  woman  whose  scalps  hang  from  the  end 
of  a  stick  that  he  carries. 

B.  The  prisoner. 

C.  CMcMcois  (or  a  gourd),  which  he  holds  in  the  hand. 

D.  These  are  cords  attached  to  his  neck,  arras  and  girdle. 

E.  This  is  the  scalp  of  a  man,  what  is  joined  on  one  side  is 
the  scalp-lock. 

F.  This  is  the  scalp  of  a  woman  j  they  paint  it  with  the  hair 
thin. 

G.  Council  of  war  between  the  tribe  of  the  Bear  and  that  of 
the  Beaver;  they  are  brothers. 

H.  A  Bear. 

I.  A  Beaver. 

L.  Is  a  belt  which  he  holds  in  his  paws  to  avenge  the  death 
of  some  one  and  he  is  conferring  about  it  with  his  brother,  the 
Beaver. 

K.  Council  for  affairs  of  state. ' 

M.  The  Bear. 

N.  The  Council  fire. 

O.  The  Tortoise;  so  of  the  other  tribes,  each  ranges  at  its  own 
side. 

P.  Canoe  going  to  war. 

Q.  Paddles.  They  know  hereby  how  many  men  there  are  in 
the  canoe,  because  they  place  as  many  paddles  as  there  are  men. 
Over  these  is  painted  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they  belong. 

R.  The  canoe. 

S.  This  is  a  man  returning  from  hunting  who  has  slept  two 
nights  on  the  hunting  ground  and  killed  three  does;  for  when 
they  are  bucks,  they  add  their  antlers. 

What  is  on  his  back,  is  his  bundle. 

T.  Deer's  head.     This  is  the  way  they  paint  them. 

V.  This  is  the  manner  they  mark  the  time  they  have  been 
hunting.     Each  mark  or  rather  each  bar  is  a  day. 

Y.  Fashion  of  painting  the  dead;  the  two  first  are  men  and  the 


f ) 


8  THE  I&OqvOIS  AND 

third  is  a  woman  who  is  distinguished  only  by  the  waistcloth  that 
she  has. 

As  regards  the  dead,  they  inter  them  with  all  they  have. 
When  it  is  a  man  they  paint  red  calumets,  calumets  of  peace  on 
the  Tomb  ;  some  times  they  plant  a  stake  on  which  they  paint 
how  often  he  has  been  in  battle ;  how  many  prisoners  he  has  ta- 
ken; the  post  ordinarily  is  only  four  or  five  feet  high  and  much 
embellished. 


/ 


.<h'    . 


,*-'       i, 


)  ^». 


I! 


i-    t: 


/ 


^  ^-<A^  -•' 


V. 


ii-i  b. 


77n  l*ri'lniif  <:l  < 
rtihin  f'/i  It  lii<  li 
/)(  /iKX  f"  If  f<  It' 
(Ulii  fiilli  if  ■ 


'u-^ 


.-r^i^ 


\. 


/  ,,   In    Inis  It'll'  " 

(imnnfli  'f 


rii,     1     ■■;'* 


0 


N.^ 


Ck 


a. 


f 


i/ 


J, 


'»;#*,  fry 


0ft9^,JVJn4i^r^f^. 


or 


9 


a.  These  are  the  punctures  on  his  body. 

b.  This  is  tjbe  way  they  mark  when  they  have  been  to  war,  and 
when  there  is  a  bar  extending  from  one  mark  to  the  otherj  it 
signifies  that  after  having  been  in  battle,  he  did  not  come  back  to 
his  village  and  that  he  returned  with  other  partiies  whom  he  met 
or  formed. 

c.  This  arrow,  wluch  is  broken,i4«Qptes  that  they  were  wound- 
ed in  this/expedition. 

d.  T!i^s  they  denote  that  the  belts  which  fhey  gave  to  raise  a 
war  party  and  to  avenge  the  death  of  some  one,  belong  to  them 
or  to  some  of  the  same  tribe. 

e.  He  has  gone  back  to  fight  without  having  entered  his  vil- 
lage. 

f.  A  man  whom  he  killed  on  the  field  of  battle  who  had  a  bow 
and  arrows. 

g.  These  are  two  men  ythQm  he  took  prisoners,  one  of  whom 
had  a  hatchet,  and  the  other  a  gun  in  his  hand. 

g.  g.  This  is  a  woman  who  is  designated  only  by  a  species  of 
waistcloth. 
h.  This  is  the  way  th^  distinguish  her  frolh  the  men. 
Such  is  the  mode  in  which  thqy  draw  their  portraits.      i 


'Xh    (      •> 


10 


TBS  IB0QV0I8  JUTD 


•  fR. 


A.  This  is  the  manner  they  paint  the  tribe  of  the  Potatoe  and 
not  as  it  is  on  the  other  plate. 

b.  Is  a  stick  set  in  the  ground  to  the  extremity  of  which  two 
or  three  pieces  of  wood  are  attached,  to  denote  the  direction  in 
which  they  went  when  they  are  hunting ;  and  on  the  nearest  tree 
they  paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they  belong,  with  the 
numbers  of  guns  they  have ;  that  is  to  say  if  they  are  three  men, 
they  paint  three  guns,  if  they  are  more  and  there  are  some  who 
have  a  bow  and  no  gim,  they  put  down  a  bow. 

When  they  return  from  hunting  and  are  near  the  village  they 
do  the  same  thing  and  add  the  number  of  beasts  they  have  killed 
— ^that  is  to  say,  they  paint  the  Deer,  and  the  Stag  from  the  head 
to  the  neck;  if  some  are  male  they  add  antlers  ;  they  paint  the 
other  animals  entire ;  if  they  are  some  days  at  the  chase  they  mark 
the  number  as  you  see  on  the  other  plate. 

c.  Club  which  they  use  to  break  the  skull  when  they  are  at 


Stake 
two  pos|_ 
the  leg 
and  tie  t 
impossib 


OBS 


war. 


"iU'if.-     ■^•■■=t    •-,   :f   • 


IN  A  JOUI 


The  M 
Canajorhs 
miles  fron 

Cahanis 
about  fou 
situate  up 
side. 

Canago 
former,  cc 
stone's  thi 

Canajoi 
and  quani 
about  two 


\:i  U 


oTBiE  iWDiAH  nam. 


u 


Stake  to  tie  the  prisoners.  They  place  his  leg  between  these 
two  posts  in  the  hollow  of  the  larger — that  is  the  two  posts  catch 
the  leg  above  the  ankle,  and  they  afterwards  join  one  to  the  other 
and  tie  them  at  a  man's  height — some  times  lugher,  so  that  it  ii 
impossible  to  withdraw  the  foot  without  untying  the  cords. 


OBSERVATIONS  OP  WENTWORTH  GREENHAL6H, 

IN  A  JOURNEY    FROM    ALRANT  TO   T*  INDIANS,   WESTWARD  ;  BB6UII 
MAY  20*,  1677,  AND  ENDED  JULY  Y*  14  FOLLOWING, 

[Loud.  Doe.  III.] 

The  Maquaes  have  four  townes,  vizt.  Cahaniaga,  Canagora, 
Canajorha,  Tionondogue,  besides  one  small  village  about  110 
miles  from  Albany. 

Cahaniaga  is  double  stockadoed  round  ;  has  four  forts,  [ports?] 
about  four  foot  wide  a  piece,  conteyns  about  24  houses,  and  is 
situate  upon  the  edge  of  an  hill,  about  a  bowshott  from  the  river^ 
side. 

Canagora  is  only  singly  stockadoed ;  has  four  ports  like  the 
former,  conteyns  about  16  houses  j  itt  is  situated  upon  a  fflatt,  a 
stone's  throw  from  y*  water  side.    / 

Canajorha  is  also  singly  stockadoed,  and  the  like  man'  of  ports 
and  quantity  of  houses  as  Canagora ;  the  like  situacon  ;  only 
about  two  miles  distant  from  the  water. 


t''' 


,-^3■ 


y 
■I 


i2 


Wi^iiitjaisj^' 


If' 

P 

b 


Tionondogue  is  double  stockadoed  around,  has  four  ports,  four 
foot  wide  a  piece,  contains  ab*  30  houses  ;  is  scltuated  on  a  hill  a 
bow  shott  from  y*  River. 

The  small  village  is  without  ^ence,  and  conteyns  about  ten 
houses  ;  lyes  close  by  the  river  side,  on  the  north  side,  as  do  all 
the  former. 

The  Maquaes  pass  in  all  for  about  300  fighting  men. 

Their'Coth  grows  close  by  the  River  side. 

Of  the   Situacon  of  the  Oneydas  and  Onondagees  and  their 
Strength. 

The  Onyades  tetVe  but  one  town,  which  liys  ibout  130  tilil<s 
westward  of  the  Maques.  Itt  is  situate  about  SO  miles  from  a 
small  river  which  comes  out  of  the  hills  to  the  southward,  and 
runs  into  lake  Teshiroque,  and  about  30  miles  distant  from  the 
Maquaes  river,  which  lyes  to  the  northward  j  the  town  is  newly 
settled,  double  stockadoed,  but  little  cleared  ground,  so  thatt  they 
are  forced  to  send  to  the  Onondagoes  to  buy  come ;  The  towne 
consists  of  'about  idO"  houses.  1?h()y  are  said^tb  have  about  200 
fighting  men,     Their  Corne  grows  round  about  the  towne. 

'the  Onondagoes  have  butt  one  towne,  butt  itt  is  very  large  ; 
consisting  of  about  'l40  houses,  nott  fenced  ;  is  situate  upon  a 
hill  thatt  is  very  large,  the  banke  on  each  side  extending  itself  att 
least  two  miles,  all  cleared  land,  whereon  the  corne  is  planted. 
TlMy  hate  likewise  a  small  village  about  two  miles  beyond  thatt, 
dbhsiSting  Of  about  24  hduses.  They  ly  to  the  southward  of  y* 
west,  about  36  miles  from  the  Onyades.  They  plant  aboundance 
df  Got-ne,  Which  they  sell  to  the  Onyades.  The  Onondagos  are 
Ijaid'  to  be  about  350  fighting  men.  They  ly  about  15  miles  from 
T^i]^6qui. 

Of  the  Ciiougos  dnd  Senecques,  their  Situacdnand  Strength^  ifc. 

The  Caiougos  have  three  townes  about  a  mile  distant  from 
each  other ;  they  are  not  stockadoed.  They  do  in  all  consist  of 
about  100  houses ;  they  ly  about  60  miles  to  the  southward  of  y* 
Onondagos  ;  they  hi  tend  the  next  sprirfg  to  build  all  their  houses 
together  and  stockade  them  j  they  have  aburidance  of  Come ;  they 


ly  within 
about  30( 

TheSei 
Canoenad 
30  miles  i 
or  five  mi 
dance  of 

Canago 
as  in  the 
northwest 
desirous  to 
feasts  and 
gether,  bo 
to  ly  with. 

Tiotohat 
much  clear 
bending, 
containing 
wee  saw, 
fires  in  one 
a  mile  to  th 

Being  at 
from  the  So 
of  have  fev 
10  days  jot 
greatt  hous< 
they  say,  m 
women,  and 
we  heard  a 
onely  y'  Inl 

The  18* 
the  soudiers 
sing,  and  cu 
and  when  tl 
his  time  he 
most  cruelh 

• 

cruelty  lastc 


♦ . 


I'r 


OTHSa  IKDIAM  TUBES. 


IB, 


ly  within  two  or  three  miles  of  the  lake  Tichero.     They  pass  for 
about  300  fighting  men. 

The  Senecques  have  four  townes,  vizt.  Canagora^  Tiotohatton) 
Canoenada  and  Keint-he.  Canagora  and  Tiotohatton  lye  within 
30  miles  of  y'  Lake  firontenacque,  and  y'  other  two  ly  about  four 
or  five  miles  apiece  to  y**  Southward  of  those.  They  have  abun- 
dance of  Come.     None  of  their  towns  are  stockadoed. 

Canagorah  lyes  on  the  top  of  a  great  hill,  and  in  that,  as  well 
as  in  the  bignesse,  much  like  Onondago,  contayning  160  houses, 
northwestward  of  Caiougo  72^  miles.  Here  y*  Indyans  were  very 
desirous  to  see  us  ride  our  horses,  w*''*  wee  did :  they  made  great 
feasts  and  dancing,  and  invited  us  y*  i^^hen  all  y*  maides  were  to- 
gether, both  wee  and  our  Indyans  might  choose  such  as  lyked  us 
to  ly  with. 

Tiotohattan  lyes  on  the  brincke  or  edge  of  a  hill ;  has  not 
much  cleared  ground  ;  is  near  the  river  Tiotehatlon,  w*^  signifies 
bending.  It  lyes  to  Westward  of  Canagorah  about  30  miles, 
containing  about  120  houses,  being  y^  largest  of  all  the  houses 
wee  saw,  y^  ordinary  being  50  @  60  foot  long  with  12  @  13 
fires  in  one  house.  They  have  good  store  of  come,  growing  about 
a  mile  to  the  Northward  of  the  towne. 

Being  at  this  place  the  17  of  June,  there  came  50  prisoners 
from  the  Southwest  ward.  They  were  of  two  nations,  some  where- 
of have  few  guns;  the  other  none  at  all.  One  nation  is  about 
10  days  journey  from  any  Christians  and  trade  onely  with  one, 
greatt  house,  nott  farr  from  the  sea,  and  the  other  trade  only,  as 
they  say,  with  a  black  people.  This  day  of  them  was  burnt  two 
women,  and  a  man  and  a  child  killed  with  a  stone.  Att  night 
we  heard  a  great  noyse  as  if  y'  houses  had  all  fallen,  butt  itt  was 
onely  y*  Inhabitants  driving  away  y*  ghosts  of  y*  murthered. 

The  18*  going  to  Canagorah,  wee  overtook  y*  prisoners  ;  when 
the  soudiers  saw  us  they  stopped  each  his  prisoner,  and  made  him 
sing,  and  cutt  off  their  fingers,  and  slasht  their  bodies  w*  a  knife, 
and  when  they  had  sung  each  man  confessed  how  many  men  in 
his  time  hee  had  killed.  Thatt  day  att  Canagorah,  there  were 
most  cruelly  burnt  four  men,  four  women  and  one  boy.  The 
cruelty  lasted  aboutt  seven  hours.     When  they  were  almost  dead 


ti'i 


t' 


u 


THC  IHOQVOn  AND 


letting  them  loose  to  the  mercy  of  y*  boys,  and  taking  the  hearts 
of  such  as  were  dead  to  feast  on. 

Canoenada  lyes  about  four  miles  to  y*  Southward  of  Canagorah; 
conteynes  about  30  houses,  well  furnished  with  Corne. 

Keint-he  lyes  aboutt  four  or  five  miles  to  y*  Southward  of  Tie- 
tehatton  ;  contayns  about  24  houses  well  furnished  with  corne. 

The  Senecques  are  counted  to  bee  in  all  aboutt  1000  fighting 
men. 


The  French  call  the 
Maques 
Onyades 
Onondagos 

& 
Onondago  town 
Caiougos 
Senecques 
Cangaro 
Tiotehatton 


By  the 

name 
of 


Les  Anniez 
Les  Onoyauts 
Les  Montagneurs 

La  Montagne 
Les  Petuneurs 
Les  Paisans 
St.  Jaques 
1  a  Conception 


Note. — ^The  above  paper  will  be  found  also  in  Chalmers'  Poli- 
tical Annals,  in  which,  however,  Greenhalgh's  name  is  misspelt. 
That  paper  differs  likewise  in  other  respects  from  the  MS.  now 
followed. 


ooMNEor: 


TheEsli 
The  Mic 
The  Am 


TheHui 


The  Ab( 


1  Village 
Becancoi 
The  Sben 


There 
tridge,  tl 

The  AIg( 


fiV,, 


OTHSR  OmUN  TAIBn. 


16 


ENUMERATION  OF  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

OOMinEOTED  WITH  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  CANADA  }  THE  WARRIOBl  AND 
A&MOaiAL  BEARINGS  OF  EACH  NATION.      1736. 


[Parte  Doo.  Yin.] 

The  Eskimaux, 

The  Micmacs, 

The  Amaleates  or  rather  the  Maneus. 


These  Nations  are  be- 
low Quebec,  and  be- 
yond my  knowledge. 


^t  Quebec. 
The  Hurons.    -    1  Village  60  a  70  men  bearing  arms. 

Jit  the  River  St.  John,  near  the  English. 

The  Abenakis.    -    -    1  Village  called  Panatiamsket 
towards  the  mouth  of  said  riyer.  Warriors. 

The  Hbenakis  at  the  head  of  said  River, 
1  Village  called  Narentch:jan.    Warriors.  - 
Becancour.    The  Abenakis.     1  Village.    Warriors.  • 
The  Sbenakis.    At  St.  Francis.    1  Village.    War.    - 
including  those  of   Michikoui  and  those 
who  migrate. 

The  armorial  bearings  (Totums)  of  this 
lifation,  which  is  divided  into  two  sections, 
are  the  Pigeon  (tourtre)  and  the  Bear. 
There  are  besides  some  tribes  who  carry  the  Par- 
tridge, the  Beaver  and  the  Otter. 

M  Three  Rivers.     See  Montreal. 
The  Algonquins.     -     fifteen  men.  ... 


60 


200 


160 

60 

180 


16 
665 


l» 


it.: 


1^ 


Tntf  lUd^llTOrt  Am 


The  Tites  de  Boule  or  Tribes  of  the  Interior. 
These  are  wandering  Savages  who  have  no  know- 
ledge either  of  the  order  or  form  of  villages,  and  those 
who  evince  the  least  intellect  {esprit);  they  inhabit  the 
mountains  and  the  lakes  from  "three  Rivers,  in  the  in- 
terior, to  Lake  Superior.  Their  armorial  bearings  (To> 
tums)  are  unknown^  if  they  have  any. 

Boston  and  Orange. 
The  Loups  (Mohegans)  who  understand  the  8abena- 
kiH  aHA  \rhotti  the  CMiAenbkis  understand  are  dispert^d' 
flroia  Bosfott  to  Virginia,  which  is  equal  to  from  Lake 
Chtmplain  t6  the  head  of  Lake  Erie— 3^  leagues. 
This  nation  may  be  six  hundred  men,  under  British 
rule.  No  person  could  give  me  any  information  of 
liilk^ir  custonM.    lUii  okily  by  way  tt  remark. 

MontreilU. 
Algonquinl.  They  ate  twenty  men  selitled  with  th< 
Iroquois  of  the  Two  Mountain^ ;  tihid  is  all 
that  remains  of  a  nation  the  most  war- 
'  Uke,  tatit  polished  and  the  mdst  attached 
to  the  French.  They  have  for  arm(yrlal 
bearings  atn  Evergreen  Oak  {chine  veri.) 

Jit  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountainti 

The  Nepissingues.    A  part  of  this  Tribe  is  incotpo- 

rated  with  the  Iroquois.    The  resiainder 

has  its  village  at  the  lake  of  the  satee 

name.    There  are  here  fifty  men  bearing 

arms^  --'---- 

The  armorial  bearings  of  this  Nation  are  the  Heron 

for  the  Achague^  or  Heron  tribe ;  the  Beaver  for  the 

Amekoves;  the  Birch  for  the  Bark  tribe  {lafamille  de 

PEcorce);   Blood  for  the  Miskouaha  or  the  Bloody 

people. 


6G5 


96 


60 


Rei 

of  the 

myselfJ 

details,] 

vices. 

amountl 
'.»<         I 

The  Irol 

These 
Lake  0 
devices. 
Bear  an< 

NoTK. 

They 

At  Lake 


The  Tab 


These 
who  amc 
try. 

I  shall 
their  nui 

The  Out) 


735 


oTRBi  vDiAv  nim. 

* 

•  Remark,  Sir,  if  jou  please,  that  besides  the  bearings 
of  the  principal  stocks  to  which  I  exclusively  confine 
myself,  leisure  not  permitting  me  to  obtain  thorough 
details,  each  tribe  distinguishes  itself  by  peculiar  de- 
rices.  The  Iroquois  who  are  masters  of  this  village, 
amount  to  no  more  than  sixty-three—  I  mean  warriors. 

At  Sault  St.  Louis. 
The  Iroquois,  who  compose  exclusively  the  village  are 
nearly  three  hundred  and  three  bearing 

arms.  

These  two  villages  proceeding  from  the  Iroquois  of 
Lake  Ontario,  or  Frontenac,  have  the  same  armorial 
devices.  Three  principal  tribes  carry  the  Wolf,  the 
Bear  and  the  Tortoise.  * 

Note. — Argent ^  to  the  Wolf  gules ^  Ac. 
They  usually  ornament  them  merely  with  charcoal. 

J%e  Great  River  of  the  Outawas. 
At  Lake  Nepissingue  there  is  one  small  village  of  thir- 
ty men,  who  bear  a  SquirreI,^/cAi^amb. 

River  md  Lake  T%emiseammg. 
The  Tabittibis  are  one  hundred  warriors. 

They  have  for  device  an  Eagle. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Themiscaming  there 

,<•;!  are  twenty  warriors.        -        -        -       - 

At  the  head  of  the  Lake  twenty  domiciled. 

These  savaget  are  what  are  called  Tites  de  Boule, 

who  amount  to  over  six  hundred  in  the  Northern  coun- 

try. 

I  shall  speak  of  them  hereafter  without  reference  to 
their  numbero. 

Jtt  Missilimakirutk 
The  Outawas  of  tHs  village  amount  to  one  hundred  and 
eighty  warriors;  the  two  principal  branches 


17 
735 


60 


300 


30 
100 


20 
30 


600 


■■/    ,'•• 


B: 


I  !  : 


1866 


18 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND 


I' ' 


are  Kiskakous  (1)  and  Sinago  (2);    the 
Bear  (1)  and  Black  Squirrel  (2).      - 

River  Missisagui. 
The  Missisagu^s  on  the  river  number  thirty  men,  and 
twenty  men  on  the  Island  called  Manitoua- 
tim  of  Lake  Huron.        -        .        -        - 
And  have  for  device,  a  Crane. 

Lake  Superior — Jit  the  Mouth. 

At  Sault  St.  Mary  are  the  Sauteurs,  to  the  number  of 
thirty;  they  are  in  two  divisions,  and  have 
for  devices,  the  Crane  and  the  Vine,     {la 
Barbue.)       ------ 

North  of  this  Lake  is  Michipicoton. 

The  Papinakois  and  those  of  the  interior;  the  first  are 
twenty  warriors,  and  have  for  device,  a 
Hare.  ------ 

River  Ounepigon. 

The  Oskemanettigons  are  domiciled  there  to  the  num- 
ber of  forty  warriors.  -  -  - 
They  have  for  device,  the  bird  called  the 
Fisher. 

The  Monsonies,  who  are  migratory,  estimate  them- 
;  selves  two  hundred  men,  and  have  for  de- 
vice, the  Moose.      -        -       -        - 

The  Abettibis  and  the  Tetes  de  Boule  come  there  also. 
Some  have  informed  me  that  the  first  have 
for  arms  the  Partridge  with  the  Eagle.    I 

iM^  have  already  stated  that  they  are  in  all  one 

hundred  warriors. 

The  Nametftlinis  have  one  hundred  and  fifty  fit  to  bear 
arms.    They  have  for  device,  a  Sturgeon. 

The  tribes  of  the  Savannas,  one  hundred  and  forty 
warriors  strong,  have  for  armorial  device, 
a  Hare.  ------ 


1866 
180 


50 


30 


160 

140 
2676 


The  Qua 

Tecan 
These  sai 


The  Cristi 


■  •  >  .i. 

'        The  Cristi 

20 

Assenipoel 

•:,]   .A,    '■ 

Kiouanan. 

40 

i 

'>1'-^      • 

The  Sautev 

The  Sciouj 

200 

-..^■r 

The  Sciou3 

The  Asseni 

.■'I. 


-.'<.•■ 


OTHER  INDIikK  TRIBBS. 


ui:n  AiL. 


.•it^i'>y  Gamanettigoya. 

Th«  Ouac6  are  in  number  sixty  men,  and  have  for  de- 
vice a   Vine,     {une  Barhtie). 


kK' 


Tecamamiouen^  or  Bainy  Lake — {Lac  de  la  Pluie.) 
These  savages  are  the  same  as  those  who  come  to  Ne- 
pigon.    They  are  about  this  lake  to  the 
'   number  of  one  hundred  men. 

Lake  of  the  Woods — {Lac  des  Bois.) 

The  Cristinaux  are  scattered  hereabout,  to  the  number 
of  two  hundred  warriors.  They  have  for 
device  the  Bustard,  {POutarde.) 

,     .:  .,'         Lake  Ounepigon.      iUlwln 
The  Cristinaux  are  around  this  lake  to  the  number  of 
sixty  men.  

Assenipoels.    SeeScioux.  .      .  i  ■.    >  ,  .1 

:'"''"•    South  of  Lake  Superior. 

Kiouanan.  In  this  quarter  there  are  domiciled  forty 
Sauteurs,  who  have  for  device  the  Crane 
and  the  Stag.  -        -        .        -        - 

The  Sauteurs  of  Point  Chagouamigon  are  one  hundred 
and  fifty  warriors,  -        -        -        -        - 

The  Scioux  are  at  the  head  of  this  lake  in  the  woods 
and  along  the  lakes.  Though  scattered 
they  are  computed  at  three  hundred  men,  - 

The  Scioux  of  the  Prairies  are,  in  the  opinion  of  voya- 
''  geurs,  over  two  thousand  men. 

Their  iirmorial  devices  are  the  Buffalo, 
the  Black  Dog,  and  the  Otter. 

The  Assenipoels,  or  Pouans  according  to  others,  can  vie 

with  the  Scioux,  from  whom  they  formerly 

sprung.    They  number  one  hundred  and 

fifty  to  the  south  of  Lake  Ounepigon,  and 

-,,.-.  have  for  device,  a  Big  Stone  or  a  Rock. 


2675 
60 


100 


200 


60 


40 
160 

300 
2000 


160 
5735 


■  1 


:f 


'I  *« 


r 


1^ 


■  ,(VV\ 


20 


i»ai>OQ»ois>Ain» 


V' 


The  Puans  have  withdrawn,  since  1738,  to  the  Scioux, 
to  the  aitiftber  of  eighty ;  they  luuve  for 
armorial  bearings^  the  Stag,.  1/he  Peiecat 
(PtcAotto;),  the  Tiger,      -        -        -        - 


\i-:* 


The  htad  of  L«,ke  Suferiar. 
The  Ayotlois  ore  settled  at  the  south  o&  the  River  de 
,„.,  .  Missouris,  at  the  other  side  of  the  Missis- 

sippi.  They  are  no  more  than  eighty.  They 
have  for  device  a  Fox. 


MO»;VI!:' 


LBJe9>  Mickigaa  taiih  its  dependancUs^ 
The  Folles  Avoines,  north  of  thia  lake^  muabev  one 
hundred  and  sixty  warriors.     The  most  con- 
siderable tribes  barre  for  derice,  the  Large 
'  iSLfle4  Beat,  tbe  Stag,  a  KHioii — l^af  isa 
'-^^  •  species  of  Eagle  (the. most  beavtiftil  bird  of 

this  country,) — ^perched  on  a  cross. 
In  explanation  of  a  cross  forming  the  armorial  bear- 
ings of  the  savages,  it  is  stated  that  formerly  a  Chief  of 
the  Poller  Avoines  finding  himself  dangerously  sick, 
consented,  after  trying  the  ordinary  remedies,  to  see  a 
Missionary,  who,,  cross  in  hand,  prayed  to  God  for  his 
recovery,  and  obtained  it  from  his  mercy.  In  gi^atitude 
for  this  benefit,  the  Chief  desired  that  to  his  arms  should 
be  added  a  Cross  on  whkh  the  Kiliou  has  ever  since 
been  always  perched. 

Pouteoatamis.  In  1728  there  was  a  village  of  this 
name  retired  on  an  island  to  the  number  of 
The  Bay.  At  the  head  of  this  Lake  is  the  sojowtn,  or 
rather  the  country  of  the  Sakis.  This  na- 
tion could  put  under  arms  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men.  Others  da  not  count  but  one 
hundred  and  twenty.  They  have  for  de- 
^■i  vice,  a  Crab,  a  Wolf,  and  a  She-Bear. 


6736 
80 


80 


>  -ic 


160 


20 


li 


150 


6226 


Fox 
migrate; 
hundred 

The  Ki( 


The  Ma 


LiiP  X     "I 


These  a 
the  great 
Lakes  Sup 
ing  again  i 
silimakina] 

FromJM 
St.  Louis, 


XnaSB.  IMDIAM  TUBES. 


Fox  River. 


Fox  river  difioharges  into  tbis  Lake.  T^is  nation  now 
migratory,  conasts,  when  not  separated,  still  of  one 
hundred  men  bearing  arms,        ..... 

They  bare  for  device,  a  Fox. 
The  Kickapous,  formerly  their  allies,  may  be  eighty 
men.  They  bear  for  device  the  Pheasant 
and  the  Otter,  .  .  -  -  - 
The  Maskoutin  has  for  armorial  device  the  \yoIf  and 
the  Stag.  This  nation  is  estimated  at  sixty 
men,      -        - 


"*'''P 

SI 

•  * 

6226 

' 

100 


80 
60 


"River  St.  Joseph f  south  of  Lake  Michigan. 

Ti^ip  y  'ie'<atamieB,  who  call  themselves  the  Governor's 
eldest  sons,  compose  the  village  of  St.  Jo- 
seph, to  the  number  of  one  hundred  war- 
riors,      

The  principal  families  have  for  device  the 
Golden  Carp,  the  Frog,  the  Crab,  the  Tor- 
toise. 

There  are  in  the  village  about  ten  Miamis 
who  bear  in  their  arms,  a  Crane, 
^  Eight  Illinois  Easkakias  are  also  included 

whose  device  is  a  feather  of  an  arrow, 
cp^^^x^-fc^cs^:*"  notched  j  (  X  )  or  two  ar- 
rows supported  one  against  the  other  in  sal- 
tier (like  a  St.  Andrew's  cross.) 
These  are  the  nations  best  known  to  us  as  well  along 
the  great  river  of  the  Outawas  as  north  and  south  of 
Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan.     I  propose  now  proceed- 
ing again  from  Montreal  by  way  of  the  Lakes  to  Mis- 
silimakinak. 

From  Montreal  on  the  Lake  route,  I  spoke  of  Sault 
St.  Louis,  on  the  first  sheet. 


100 


10 


6576 


i' 


e«*  \     ,1- 


22 


THE  IROQUOIS  Am) 


6675 


Toniata. 

Some  Iroquois,  to  the  number  of  eight  or  ten  men  have 

,,j  retired  to  this  quarter.     Their   device,  is 

without  doubt,  like  that  of  the  village  from 

which  issue  the  Deer,  the  Plover,  &c.,  as 

V      .  hereafter,       - 

Lake  Ontario,  or  south  of  Frontenac. 

There  are  no  more  Iroquois  settled. 

The  Mississagu^s  are  dispersed  along  thlj  lake,  some  at 

Kent6,  others  at  the  River  Toronto,  and 

.)d  '    finally  at  the  head  of  the  Lake,  to  the  num- 

'  ber  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  all,  and  at 

Matchedach, 

The  principal  tribe  is  that  of  the  Crane. 

J^orth  of  Lake  Ontario. 
The  Iroquois  are  in  the  interior  and  in  five  villages, 
about  fifteen  leagues  from  the  Lake,  on  a 
pretty  straight  line,  altho'  one  days  journey 
distant  from  each  other.  This  nation, 
though  much  diminished,  is  still  powerful. 

South  of  Lake  Frontenac. 

The  Onondagoes  number  two  hundred  warriors.  The 
device  of  the  village  is  a  Cabin  on  the  top 
of  a  mountain, 

The  Mohawks,  towards  New-England,  not  far  from 
Orange  (Albany)  are  eighty  men,  and  have 
for  device  of  the  village  a  Battefeu  [a 
Steel   ]  and  a  flint,  -        .        .        . 

The  Oneidas,  their  neighbours,  number  one  hundred  men 

or  a  hundred  warriors,     -        -        -        - 

This  village  has  for  device  a  Stone  in  a 

fork  of  a  tree,  or  in  a  tree  notched  with 

some  blows  of  an  axe. 


TheCj 


TheSel 


.H' 


-j.i  i. 


150 


200 


The  Tusi 


80 
100 


1  M.  DB 

alluded  to. 
hkd  much 


7115 


OTHER  INDIAN  TBIBES. 

The  Cayugas  form  a  village  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
warriors.  Their  device  generally  is  a  very 
large  Calumet, 

The  Senecas  form  two  villages  in  which  are  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men.     Their  device  is  a  big 
> .  Mountain, 

>>:•.;)  Besides  the  arms  of  each  village,  each 

tribe  has  its  own,  and  every  man  has  his 
particular  mark  to  designate  him.  Thus 
the  Oneida  designates  his  village  by  a  Stone 
[in]  a  fork — next  he  designates  his  tribe  by 
the  bird  or  animal,  and  finally  he  denotes 
himself  by  his  punctures.  See  the  designs 
which  I  had  the  honor  to  send  you  in  1732 
by  Father  Francois,  the  RecoUet. 
,  The  five  villages  which  belong  to  the 
same  tribe,  have  for  their  arms  in  common, 
the  Plover,  to  which  I  belong;*  the  Bear, 
the  Tortoise,  the  Eel,  the  Deer,  the  Beaver, 
the  Potatoe,  the  Falcon,  the  Lark,  and  the 
Partridge. 

I  doubt  not  but  the  other  nations  are  as 
well  distinguished,  but  our  voyageurs,  hav- 
ing little  curiosity  in  these  matters,  have  not 
been  able  to  give  me  any  information. 

The  Tuscarorens  have  a  village  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men  near  the  Onondagoes,  who  brought 
them  along.  I  know  not  their  hierogly- 
phics,     

The  Iroquois  have  some  cabins  at  the 
Portage,  (Niagara,  Lake  Ontario.) 


23 
7115 


12( 


350 


,>1. 
".*, 


,M  '^.^r 


250 


7835 


1  M.  DX  JoNCAiBE,  the  supposed  author  of  this  Report,  is  here  thought  to  be 
alluded  to.  He  was  adopted  at  an  early  period  by  the  Senecas,  among  whom  he 
had  much  influence. 


84 


TBB  laOQVOIB  AMD 


'{1 


Lake  ErU  and  Dtpendancies^  m  the  Somih  Side. 
The  Chaouanoiu  towards  Carolina,  are  two  hundred 


men. 


The  FlatheadS)  Cherakis,  Chicachas,  Totiris,  are  in- 
cluded under  the  name  of  Flatheads  by  the 
Iroquois,  who  estimate  them  at  OTer  six 
tkoustoid  men,  in  more  than  thirty  villages. 
They  have  told  me  they  had  for  device  a 
Vessd,  (im  Vaisseau.) 

The  Ontationou^,  that  is  those  who  speak  the  latigaage 
.   of  men;  so  called  by  the  Iroquois  because 
.'   they  understand  each  other — may  be  fifty 
men.    I  am  ignorant  of  them. 

The  Miamis  have  for  device  the  Hind  and  the  Crane. 
These  are  the  two  principal  tribes.  There 
is  likewise  that  of  the  Bear.  They  are  two 
hundred  men,  bearing  arms. 

The  Ouyattanont,  Peanguichias,  Petikokias,  are  the 
same  Nation,  though  in  different  villages. 
They  can  place  under  arms  three  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  -  -  - 
?  Hie  devices  of  these  savages  are  the  Ser- 
pent, the  Deer,  and  the  Small  Acorn. 

The  Illinois,  Metchigamias  at  Fort  Chartres,  number 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

The  Kaskakias,  six  leagues  below,  have  a  village  of 
one  hundred  warriors.  ... 

The  Peorias,  at  the  Rock,  are  fifty  men. 

TheKaokias,  or  Tamarois,  can  furnish  two  hundred  men. 
All  those  savages  comprehended  under  the  name  of 

Illinois  have,   for  device,  the  Crane,  the  Bear,  the 

White  Hind,  the  Fork,  the  Tortoise. 

River  of  the  Missouris. 
The  Missouris. 

The  Okams  or  Kams6,  the  Sotos,  and  the  Panis. 


7835 


200 


6,000 


50 


200 


Thiso 
Nations 

The  Hui 


The  Pout 


The  Outa 


350 


250 

100 

50 

200 


15235 


At  the  end 


I  have  spo 
*      I  do  not  ] 


•  » 


OTBBR  IHDUX  TBIBES. 

This  only  as  a  note,  not  knowing  any  thing  of  these 
Nations  except  the  name. 

Lake  Erie. — I%e  Detroit. 

The  Hurons  at  present  are  two  hundred  men)  bearing 

arms.  -        -       -        -        ••     .  - 

They  mark  the  Tortoise,  the  Bear  and  the 

Plover. 

The  Pouteonatamis  have  a  village  there  of  one  liundred 

:  ^-  /     and  eighty  men.*     They  bear  for  devtce 

the  Golden  Carp,  the  Frog,  the  Crab,  the 

Tortoise.     (See,  South  of  Lake  Michtgam^ 

River  St.  Joseph.)  .        .        -       • 

The  Outawas  there  have  two  villages,  composed  one  of 

the  tribe  of  Sinagos;  the  other  of  Kiska- 

kous,  an^  may  count  two  hundred  warriors. 

They  have  the  same  devices  as  those  of 

Missilimakinak;  that  is  to  say,  the  Bear 

/^       and  Blade  Squirrel. 

Lake  St.  Clair ^  which  leads  to  Lake  Huron. 
At  the  end  of  the  Little  Lake  St.  Clair,  there  is  a  small 
village  of  Mississagu^s,   which    numbers 
sixty  men.  -        -        .        .        _ 

They  have  the  same  devices  as  the  Missis- 
sagu^s  of  Manitouatin  and  of  Lake  Ontario; 
that  is  to  say,  a  Crane. 

'        Lake  Huron.       '    •'     '     >i 

I  have  spoken  before  of  the  Mississagues  who  are  to  the 

North  of  this  Lake.  — 

I  do  not  know,  on  the  South  side,  but  the  Gatawas, 

who  have  at  Saguinan  a  village  of  eighty 

men,  and  for  device  the  Bear  and  Squirrel. 

Less,        -        .        . 


*  HbU  HI  Orfg.   Initead  of  180,  only  100  men  muat  be  counted. 


16236 


20^ 


.-;  i 


180 


200 


.(•r  v.r 


60 


80 


16955 
80 

15875 


si' 


X 


' ) 


26 


THS  IROQUOIS  AND 


Remark. 

All  the  Northern  Nations  have  this  in  common;  that  a  man 
who  go'es  to  war  denotes  himself  as  much  by  the  device  of  his 
wife's  tribe  as  by  that  of  his  own,  and  never  marries  a  woman 
who  carries  a  similar  device  to  his. 

If  time  permitted,  you  would,  Sir,  have  been  better  satisfied 
with  my  researches. 

I  would  have  written  to  the  Interpreters  of  the  Posts,  who 
would  have  furnished  me  with  more  certain  information  than 
that  I  could  obtain  from  the  Voyageurs  whom  I  questioned.  I 
am  engaged  at  the  history  of  the  Scioux,  which  you  have  asked 
from  Monsieur  de  Linerot. 

Missilimakinak.  ».  .     • 


PRESENT-  STATE  OF  THE  NORTHERN  INDIANS 

IH  THE  DEPART^  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON  BART.,  COMPREHENDED 
UNDER  THE  SIX  NATIONS  AND  OTTAWA  CONFEDERACIES,  ETC.,  CON- 
TAINING THE  NAMES,  NUMBERS  AND  SCITUATION  OF  EACH  NATION, 
WITH  REMARKS.      NOV.  18,  1763. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXXVI.] 


SIX  NATION  CONFEDERACY,  COMPREHENDING  THAT  OF  CANADA,  Oino,  Ac. 


Nam$8. 


Mohocks,    .    .    . 


OneidM, 


,  i^^iurr'fit  ^p  i  pMj  nit 


Number 
qf  men 


16U 


260 


Seituation. 


Two  villages  on  the  Mo- 
hock river,  with  a  few 
emigrants  at  Scohare 
about  16  miles  from 
Fort  Hunter. 


Two  villages,  one  25 
miles  from  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  the  other  twelve 
miles  west  of  Oneida 
Lake,  with  emigrants 
in  several  places  tow- 
ards the  Susquehanna 
river. 


Remarf':8. 


Of  the  Six  Nations  the 
Mohawks  or  Mohocks, 
Onondages  and  Sene- 
cas  are  considered  as 
the  chief  and  elder 
branches.  The  Onei- 
das,  Cayugas  and  Tiis- 
caroras  are  younger  : 
the  last  mentioned 
Nation  having  many 
years  ago  retired  from 
the  South,  and  were 
admitted  into  the  con- 
federacy with  the  then 


Nam 


TuBcaro'ras, 


Onondagai, 


Cayugas, 


Senecas,  . 


Oswegachys, 


Nanticokes, 
Conoys, 
Tutecoes, 
Saponeys,  eti 


Caghnawaga 


Canassadagai 

Arundacks, 

Algonkins, 


Abenaquis, 


OTHER  INDIAN  TKIBES. 


SIX  NATION  CONFEDERACY-CONTINUID. 


Names. 


Ifwnbtr 
qf  men. 


TuBcarorai, 


Onondagu, 


•        •        •       • 


•       •       ■        • 


Cajrugas,  . 


Senecai) 


140 


16U 


200 


p  •+ 


1050 


Oswegachys, 


Nanticokes, 
Conoys, 
Tutecoes, 
Saponeys,  ette. 


80 


200 


Caghnawagaa, 


CanassadagaS; 

ArundackS; 

AlgonkiiU; 


Abenaquii>  . 


•       •       • 


300 


One  village  6  miles  from 
the  first  Oneidas.,  and 
several  others  about 
the  Susquehanna. 


ScUuation. 


One  large  village  6  miles 
from  the  lake  of  their 
name  (which  is  the 
plarn  of  Congress  for 
the  confederates)  with 
a  smaller  at  some  dis 
tance. 


150 


100 


One  large  village  near 
the  Laike  of  their  name 
with  several  others 
from  thence  to  the 
Susquehanna. 


Have  several  villages, 
beginning  about  60  m. 
from  Cayuga,  and  from 
thence  tq  Chenussio, 
the  largest  about  70  m 
f^om  Niagara,  with 
others  thence  to  the 
Ohio. 


Remarks 


Five  Nations,  the  On- 
eidas giving  them  land 
and  they  now  ea\oy  all 
privileuges  with  the 
rest. 


■fu;; 


•.  !•   •,  •. 


Emigrants  from  the  Six 
Nations  chiefly  Onon 
dages  settled  at  La  Oa- 
lette  on  the  river  St. 
Lawrence. 


A  people  removed  from 
the  southward,  and 
settled  on  and  about 
the  Susquehanna  on 
lands  allotted  by  the 
Six  Nations. 


Of  the  Senecas,  two  vil- 
liiges  tae  still  in  our 
interest,  vizt.  Kanada- 
•ero  and  Kanaderagey, 
the  rest  have  jomed 
the  Western  Nations. 


These  are  at  peace  with 
the  English. 


These  people  are  imme- 
diately under  the  di- 
rection of  the  Six  Na- 
tions, and  at  peace 
with  the  English. 


INDIANS  OF  CANADA  IN  ALLIANCE  WITH  THE 
SIX  NATIONS. 


Emigrants  from  the  Mo 
hocks,  settled  at  Soult 
St.  Louis  near  Mont 
real,   with   emigrants 
at  Aghquissasne,   be- 
low la  Oalette  which 
is  the  seat  of  a  Mis 
sion. 


These  three  Nations  now 
reside  together,  at  the 
Lac  du  deux  Mon- 
tagues at  the  mouth  of 
the  Ottawa  river  near 
Montreal. 


All  these  Nations  are  in 
alliance  with  the  Six 
Nations,  and  warmly 
attached  to  the  British 
Interest,  as  are  all  the 
other  Indians  in  Cana- 
da. Gaghnawaga  is  the 
seat  ofa  Mission,  as  is 
the  village  of  Lac  du 
deux  Montagnes. 


Their  village  having 
been  burned  at  St. 
I^cis  below  Mont- 


These  Indians  are  origi- 
nally from  New-Eng- 
land: if  they  were  ul 


■K 


1 1 


. 


88 


THE  I&OQVOIS  AMD 


SIX  NATION  OONFEDERAOT— coRTiiiVBD 


JVoiiiw. 


Skaghquanoghronoi, 


Huronii 


ShswaoMite, 


•    t    • 


Delaware!,  .    .    . 


WiMidotB,  etto.    .    .     S200 


yumb$r 


40 


40 


Reside  at  Loretto  near 
Qnebee,  a  very  eivi- 
Used  people. 


300 


eoo 


Total 


3960 


Seituation. 


real  during  the  war, 
thef  have  lince  lived 
nattered  except  a  few 


Reside  at  Troit  Rivierei, 
they  are  originally  Al- 
gonlcins. 


RtnarlcB. 


collected  they  would 
amount  to  more  than 
U  repreiented.  They 
have  lilcewiie  a  Mii- 
■ionary  who  ii  a  Je- 
suit. 


(There  are  several  oth. 
er  Nations  to  the  North- 
ward, who  avoid  any 
connection  with  the 
white  people:  and  as 
they  have  no  fixed  resi- 
dence, their  numbers, 
though  considerable, 
cannot  be  ascei  tained.) 


INDIANS  OF  OHIO. 


Removed  to  the  River 
Sioto,  and  other  Bran- 
ches. 


In  several  villages  on 
and  about  the  Suique- 
hanna,  Muslcingham, 
ettc.  and  thence  to 
Lalce  Erie. 


Some  villages  in  the 
neighborhood  of  San- 
dosky  Fort  near  Lake 
Erie. 


These  people  are  great- 
ly influenced  by  the 
benecas,  and  reside  on 
land  allotted  them  by 
the  permission  of  the 
Six  Nations.  They  are 
now  at  war  with  the 
English. 


There  are  also  in  the  Six  Nation  Confederacy, 
many  Indians,  whose  numbers  cannot  be  comput- 
ed as  they  have  no  fixed  residence. 


OTTAWA  CONFEBERACT  COMPREHENDING  THE  TWIGHTWEES,  ETTC. 


iVaffi««. 


Wyandots  or  Hurons, 


Pow(ewatamis,  .  . 
in  the  neiglibour- 
hood  of  Detroit, 


Nitmtm 
of  men 


260 


150 


SeUuation. 


Reside  opposite  Detroit, 
their  village  is  the  seat 
of  a  Jesuit  Mission, 
their  language  hears 
affinity  with  that  of  the 
Six  Nations. 


Resided  about  a  mile  be 
low  the  Fort,but  aban- 
doned their  village  on 
the  commenoement  of 
hoMUlties. 


Remarki. 


This  Nation  has  a  great 
influence  over  the  rest, 
and  has  been  greatly 
instigated  by  the 
neighboring  French  to 
commit  acts  of  hosti- 
lity. 


In  the  nai 
of  St  Jo 

Ottawas, 
residing 
neighbo 
Detroit. 


In  the  neii 
of  Mich 


In  the  neig 
of  Fort 


Chipeweig 
sissagais 
neigbboi 
Detroit. 

In  the  neig] 
ofMichll 


Meynomen; 
Folsavoins 
Puans  .    . 
Sakis  .    . 
Foxes 


Twightwet 


Kickapous 
Mascouteni 
Piankashan 
Wawiaght< 


Ottawas, 
Chipeweig 


,■  \ 


OTBKR  IKVIAM  TKIBI8. 


29 


OTTikWA  CQNFBJDiBitAOY— ceiimTW. 


Namta. 


Numbtr 
qf  m«» 


In  the  neighbourhood 
of  St  Joseph. 

OttawH,  .  .  . 
residing  in  the 
neighbourhood  ol 
Detroit. 


In  the  neighbourhood 
of  Miohiliinakinae. 


In  the  neighbourhood 
of  Fort  St.  Joseph, 


Chipeweighs  or  Mis 
sissagais :     in    the^ 
neighbourhood    of 
Detroit. 

In  the  neighbourhood 
of  Blidulimakinac 


Mevnomenys 
Foisavoins  . 
Puans .  .  . 
Salcis  .  .  . 
Foxee     .    . 


Twightwees, 


•        •        • 


Kiolrapous   .    .  .  . 

Mascoutens .    .  .  . 
Piankashaws 

Wawiaghtonos  .  . 


Ottawas, 
Chipeweighs,  ettc.  . 


2UU 


SCO 


26U 


160 


320 


400 


110 
110 
360 
3U0 
320 


230 


180 

90 

100 

200 


4000 


Resided  in  difforent  vil- 
Ugesybut  are  now  pro- 
bablf  with  the  fDrmer 
Miehiiimakinac  iathe 
seat  of  a  Mission. 


ScUuation. 


A  litUe  below  the  fort. 


Resided  about  Detroit, 
but  with  the  former, 
form  a  flying  camp. 


With  these  and  theabore 
Indians  are  Joined  se- 
veral othersjwho  form 
a  flying  camp  under 
PorMae,  an  Ottawa 
Chief. 

The  Ottawas  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Mi- 
ehiiimakinac are  well 
attached  to  us  for  the 
most  part. 


Resided  at  a  small  dis 
tance  after  the  reduc 
tion  of  the  Fort  pro- 
bably joined  the  rest. 


Resided  above  the  De- 
troit»  now  probably  in 
arms  with  th*  rest. 


Had  several  different'vil 
lages  in  that  country, 
aiul  the  envifons  of  the 
Lake  Huron. 


All  these  nations  reside 
on  the  west  side  of  la 
Baye  at  Lake  Micbi- 

fan  and  in  the  neigh- 
orfaood  of  the   Fort 
there. 


Rtmarkit. 


These  are  the  most  nu- 
merous of  all  the  Ot- 
tawa Confederacy  and 
have  naay  villajies 
about  Lakes  Superior, 
Huron,  Erie,  ettc. 
whose  numbers  cannot 
at  present  be  ascer- 
tained with  exactness. 

These  nations  are  at  pre- 
sent in  alliance  with 
the  Ottawa  Confedera- 

,  cy,but  appear  inclined 
to  our  interest,  nor  did 
they  take  the  fort  at 
La  Baye^  the  oflcer 
abandoning  it  on  the 
news  of  the  rupture  as 
he  could  make  no  de- 
fence. 


MIAMIS  OR  TWIGHTWEE8. 


Near  the  Fort  on  the 
Miamis  river. 


These  nations  reside  in 
the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Fort  at  Wawiaeh 
ta,  and  about  the  Wa- 
lache  river. 


Residing  thro'  all  the 
extent  of  country  from 
the  Lakes  to  the  Great 
Ottawa  River,  and  abt. 
Lake  Superior,  ettc. 


The  Twightwees  were 
originally  a  very  pow- 
erful people,who,hav- 
ing  been  subdued  by 
the  Six  Nations  were 
permitted  to  ei\joy 
their  possessions. 

There  are  many  tribes 
and  villages  of  them, 
but  these  are  all  who 
are  perfectly  known. 


This  is  the  most  exact 
computation  that  can 
be  made  of  these  nu- 
merous people,  who 
are  scattered  through- 


80 


THE  IROQUOIS  AMD  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


OTTAWA  CONFEDERACY— coBTiHUK). 

Ifamu. 

Numbtr 
qfmtn. 

SeUuation. 

Remarke. 

Illinois 
number  uncertain. 

Sioux 
number  uncertain. 

Total 

out  the  Northern  Parts 
and  who  having  few 
places  of  flxed  resi- 
dence, subsisting  en- 
tirely by  hunting,  can- 
not be  ascertained  as 
those  of  their  confede- 
racy, residing  near  the 
outposts. 

We  have  hitherto  had 
nothing    to   do    with 
these  people,  who  are 
numerous  and  various- 
ly computed.  The  Six 
Nations    claim    their 
country,but  their  right 
of    conquest    thereto 
does    not    appear   so 
clear  as  to  the  rest,  as 
represented  in  the  let- 
ter herewith. 

The  Sioux  who  are  the 
most  numerous  of  the 
Northern  Indians,  are 
little  known  to  us,they 

in  Mnding  the  original.] 
not  appear  well  affect- 
ed to  the  Western  In- 
dians, and  promise  to 
send  Deputies  to  me  in 
the  spring. 

Reside  about  the  Illinois 
River  and  hence  to  the 
MissiMippi. 

Reside  in  the  country 
westward  of 

[One  Hne  cut  tff  here 
Mfssissipi,  they  are 
much  addicted  to  wan- 
dering and  live  mostly 
in  camps.   • 

8020 

J^wember  18*,  1763. 


Wm.  Johnson 


•^■-       I.-      I 


■hS  ■ 


-'-—r^-- 


-.,ji. 


II. 

PAPERS 


■^i 


■  J, .:  ,1 

'him 


^^■ 


m 


If . '  'i 


aijlt  fm\  Settlement  at  d&ncnbagfl, 


< 


AHA 


THE  DISCOVERY  OP  THE  SALT  SPRINGS  AT  SAUNA. 


lAmo  1654~a 


H^' 


!■:(■,( 


I 


■/t 


TO  THE  001 


.V:^ 


:|» 


m 


Cr 


f* 


:fhl^ 


,  'i<!.:  i 


t,         )-   »• 


-'«■'  '■         -     /■■ 


^  .  r:-;>f 


On  the  s< 
tation  of  i\ 
kings,  Fatb 
Iroquois  Oi 
by  Montrea 
habitant,  y 
ther's  Jourr 

On  the  1 
this  great  i 
to  us.  On 
St.  La  wren  I 
pidsj  all  str 

The  19th 
ble  to  the  v 
an  armyx>i 
poured  do-w 
cumstances 
has  produce 
more  innocc 

20th.  N 
which  interi 
on  the  nortl 
high  mountE 

2lBt.     Cc 


VOYAGE  OF  FATHER  SIMON  IE  MOINE 


TO  THE  COUNTRY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS  ONONDAGOES,   IN  JULY,  AUGUST 

AND  SEPTEMBER,    1654. 

Relation  de  la  N.  France  ^s  annges,  1663  and  1654.] 


V. 


IP 

■I 


i  ''•',  M " 


\    i 


On  the  second  day  of  the  month  of  July,  the  festival  of  the  Visi- 
tation of  the  Most  Holy  Virgin  always  friendly  to  our  underta- 
kings, Father  LeMoine  departed  from  Quebec  on  a  voyage  to  thf 
Iroquois  Onondagoes.  He  passed  Three  Rivers,  and  from  thence 
by  Montreal,  where  a  young  man  of  good  courage,  and  an  old 
hahitantf  joined  him,  with  much  piety.  I  shall  follow  the  Fa- 
ther's Journal  for  greater  facility. 

On  the  17th  day  of  July,  St.  Alexis'  day,  we  left  home  with 
this  great  and  holy  traveller,  and  departed  for  a  land  unknown 
to  us.  On  the  18th,  following  always  the  course  of  the  River 
St.  Lawrence,  we  met  nothing  but  breakers  and  impetuous  ra- 
pids, all  strewed  with  rocks  and  shoals. 

The  19th.  This  river  grows  wider  and  forms  a  lake,  agreea 
ble  to  the  view,  from  eight  to  ten  leagues  in  length.  At  night, 
an  army  x>f  troublesome  musquitoes  foreboded  the  rain  which 
poured  down  on  us  the  whole  of  the  night.  To  be  in  such  cir- 
cumstances without  any  shelter  except  the  trees,  which  Nature 
has  produced  ever  since  the  creation  of  the  world,  is  a  pastime 
more  innocent  and  agreeable  than  could  be  anticipated. 

20th.  Nothing  but  islands,  in  appearance  the  most  beautiful, 
which  intersect  here  and  there  this  very  quiet  river.  The  land 
on  the  north  bank  appears  to  us  excellent ;  there  is  a  range  of 
high  mountains  towards  the  east,  which  we  called  St.  Margaret's. 

21st.    Continuation  of  the  islsuids.    In  the  evening  we  break 


U  ' 


W:        ■ 


■A  a 


34 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT   AT  ONONDAGA, 


;■■■ 

Is  ■' 


5  f 


our  bark  caroej  it  rains  all  night.  The  naked  rocks  seive  us 
for  bed,  mattrass  and  all.  Whoever  hath  God  with  him  reposes 
quietly  every  where. 

22d.  The  precipices  of  water  whifji  for  a  while  are  no  longer 
navigable  oblige  us  to  carry  on  our  shoulders  both  our  baggage 
and  the  canoe  which  carried  us.  At  the  other  side  of  the  Rapid, 
I  perceived  a  herd  of  wild  cows  which  were  passing  at  their  ease 
in  great  state.  Five  or  six  hundred  are  seen  sometimes  in  these 
regions  in  one  drove. 

23d  and  24th  of  the  month.  Our  pilot  being  hurt,  we  must 
remain  a  prey  to  the  musquitoes,  and  have  patience,  often  more 
difficult  in  regard  to  the  inconveniences  which  have  no  inter- 
mission neither  nightnor  day,  than  to  behold  death  before  one's 
eyes. 

25th.  The  river  is  so  very  rapid  that  we  are  obliged  to  throw 
ourselves  in  the  stream  to  drag  our  canoe  after  us,  amid  the 
rocks,  as  a  cavalier,  dismounting,  leads  his  horse  by  the  bridle. 
At  night  we  arrive  at  the  entrance  of  Lake  St.  Ignatius,  in  which 
eels  abound  in  a  prodigious  quantity. 

26th.  A  high  wind  with  rain  forces  us  to  dtbark,  after  having 
made  four  leagues.  A  hut  is  soon  built.  The  neighbouring  trees 
are  stript  of  their  bark  ;  this  is  thrown  on  poles  set  in  the  ground 
on  either  side,  bringing  them  together  in  the  form  of  an  arbor ; 
and  then  our  house  is  built.  Ambition  finds  no  entrance  into 
this  palace.  It  failed  not  to  be  as  agreeable  to  us  as  if  the  roof 
was  all  covered  with  gold. 

27th.  We  coasted  along  the  shores  of  the  lake;  they  are 
rocks  on  one  side  and  the  other,  of  an  immense  height,  now 
frightful,  now  pleasing  to  the  sight.  It  is  wonderful  how  large 
trees  can  find  root  among  so  many  rocks. 

28th.  Thunder,  lightning  and  a  deluge  of  rain  oblige  us  to 
shelter  ourselves  under  our  canoe,  which  being  inverted,  serves 
us  for  a  house. 

29th  and  30th  July.  A  rain  storm  continues,  which  arrests  us 
at  the  entrance  of  a  great  lake,  called  Ontario.  We  call  it  the 
Lake  of  the  Iroquois,  because  they  have  their  villages  on  the 
south  side  there.     The  Hurons  are  on  the  other  shore,  farther  on 


commumc 


■„»  ■  j.    1/  ''I 

■rr'\  I 


Ain>  :)!(»! JVEBT  OF  THE  SALT  SPBINGS. 


as 


in  the  interior.     This  lake  is  twenty  leagues  wide ;  its  length 
about  forty. 

31st  St.  Ignatius'  day.  The  rain  and  storm  force  us  to  seek 
for  lost  roads.  We  cross  long  islands,  carrying  our  bagage, 
provisions  and  canoe  on  our  shoulders.  The  road  seems  long  to 
a  poor  weary  man. 

On  the  first  day  of  the  month  of  August,  some  Iroquois  fisher- 
men having  perceived  us  from  a  distance,  get  together  to  receive 
us.  One  of  them  runs  towards  us,  advancing  a  half  a  league  to 
communicate  the  earliest  news  and  the  state  of  the  country.  It  is 
a  Huron  prisoner,  and  a  good  Christian,  whom  I  formerly  in- 
structed during  a  winter  that  I  passed  among  the  savages. 
This  poor  lad  could  not  believe  that  it  was  he  whom  he  never 
hoped  to  see  again.  We  disembarked  at  a  little  village  of  fisher- 
men. They  crowd  as  to  who  shall  carry  our  bagage.  But  alas! 
they  are  apparently  only  Huron  squaws,  and  for  the  most  part 
Christian  women,  formerly  rich  and  at  their  ease,  whom  cap- 
tivity has  reduced  to  servitude.  They  requested  me  to  pray  to 
God,  and  I  had  the  consolation  to  confess  there  at  my  leisure 
Hostagehtak,  our  antient  host  of  the  Petun  Nation.  His  senti- 
ments and  devotion  drew  tears  from  my  eyes  ;  he  is  the  fruit  of 
the  labors  of  Father  Charles  Gamier,  that  holy  missionary  whose 
death  has  been  so  precious  before  God. 

The  second  day  of  August.  We  walked  about  twelve  to  fif- 
teen leagues  in  the  woods.     We  camp  where  the  day  closes. 

The  3d.  At  noon  we  find  ourselves  on  the  bank  of  a  river,  one 
hundred  or  one  hundred  and  twenty  paces  wide,  beyond  which 
there  was  a  hamlet  of  fishermen.  An  Iroquois  whom  I  at  one 
time  had  treated  kindly  at  Montreal,  put  me  across  in  his  canoe^ 
and  through  respect  carried  me  on  his  shoulders,  being  unwilling 
to  suffer  me  to  wet  my  feet.  Every  one  received  me  with  joy, 
and  these  poor  people  enriched  me  from  their  poverty.  I  was 
conducted  to  another  village  a  league  distant,  where  there  was  a 
young  man  of  consideration  who  made  a  feast  for  me  because  I 
bore  his  father's  name,  Ondessonk.  The  Chiefs  came  to  harangue 
us,   the  one  after  the  other.    I  baptized  little  skeletons  who 


m 


TOMT  SCTTLEMSNT  AT  O/mtPDADAy 


I 

I 


'■k 


I 


awaited,  perhaps,  only  this  drop  of  the  precious  blood  of  Jesus 
Christ. 

4th.  They  ask  me  Why  we  are  dressed  in  black  ?  and  I  take 
occasion  to  speak  to  them  of  our  mysteries  with  great  attention. 
They  bring  roe  a  little  moribund  whom  I  call  Dominick.  The 
time  is  passed  when  they  used  to  hide  the  little  innocents  from 
ns.  They  took  me  for  a  great  Medicine-man,  having  no  other 
remedy  for  the  sick  but  a  pinch  of  sugar.  We  pursued  our  route 
—in  the  middle  of  which  we  found  our  dinner  w^aiting  for  us. 
The  nephew  of  the  first  Chief  of  the  country,  who  is  to  lodge  me 
in  his  cabin,  is  deputed  by  his  uncle  to  escort  us,  bringing  us 
every  delicacy  that  the  season  could  afford,  especially  new  corn 
bread,  and  ears  (of  corn)  which  we  had  roasted  at  the  fire.  We 
slept  again  that  day  by  the  beautiful  light  of  the  istars. 

6th.  We  had  to  make  four  leagues  before  arriving  at  the  prin- 
cipal Onondaga  village.  There  is  nothing  but  comers  and  goers 
on  the  road  vho  come  to  salute  me.  One  treats  me  as  brother  ; 
another  as  uncle — never  did  I  have  such  a  number  of  relations. 
A  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  village  I  began  a  harangue,  which 
gained  me  much  credit.  I  named  all  the  Chiefs,  the  families  and 
persons  of  note  in  a  drawling  voice  and  with  the  tone  of  a  chief. 
I  told  them  that  Peace  walked  along  with  me  ;  that  I  drove  War 
afar  ofl  among  the  distant  nations,  and  that  Joy  accompanied  me. 
Two  Chiefs  made  their  speech  to  me  on  ray  arrival,  but  with  a 
gladness  and  cheerfulness  of  countenance  which  I  never  had  seen 
among  sa^'ages.  Men,  women  and  children,  all  were  respectful 
and  friendly. 

At  night  I  called  the  principal  men  together  to  make  them  two 
presents.  The  first  to  wipe  their  faces,  so  that  they  may  regard 
me  with  a  kindly  eye,  and  that  I  may  never  see  a  trace  of  sorrow 
on  their  foreheads.  The  second  to  clear  out  the  liltle  gall  which 
they  still  might  have  in  their  hearts.  After  several  other  dis- 
courses they  retired  to  consult  together,  and  finally  they  respond- 
ed to  my  presents  by  tw^o  other  presents  richer  than  mine. 

6th.  I  was  calle'^  to  divers  quarters  to  administer  my  medi- 
cine to  weakly  and  hectic  little  things.    I  baptized  some  of  them. 


'i(,-^,- 


AND  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALT  SPRINGS. 


87 


I  confessed  some  of  our  old  Huron  Christians,  and  found  God 
every  where,  and  that  He  pleased  to  work  himself  in  hearts 
where  faith  reigns.  He  builds  himself  a  temple  there,  where  he 
is  adored  in  spirit  and  truth.     Be  He  blessed  for  ever. 

At  night  our  host  draws  me  aside  and  tells  me  very  affection- 
ately that  he  always  loved  us,  that  finally  his  heart  was  satisfied, 
seeing  all  the  tribes  of  his  nation  demanded  nothing  but  peace  : 
that  the  Seneca  had  recently  come  to  exhort  them  to  manage  this 
matter  well  for  peace,  and  that  with  that  view  he  had  made 
splendid  presents :  that  the  Cayuga  had  brought  three  belts  for 
that  purpose,  and  that  the  Oneida  was  glad  to  be  rid  of  such  a 
bad  affair  through  his  means,  and  that  he  desired  nothing  but 
peace :  that  the  Mohawk  would,  no  doubt,  follow  the  others, 
and  thus  I  might  take  courage,  since  I  bore  with  me  the  happi- 
ness of  the  whole  land. 

7th.  A  good  Christian  named  Terese,  a  Huron  captive,  wish- 
ing to  pour  out  her  soul  to  me  away  from  noise  and  in  silence, 
invited  me  to  visit  her  in  a  field  cabin  where  she  lived.  My 
God  !  What  sweet  consolation  to  witness  so  much  faith  in  sa- 
vage hearts,  in  captivity,  and  without  other  assistance  than  that 
of  heaven.  God  raises  up  Apostles  every  where.  This  good 
Christian  woman  had  with  her  a  young  captive  of  the  neutral  na- 
tion {de  la  Xfation  J^eutre)^  whom  she  loved  as  her  own  daugh- 
ter. She  had  so  well  instructed  her  in  the  mysteries  of  the 
faith,  and  in  sentiments  of  piety,  in  the  prayers  they  made  in 
this  holy  solitude,  that  I  was  much  surprised.  Eh !  sister,  I 
asked,  why  did  you  not  baptise  her,  since  she  has  the  faith  like 
you,  and  she  is  Christian  in  her  morals,  and  she  wishes  to  die  a 
Christian  1  Alas,  brother,  this  happy  captive  replied,  I  did  not 
think  it  was  allowed  me  to  baptise,  except  in  danger  of  death. 
Baptise  her  now,  yourself,  since  you  consider  her  worthy,  and 
give  her  my  name.  This  was  the  first  adult  baptism  at  Gnon- 
dago  J  we  are  indebted  for  it  to  the  piety  of  a  Huron. 


I  I 


•^m^' :'i,r>',^-.'  .v,'AV^4i.^4'i'    >»v-?';«f)'^rt'».J.' 


:'«,. 


i    ■■   . 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA, 


In 


IBL 


GENERAL  COUNCIL  OP  PEACE  WITH  THE  FOUR  IROQUOIS 

NATIONS, 

AND  TUE  SUBSEQUENT   RETURN    OF   FATHER   SIMON   LE  MOINE   FROM 

HIS  VOYAGE. 

[From  the  Same.] 

On  the  10th  day  of  August,  the  deputies  of  the  three  neigh- 
bouring Nations  having  arrived,  after  the  usual  summons  of  the 
Chiefs  that  all  should  assemble  in  Ondessonk's  cabin,  I  opened 
the  proceedings  (says  the  Father,  continuing  his  Journal)  by 
public  prayer,  which  I  said  on  my  knees  and  in  a  loud  voice, 
all  in  the  Huron  tongue.  I  invoked  the  Great  Master  of  heaven 
and  of  earth  to  inspire  us  with  what  should  be  for  his  glory  and 
our  good ;  I  cursed  all  the  demons  of  hell  who  are  spirits  of  di- 
vision ;  I  prayed  the  tutelar  angels  of  the  whole  country  to  touch 
the  hearts  of  those  who  heard  me,  when  my  words  should  strike 
their  ear.  ' 

I  greatly  astonished  them  when  they  heard  me  naming  all  by 
nations,  by  tribes,  by  families  and  each  particular  individual  of 
any  note,  and  all  by  aid  of  my  manuscript,  which  was  a  matter 
as  wonderful  as  it  was  new.  I  told  them  I  was  the  bearer  of 
nineteen  words  to  them. 

The  first :  That  it  was  Onnonthio,  M.  de  Lauzon,  Governor  of 
New  France,  who  spoke  by  my  mouth,  and  then  the  Hurons  and 
the  Algonquins  as  well  as  the  French,  for  all  these  three  nations 
had  Onnonthio  for  their  Great  Chief.  A  large  belt  of  wampum, 
one  hundred  little  tubes  or  pipes  of  red  glass,  the  diamonds  of  the 
country,  and  a  caribou's  hide  being  passed  :  these  three  presents 
made  but  one  word. 

My  second  word  was,  to  cut  the  bonds  of  the  eight  Seneca  pri- 
soners, taken  by  our  allies  and  brought  to  Montreal,  as  already 
stated. 

The  third  was,  to  break  the  bonds  of  the  Mohegans  also,  cap- 
tured about  the  same  time. 


AND  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALT  SPRINGS. 


39 


The  fourth ;  to  thank  those  of  Onontago  for  having  brought 
our  prisoner  back. 

The  fifth  present  was,  to  thank  the  Senecas  for  having  saved 
him  from  the  scaffold. 

The  sixth  for  the  Cayuga  Iroquois,  for  having  also  contributed. 

The  seventh,  for  the  Oneidas  for  having  broken  the  bonds 
which  kept  him  a  prisoner.  * 

The  8th,  9th,  10th  and  11th  presents  to  be  given  to  the  four 
Iroquois  Nations — a  hatchet  each— for  the  new  war  they  were 
waging  against  the  Cat  Nation. 

The  twelfth  present  was  to  heal  the  head  of  the  Seneca  who 
had  lost  some  of  his  people. 

The  thirteenth,  to  strengthen  his  palissades ;  to  wit,  that  he 
may  be  in  a  state  of  defence  against  the  enemy. 

The  fourteenth,  to  ornament  his  face :  for  it  is  the  custom  of 
warriors  here  never  to  go  to  battle  unless  with  the  face  painted, 
some  black,  some  red,  others  with  various  other  colors,  each  ha- 
ving herein  as  if  particular  liveries  to  which  they  cling  even 
unto  death. 

The  fifteenth  to  concentrate  all  their  thoughts.  I  made  three 
presents  for  this  occasion ;  one  wampum  belt,  little  glass  beads 
and  an  elk  hide. 

The  sixteenth — ^I  opened  Annonchiasse's  door  to  all  the  Na- 
tions ;  that  is,  they  would  be  welcome  among  us. 

The  seventeenth.  I  exhorted  them  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  truths  of  our  faith,  and  made  three  presents  for  this  object. 

The  eighteenth.  I  asked  them  not  to  prepare  henceforward 
any  ambushes  for  the  Algonquin  and  Huron  Nations,  who  would 
come  to  visit  us  in  our  French  settlement.  I  made  thre6  presents 
for  this  purpose. 

Finally,  by  the  nineteenth  present  I  wiped  away  the  tears  of 
all  the  young  warriors  for  the  death  of  their  great  Chief  Annen- 
craos,  a  short  time  prisoner  with  the  Cat  Nation. 

At  each  present  they  heaved  a  powerful  ejaculation  from  the 
bottom  of  the  chest  in  testimony  of  their  joy.  I  was  full  two 
hours  making  my  whole  speech,  talking  like  a  Chief,  and  walk- 
ing about  like  an  actor  on  a  stage,  as  is  their  custom. 


\H 


40 


TIBST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA, 


■    ii 


\\    i 


p: 


If 


IV<M 


I    i 


m^'^ 


After  that  they  grouped  together  apart  in  nations  and  tribes, 
calling  to  them  a  Mohawk  who  by  good  luck  was  there  They 
consulted  together  for  the  space  of  two  hours  longer.  Finally 
they  called  me  among  them  and  seated  me  in  an  hononible  place 

The  Chief  who  is  the  tongue  of  the  country,  repeats  faithfully 
as  orator  the  substance  of  all  my  words.  Then  all  set  to  singing 
in  token  of  their  gratification  j  I  was  told  to  pray  God  on  my 
side,  which  I  did  very  willingly.  After  these  songs  he  spoke  to 
me  in  the  name  of  his  Nation.  1.  He  thanked  Onnontio  for  hif: 
good  disposition  towards  them,  and  brought  forward  for  this  pur 
pose  two  large  belts  of  wampum. 

2.  He  thanked  us  in  the  name  of  the  Mohawk  Iroquois  for  ha- 
ying given  their  lives  to  five  of  their  allies  of  the  Mohegan  Na- 
tion.   Two  other  belts  for  that. 

3.  He  thanked  us  in  the  name  of  the  Seneca  Iroquois  for  ha- 
ving drawn  five  of  their  tribe  out  of  the  fire.  Two  more  belts. 
Ejaculations  from  the  whole  assembly  follow  each  present. 

Another  Captain  of  the  Oneida  Nation  rises  :  Onnontio,  said 
he — speaking  of  M.  de  Lauzon  our  Governor — Onnontio  thou  art 
the  pillar  of  the  Earth  ;  thy  spirit  is  a  spirit  of  peace  and  thy 
words  soften  the  hearts  of  the  most  rebellious  spirits.  After 
other  compliments  expressed  in  a  tone  animated  by  love  and  res- 
pect, he  produced  four  large  belts  to  thank  Onnontio  for  having 
encouraged  them  to  fight  bravely  against  their  new  enemies  of  the 
Cat  Nation,  and  for  having  exhorted  them  never  again  to  war 
against  the  French.  Thy  voice,  said  he,  Onnontio  is  wonderful, 
to  produce  in  my  breast  at  one  time  two  effects  entirely  dissimilar; 
thou  animatest  me  to  war,  and  softenest  my  heart  by  the  thoughts 
of  peace ;  thou  art  great  both  in  peace  and  war,  mild  to  those 
whom  thou  lovest,  and  terrible  to  thine  enemies.  We  wish  thee 
to  love  us,  and  we  will  love  the  French  for  thy  sake. 

In  concluding  these  thanks,  the  Onontaga  Chief  took  up  the 
word.  Listen  Ondessonk,  said  he  to  me  ;  five  entire  nations 
speak  to  thee  through  my  mouth.  My  breast  contains  the  senti- 
ments of  the  Iroquois  Nations,  and  my  tongue  responds  faithfully 
to  my  breast.  Thou  wilt  tell  Onnontio  four  things,  the  sum  of 
all  our  councils.  .„  . 


AND  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALT  SPRINGS. 


*1 


14  /'   f 


1.  We  are  willing  to  acknowledge  Him  of  wliom  thou  hast 
spoken,  who  is  the  master  of  our  lives,  who  is  unknown  to  us. 

2.  Our  council  tree  is  this  day  planted  at  Onr  ga — meaning 
that  that  would  be,  henceforth,  the  place  of  tbeu  ...octings  and  of 
their  negotiations  for  peace. 

2.  We  conjure  you  to  select  on  the  banks  of  our  great  lake  an 
advantageous  site  for  a  French  settlement.  Fix  yourself  in  the 
heart  of  the  country,  since  you  ought  to  possess  our  hearts. 
There  we  shall  go  for  instruction,  and  from  that  point  you  will 
be  able  to  spread  yourself  abroad  in  every  direction.  Be  unto  us 
careful  as  fathers  and  we  shall  be  unto  you  submissive  as  children. 

4.  We  are  engaged  in  new  wars ;  Onnonlio  encourages  us. 
We  shall  entertain  no  other  thought  towards  him  than  those  of 
peace. 

They  reserved  their  richest  presents  for  these  Idst  four  words ; 
but  I  can  assure  you  their  countenances  told  more  than  their 
tongues,  and  expressed  joy  mingled  with  so  much  mildness  that 
my  heart  was  full.  What  appeared  to  me  most  endearing  in  all 
this  was  that  all  our  Huron  Christians  and  the  captive  women, 
lighted  this  fire  which.melts  the  hearts  of  the  Iroquois.  They  told 
them  so  much  good  of  us,  and  spoke  so  often  of  the  great  value 
of  the  Faith,  that  they  prize  it  without  being  acquainted  with  it ; 
and  they  love  us  in  the  hope  that  we  shall  be  for  them  what  we 
have  been  for  the  Indians.     To  return  to  the  Father's  Journal: 

The  llth  day  of  August.  There  is  nothing  but  feasts  and  re- 
joicings every  where.  A  misfortune  occurred,  however,  at  night. 
A  cabin  catching  fire,  no  one  knew  how,  an  impetuous  wind 
drove  the  flames  to  the  others,  and  in  less  than  two  hours  more 
than  twenty  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and  the  remainder  of  the  vil- 
lage was  in  danger  of  being  burnt.  God  preserved  all  hearts 
however  in  the  joy  of  the  preceding  day,  and  their  dispositions  as 
•aim  towards  me  as  if  this  misfortune  had  never  happened. 

The  12th.  Our  Christian  captives  wishing  to  confess  before 
my  departure  gave  me  employment,  or  rather  repose  which  I 
wished  for.  I  baptized  a  little  girl  of  four  years  who  was  dying. 
I  recovered  from  the  hands  of  these  barbarians,  the  New  Testa- 
ment of  the  late  Father  Jean  de  Brebouf,  whom  they  put  to  a 


4» 


FIUST  SETTLEMENT  OF  ONONDAOA, 


M 


cruel  death  five  years  ago,  and  a  small  book .  of  devotion  which 
was  used  by  the  late  Father  Charles  Gamier  whom  they  also 
killed  four  years  ago. 

The  13th.  Came  the  leave  taking.  Observing  the  custom  of 
friends  on  similar  occasions,  having  convoked  the  Council,  I 
made  them  two  presents  to  console  them.  And  with  this  view  I 
first  planted  in  the  name  of  Achiendasse  (which  is  the  appellation 
of  the  General  Superior  of  all  our  Society's  Missions  in  these 
countries)  the  first  post  on  which  to  begin  a  cabin.  This  is  like 
laying  the  first  stone  in  France  of  a  house  one  intends  to  build. 
My  second  present  was  to  throw  down  the  first  bark  that  is  to 
cover  the  cabin.  This  evidence  of  affection  satisfied  them,  and 
three  of  their  Chiefs  thanked  me  publicly  in  speeches  which  one 
could  not  be  persuaded  issued  from  the  lips  of  men  called  sava- 
ges. 

Nevertheless  they  seek  me  every  where  to  give  me  my  parting 
feast,  all  the  men  and  women  of  consideration  being  invHed  in 
my  name  into  our  cabin,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  country, 
in  order  to  do  honor  to  my  departure.  We  part  in  good  company. 
After  the  public  cry  of  the  Chief,  every  one  vies  to  carry  our  lit- 
tle baggage. 

About  half  a  league  from  there  we  found  a  group  of  old  men, 
all  Chiefs  of  the  Council,  who  waited  to  bid  me  Adieu  hoping 
for  my  return  for  which  they  ardently  testified  their  wishes. 

16th.  We  arrive  at  the  entrance  of  a  small  lake  in  a  large 
half  dried  basin  ;  we  taste  the  water  of  a  spring  that  they  durst 
not  drink,  saying  that  there  is  a  Demon  in  it  which  renders  it 
foetid ;  having  tasted  it  I  found  it  was  a  fountain  of  Salt  water  ; 
and  in  fact  we  made  Salt  from  it  as  natural  as  that  from  the  sea  ; 
of  which  we  carried  a  sample  to  Quebec.  This  lake  abounds  in 
fish — in  salmon  trout  and  other  fish. 

17th.  We  enter  their  river,  and  at  a  quarter  of  a  league  meet 
at  the  left  the  Seneca  river,  which  increases  this ;  it  leads,  they 
say,  to  Cayuga  (Onioen)  and  to  Seneca  in  two  sunsets.  At  three 
leagues  of  a  fine  road  from  there,  we  leave  the  River  Oneida 


AND  DISCOVERY  Of  THE  SALT  SPRINGS. 


43 


(Oneiout)  which  appears  to  us  very  deep.  Finally  a  good 
league  lower  down  we  meet  a  rapid  which  gives  the  name  to  a 
village  of  fishermen.  I  found  there  some  of  our  Christians  and 
some  Huron  Christian  women  whom  I  had  not  yet  seen. 

19th.  We  proceed  on  our  journey  on  the  same  river  which  is 
of  a  fine  width  and  deep  throughout,  except  some  shoals  where 
we  must  get  into  the  water  and  draw  the  canoe  lest  the  rocks 
break  it. 

20.  We  arrive  at  the  Great  Lake,  Ontario,  called  the  Lake 
of  the  Iroquois. 

21.  This  lake  is  in  a  fury  in  consequence  of  the  violence  of 
the  winds  after  a  storm  of  rain. 

22.  Coasting  quietly  the  shores  of  this  Great  Lake,  my  sailors 
kill  with  a  shot  from  a  gun,  a  large  stag  :  my  companion  and  I 
content  ourselves  looking  at  them  broiling  their  stakes,  it  being 
Saturday,  a  day  of  abstinence  for  us. 

23.  We  arrive  at  the  place  which  is  fixed  on  for  our  house 
and  a  French  settlement.  Beautiful  prairies,  good  fishing ;  a 
resort  of  all  Nations.  There  I  found  new  Christians  who  con- 
fessed themselves  and  furnished  me  with  devotion  in  their  senti- 
ments of  piety. 

24  and  25.  Being  windbound,  one  of  our  canoes  foundered 
on  the  26,  our  sailors  having  embarked  before  the  tempest  had 
abated,  and  we  thought  we  should  have  perished— finally  we  cast 
ourselves  on  an  island  where  we  dried  ourselves  at  our  leisure. 

27.  In  the  evening  a  little  lull  afforded  us  time  to  regain  the 
main  land. 

28  and  29.  The  chase  stops  our  sailors  who  are  in  the  best 
possible  humor ;  for  flesh  is  the  paradise  of  the  man  of  flesh. 

30  and  last  of  August.  The  rain  and  wind  seriously  inconve- 
nience poor  travellers,  who  having  worked  all  day  are  badly  pro- 
vided for  at  night. 

1«*  day  of  Sept.  I  never  saw  so  many  deer,  but  we  had  no 
inclination  to  hunt.  My  companion  killed  three  as  if  against  his 
will.  What  a  pity  !  for  we  left  all  the  venison  there,  reserving 
the  hides  and  some  of  the  most  delicate  morsels. 


:^l^ 


44 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA) 


m 


•J: 


2*'  of  the  month.  Travelling  through  vast  prairies,  we  saw  in 
divers  quarters  immense  herds  of  wild  bulls  and  cows ;  their  horns 
resemble  in  some  respect  the  antlers  of  the  stag. 

3''  and  4'''.  Our  game  does  not  leave  us ;  it  seems  that  veni- 
son and  game  follow  us  every  where.  Droves  of  twenty  cows 
plunge  into  the  water  as  if  to  meet  us.  Some  are  killed,  for  sake 
of  amusement,  by  blows  of  an  axe. 

6.  In  one  day  we  travel  over  the  road  which  took  us  two  long 
days  ascending  the  rapids  and  breakers. 

6.  Our  Sault  St.  Louis  frightens  my  folks.  They  land  me 
four  leagues  above  tlie  settlement  of  Montreal,  and  God  gave  me 
sufficient  strength  to  arrive  before  noon,  and  to  celebrate  mass,  of 
which  I  was  depriveil  during  my  whole  voyage. 

7.  I  proceed  and  descend  to  Three  Rivers  where  my  sailors 
desire  to  go.  We  arrived  at  Quebec  on  the  eleventh  day  of  the 
month  of  September  of  this  year,  1664. 


JOURNAL  OF  WHAT  OCCUKRED  BETWEEN  THE  FRENCH 

AND  SAVAGES. 


Mi 


[Relation,  &c.    1657  and  1668.]  ' 

The  word  Onnota,  which  signifies,  in  the  Iroquois  tongue,  a 
Mountain,  has  given  the  name  to  the  village  called  Onnonta^,  or 
as  others  call  it,  Onnontagu6,  because  it  is  on  a  mountain  ;  and 
the  people  who  inhabit  it  consequently  style  themselves  Onnon- 
tae-ronnons,  or  Onnontagu^-ronnons.     These  people  have  for  a 

long  time  and  earnestly  demanded  that  some  priests  of  our 
1655.   Society  be  sent  to  their  country.     Finally,  Father  Joseph 

Chaumont  and  Father  Claude  Dablon  were  granted  to 
ihem,  in  the  year  1655.  They  embarked  on  the  IBt^*  Sept.,  and 
dnived  at  Onnontagu6  the  5^^  November  of  the  same  year  1656. 


AND  D1800VGRT  OV  THF.  SALT  SPRINGS. 


46 


These  two  good  fatliors  finding  themselves  listened  to 

1666.  with  approval  and  kindness,  Father  Dablon  left  Onnonta 
gu6  on  the  second  day  of  March  of  the  following  year 

1656,  to  look  for  help  at  Quebec,  where  he  arrived  in  the  begin 
ning  of  April,  and  departed  thence  on  the  17th  May,  in  company 
with  three  Fathers  and  two  brothers  of  the  Society,  and  a  good  num 
ber  of  Frenchmen,  who  all  proceeded  towards  this  new  country, 
where  they  arrived  on  the  1 1"*  day  of  July  of  the  same  year,  1666. 
In  the  year  1657,  the  harvest  appearing  plentiful  in  all 

1667.  the  villages  of  the  upper  Iroquois,  the  common  people 
listening  to  the  words  of  the  gospel  with  simplicity  and  the 

Chiefs  with  a  well  disguised  dissimulation.  Father  Paul  Rague- 
neau,  Father  Francois  Du  Peron,  some  Frenchmen  and  several 
Hurons,  departed  from  Montreal  the  26''>  July,  to  aid  their  bre- 
thren and  compatriots. 

On  the  3"*  day  of  the  month  of  August  of  the  same  year  1657, 
the  perfidy  of  the  Iroquois  began  to  develop  itself  by  the  massa- 
cre which  they  made  of  the  poor  Hurons  whom  they  brought  into 
their  country,  after  thousands  of  protestations  of  kindness  and 
thousands  of  oaths,  in  their  style,  that  they  should  treat  them  as 
brothers.  And  had  not  a  number  of  Iroquois  remained  among 
the  French,  near  Quebec,  to  endeavor  to  bring  with  them  the  rest 
of  the  Hurons,  who  distrusting  these  traitors,  would  not  embark 
with  the  others,  the  Fathers  and  the  Frenchmen  who  ascended 
with  them  would  have  then  been  destroyed  ;  and  all  those  who 
remained  on  the  banks  of  Lake  Ganantaa,  near  to  Onnontagu^, 
would  shortly  after  have  shared  the  same  fate.  But  the  fear  that 
the  French  would  wreak  vengeance  on  their  countrymen,  staid  thcii 
design, of  which  oiir  fathers  had  had  secret  intelligence  immediately 
on  their  arrival  in  the  country.  Even  a  captain  who  was  acquainted 
with  the  secret  of  the  Chiefs,  having  taken  some  liking  to  the 
preachings  of  the  Gospel,  and  finding  himself  very  sick,  demand- 
ed Baptism  ;  having  received  it  with  sufficient  instruction,  he  dis- 
covered the  evil  designs  of  his  countrymen  to  those  who  attended 
him,  and  went  a  short  time  afterwards  to  Heaven. 

•  *«**• 

The  9tl>  of  the  month  of  September.    Our  fathers  at  Onnonta 


ft^ 


Y 


46 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA) 


m 


In 


I 


5'     i 


M  :-. 


gu^  sent  two'  canoes  to  Quebec  with  intelligence  of  the  massacre 
of  the  poor  Huron  Christians,  treacherously  put  to  death  by  these 
barbarians,  as  we  remarked  above,  3  August  of  the  year  1657. 

The  T*'*  of  the  month  of  November.     Two  Mohawks  departed 

from  Quebec,  and  took  a  third  at  Three  Rivers A 

number  of  letters  from  divers  quarters  were  given  to  them  for 
Father  Le  Moine,  part  of  which  were  to  be  sent  to  our  Fathers 
and  our  French  of  Onnontagu6  thro'  the  medium  of  the  Mo- 
hawks, who  often  go  to  that  country. 

It  is  true  that  the  Mohawks  faithfully  delivered  the  letters  to 
Ondessonk,  because  they  feared  evil  for  their  people  detained  by 
the  French.  But  for  the  letters  addressed  to  our  French  at  On- 
nontagu6,  the  Mohawk  who  was  the  bearer  thereof,  threw  them 
in  the  river,  or  gave  them,  probably,  to  the  chiefs  of  the  country. 
But  these  good  fellows,  who  wished  to  rid  themselves  of  the  preach- 
ers of  the  gospel  and  of  those  who  assisted  them,  threw  them  into 
the  fire.  >       *  i^ 

The  Onnonta^u^  sent  by  Monsieur  de  Maisonneuve  did 
still  worse :  for  he  told  the  chiefs  of  the  nation,  that  the  French 
were  leagued  principally  with  the  Algonquins  to  niake  war  on 
them,  and  that  they  had  killed  his  comrade.  It  was  an  Algon- 
quin killed  him  on  his  way  to  war  as  we  have  remarked  on  the 
3<*  November.  Nothing  more  was  necessary  to  excite  these  furious 
men,  who  had  already  concluded  on  the  death  of  some  and  the 
captivity  of  others.  They  were  desirous,  however,  to  act  in  con- 
cert with  the  Mohawks,  who  could,  no  more  than  the  others,  re- 
concile theiLselves  to  the  detention  of  their  people,  believing  it 
very  unjust. 

Our  poor  French  were,  meanwhile,  much  astonished  at  re- 
ceiving no  c6vtain  news  either  from  Quebec,  Three  Rivers,  or 
Montreal.  These  barbarians  had  entirely  cut  off  all  communi- 
cation, so  that  Mons"".  de  Dailleboust's  orders  were  not  deliv- 
ered  to  Mons"".  Du  Puis,  who  commanded  the  soldiers,  nor  a 
letter  to  any  of  the  French  whomsoever. 


i 


AMD  DISOOVERT  OF  THE  SALT  SPRINGS. 


47 


•.    :--  •«;■•  ■;       t       /:•*■:'    ['.y/r   .-'  ,'\  ■     '    *''  ', 

OF  THE  RETURN  OF  OUR  FATHERS  AND  OF  OUR  FRENCH- 
MEN FROM  THE  COUNTRY  OF  THE  ONNONTAGUES. 

[From  the  same.] 

Though  it  be  true  that  the  Iroquois  are  subtle,  adroit  and  great 
cheats,  I  nevertheless  cannot  persuade  myself  that  they  possess  so 
much  inteMgence,  so  much  tact,  and  that  they  are  such  great  poli- 
ticians as  to  have  had  recourse  to  the  ruses  and  intrigues  imputed 
to  them  to  destroy  the  French,  the  Hurons,  the  Algonquins,  and 
their  allies. 

\  They  urged  for  many  years  with  incredible  persistence ;  with 
evidences  of  especial  affection  and  even  with  threats  of  rupture 
and  war,  if  their  friendship  were  despised  and  their  demand  reject- 
ed ;  they  insisted,  I  say,  and  solicited  that  a  goodly  number  of 
French  should  accompany  them  into  their  country,  the  one  to 
instruct,  the  others  to  protect  them  against  their  enemies,  as  a 
token  of  peace  and  alliance  with  them. 

The  Mohawks  desired  to  thwart  this  scii<  me ;  they  fought  the 
one  against  the  other  even  unto  polluting  the  earth  with  blood 
and  murder.  Some  believed  that  all  that  was  mere  feint,  the  better 
to  mask  their  game  ;  but  it  would  seem  to  me  not  a  very  pleasant 
game  when  the  stakes  are  life  and  blood.  I  strongly  doult  that 
Iroquoy  policy  should  extend  so  far  as  that,  and  that  Barbarians 
who  repose  but  little  confidence  in  each  other,  should  so  long 
conceal  their  intrigues.  I  believe  rather  that  the  Onnontagu6  Iro- 
quois demanded  some  Frenchmen  in  sincerity,  but  with  views  very 
different.  The  Chiefs  finding  themselves  engaged  in  heavy  wars 
against  a  number  of  nations  whom  they  had  provoked,  asked  for 
Hurons  as  reinforcements  to  their  warriors  ;  they  wished  for  the 
French  to  obtain  firearms  from  them,  and  to  repair  those  which 
might  be  broken.  Further,  as  the  Mohawks  treated  them  some- 
times very  ill  when  passing  through  their  villages  to  trade  with 
the  Dutch,  they  were  anxious  to  rise  out  of  this  dependence  in 


48 


i   '-' 


FIRST  SETTLEM£>7T  OF  ONONDAGA, 


opening  a  trade  with  the  French.  This  is  not  all,  the  fate  of 
arms  being  fickle,  they  demanded  that  our  Frenchmtn  should  erect 
a  vast  fort  in  their  country  to  serve  as  a  retreat  for  them,  or  at  least 
for  their  wives  and  children  in  case  their  enemies  pressed  too 
close  on  them.  Here  ure  the  views  of  the  Iroquois  politicians. 
The  common  people  did  not  penetrate  so  far  ahead  j  curiosity  to 
see  strangers  come  from  such  a  distance,  the  hope  of  deriving 
some  little  profit,  created  a  desire  to  see  them  ;  but  the  Christian 
Hurons  and  captives  among  the  people,  and  those  who  approved 
their  lives  and  conversations  which  they  sometimes  held  regarding 
our  belief,  breathed  nothing  in  the  world  so  much  as  'l^e  coming 
of  Preachers  of  the  Gospel  who  had  brought  them  forth  unto 
Jesus  Christ.  ' 

But  so  soon  as  the  Captains  and  Chiefs  became  masters  of  their 
enemies,  having  crushed  all  the  Nations  who  had  attacked  them  ; 
so  soon  as  they  believed  that  nothing  could  resist  their  arms,  the 
recollection  of  the  wrongs  they  pretended  to  have  formerly 
experiencfed  from  the  Hurons;  the  glory  of  triumphing  over  Euro- 
peans as  well  as  Americans,  caused  them  to  take  the  resolution  to 
revenge  themselves  on  the  one  and  destroy  the  other  ;  so  that  at 
the  very  moment  they  saw  the  dreaded  Cat  Nation  subjugated  by 
their  arms  and  by  the  power  of  the  Senecas,  their  allies,  they 
would  have  massacred  all  the  French  at  Onnontagu^,  were  it  not 
that  they  pretended  to  make  use  of  them  as  a  decoy  to  attract 
some  Hurons  and  to  massacre  them  as  they  had  already  done.  And 
if  the  influence  of  some  of  their  tribe,  then  resident  at  Quebec,  had 
not  staid  them,  the  path  to  Onnontagu^  had  become  the  tomb  to 
Frenchmen  as  well  as  to  Hurons,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter.  From 
ihat  time  forth  our  people,  having  discovered  their  conspiracy, 
and  perceived  that  their  death  was  concluded  on,  bethought  them 
on  their  retreat,  which  shall  be  described  in  the  following  letter. 


TO  THK  RET 


|1 


^. 


AMD  DIBOOTSBT  OF  THS  SALT  BPftWOS. 


49 


►.    f.     :C.     I     TiimTrrm    TkiTTT     Tk  >  AivT'n'&m  *  «t  ;»     n..^^    -..Vi 


ijomifc  V3d  FATHER  PAUL  RAGUENEAU 


-U    atiiOet    'lol 


TO  TBE  EEYt  FATHER  JACQUES  BENAULT,  PBOVINCIAL  OF  THE  SOCIETY 
r<ym  iyilV^.      ^^  ^^^^  ^  ^^^  PROVINCE  OF  FRANCE. 

'^"^^  '"'"  PaxChristi. 

My  R.  Father,  -  ^''  v'  owo.  ...    ■.,;........ 

'     lf  if' 

The  present  is  to  inform  Y.  R.  of  our  return  from  the  Iroquois 
mission,  loaded  with  some  spoils  rescued  from  Hell.  We  bear 
in  our  hands  more  than  five  hundred  children  and  a  number  of 
adults,  the  most  part  of  whom  died  after  Baptism.  We  have  re- 
established Faith  and  piety  in  the  hearts  of  a  poor  captive  church, 
the  first  foundations  of  which  we  had  laid  in  the  Huron  Country. 
We  have  proclaimed  the  gospel  unto  all  the  Iroquois  Nations  so 
that  they  are  henceforth  without  excuse,  and  God  will  be  fully 
justified  against  them  at  the  great  day  of  judgment.  *  """ 

The  Devil  enraged  at  seeing  us  reap  so  fine  a  harvest  and  en- 
joy so  amply  the  fruits  of  our  enterprise,  made  use  of  the  incon- 
stancy of  the  Iroquois  to  drive  us  from  the  centre  of  his  estates; 
for  these  Barbarians,  without  other  motive  than  to  follow  their 
volatile  humor,  renewed  the  war  against  the  French,  the  first 
blows  of  which  w^re  discharged  on  our  worthy  Christian  Hurons, 
who  went  up  with  us  to  Onnontagu6  at  the  close  of  the  last 
summer,  and  who  were  cruelly  massacred  in  our  arms  and  in 
our  bosom  by  the  most  signal  treason  imaginable.  They  then 
made  prisoners  of  their  poor  wives  and  even  burned  some  of 
them  with  their  children  of  three  and  four  years,  at  a  slow  fire. 

This  bloody  execution  was  followed  by  the  murder  of  three 
Frenchmen  at  Montreal  by  the  Oneidas,  who  scalped  them  and 
carried  these  as  if  in  triumph  into  their  villages  in  token  of  de- 
clared war.  This  act  of  hostility  having  obliged  M.  Dailleboust, 
then  commanding  in  this  country,  to  cause  a  dozen  of  Iroquois, 
in  part  Onnontagu6s  and  mostly  Mohawks,  to  be  arrested  and 
put  in  irons  at  Montreal,  Three  Rivers  and  Quebec,  where  they 
happened  to  be  at  the  time,  both  Iroquois  Nations  became  irri- 


60 


f ij^T  s^T|.S(4ifMT  Ay  mimA9h 


tated  at  this  detentirn  of  their  people,  pretending  that  it  was 
unjust;  and  to  cruelly  avenge  themselves  convoked  a  secret 
Council  where  they  formed  the  scheme  of  an  implacable  war 
against  the  French.  Yet,  they  judged  it  fitting  to  dissimulate 
for  som'^  time  u^til  thffo^gh  t)ie  ristjgit^  of  Father  Simon  Le* 
Moine,  tht.n  with  the  Mohawks,  they  should  h^ve  obtained  t^e 
delivery  of  th><%ir  folks  who  were  in  irons.  In  that  Council  they 
even  looked  on  our  persons  as  precious  hostages,  either  for  the 
exchange  of  some  of  their  tribe  who  were  in  prisop,  or  obtaiii- 
ment  of  whatever  ple^^sed  them  when  wijthjui  view  pf  pur  Frjejich 
settlements  they  should  ojuake  us  feel  the  efiects  of  their  cruielty; 
doubting  not  that  these  horrible  spectacles  and  tl^e  lamentations  of 
forty  and  fiHy  innocent  Frenchmen  would  touch  with  compassion 
and  distress  the  Governor  and  inhabitants  of  what  place  SiO  ever. 

We  were  only  privaitely  acquainted  with  these  disastrous  de- 
signs of  the  Iroquois,  but  we  openly  saw  their  spirits  prepared 
for  war ;  and  in  the  month  of  February  divers  bapds  took  tjb^e 
field  for  that  purpose,  200  Mohawks  on  the  one  side,  40  Oneidas 
on  the  other  ;  some  Onnontagu^  warriors  had  already  gone  for- 
ward whilst  the  main  body  of  the  army  was  assembling. 

We  could  not  e;|cpeot,  speakug  humanly)  to  extricate  from 
these  dangers,  by  which  we  were  surrounded  on  all  sides,  some 
fifty  Frenchmen  who  had  entrusted  to  us  their  lives  and  for 
whom  we  should  feel  ourselves  responsible  before  God  and  men. 
What  distressed  us  the  most  was,  not  so  much  the  flames  into 
which  a  part  of  our  Frenchmen  would  be  cast,  as  the  unfortuna^ 
captivity  to  which  the  most  of  them  were  destined  by  the  Iro- 
quois, in  which  the  salvation  of  their  souls  waa  more  to  be 
dreaded  than  the  loss  of  their  bodies.  This  is  what  the  greater 
number  most  especially  apprehended,  who  already  seeing  them- 
selves prisoners,  coveted  rather  the  stroke  of  the  hatchet  or  eveQ 
the  flames,  than  this  captivity.  They  were  determined  in  order 
to  avoid  this  last  misfortune,  even  to  risk  all  and  to  fly  eacl),  hU 
way  in  the  woods,  to  perish  there  of  hunger  and  wretchedness  or 
to  attempt  to  reach  some  of  the  French  settlements. 

In  these  circumstances  so  precipitous,  our  Fathers  and  I  and  a 
gentleman  named  Monsieur  du  Puys,  who  commanded  all  our 


AHP  OISOOYKBY  of  the  salt  8PEING8. 


61 


Frenchmen  and  a  garrison  of  soldiers,  nine  of  whom  had  already 
of  themselves  resolved  to  abandon  us,  concluded  that  it  would 
be  better  to  withdraw  in  a  body,  either  to  encourage  one  another 
to  die  or  to  sell  life  more  dearly.  For  that  reason  it  became 
necessary  to  depart  without  breathing  a  syllable  about  it ;  for  the 
least  suspicion  that  the  Iroquois  would  have  bad  of  our  retreat, 
would  hurry  down  on  us  the  disaster  we  would  avoid.  But  how 
hope  to  be  able  to  depart  without  being  discovered,  being  in  the 
heart  of  the  country,  and  always Jbeset  by  a  number  of  these  Bar- 
barians who  left  not  our  house  so  as  to  watch  our  countenances 
m  this  conjuncture  *?  It  k  true  they  never  imagined  that  we 
should  have  had  the  courage  to  undertake  this  exploit,  knowing 
well  that  we  had  neither  canoes,  nor  sailors,  and  that  we  were 
unacquainted  with  the  paths  topped  by  precipices  where  a  dpzen 
Iroquois  could  easily  defeat  us:  Besides,  the  season  was  insup- 
portable on  account  of  the  cold  of  the  frozen  water  through 
which,  under  all  circumstances,  the  canoes  were  to  be  dragged, 
throwing  ourselves  into  the  river  ard  remaining  there  entire 
hours,  sometimes  up  to  the  neck,  and  we  never  hat!  undertaken 
such  expeditions  without  having  savages  for  guides. 

Notwithstanding  these  obstacles  which  appeared  insurmounta- 
ble to  them  ?.s  well  as  to  us,  God,  who  holds  in  His  hands  all  the 
moments  ci  out  lives,  so  happily  inspired  usj  with  all  that  was 
necessary  to  be  done,  that  having  departed  on  the  20t'>  day  of 
March  from  our  house  of  Ste.  Marie^  near  Onnontagu6,  at  eleven 
o'clock  at  night.  His  divine  providence  guiding  us,  as  if  by  a 
continued  miracle,  in  the  mi  ^-i  of  all  imaginable  dangers,  we  ar- 
rived at  Quebec  on  the  23^  of  the  month  of  April,  having  passed 
Montreal  and  Three  Rivers  before  any  canoe  could  be  launched, 
the  river  not  having  been  open  for  navigation  until  the  very  day 
that  we  made  our  appearance. 

From  the  same  to  the  same. 

Your  Rev.  will  be  glad  to  learn  tlie  particulars  of  our  depart- 
ure from  Ste.  Marie  of  the  Iroquois.  *  *  »  *  » 
The  resolution  being  taken  to  quit  that  country  where  God  took 
through  us,  the  small  number  of  his  disciples,  the  difficulties  ap- 


,     i 


t  'i 


52 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  0H0NDA6A) 


U    ? 


- 


•I?  '! 

If!' 


i  t'- 


m 


pvaied  insurmountable  in  their  execution  for  which  every  thing 
failed  us.  .  (*•■,- 

To  supply  the  want  of  canoes,  we  had  built,  in  secret,  two 
Batteaux  of  a  novel  and  excellent  structure  to  pass  the  rapids ; 
these  batteaux  drew  but  very  little  water  and  carried  considera- 
ble freight,  fourtoen  or  fifteen  men  each,  amounting  to  fifteen  to 
sixteen  hundred  weight.  We  had  moreover  four  Algonquin  and 
four  Iroquois  canoes,  which  were  to  compose  our  little  fleet  of 
fifty -three  Frenchmen.  •  ' 

But  Ihe  difficulty  was  to  embark  unperceived  by  the  Iroquois 
wit)o  constantly  beset  us.  The  batteaux,  canoes  and  Al  the  equi- 
I  »ge  could  not  be  conveyed  without  great  noise,  and  yet  without 
6(.\  :ery  there  was  nothing  to  be  expected  save  a  general  massacre 
of  b'l  of  US  the  moment  it  would  be  discovered  that  we  enter- 
tuineu  the  least  thought  of  withdrawinfj. 

On  that  account  we  invited  all  th'.-  Savages  in  our  neighbour- 
hood to  a  solemn  feast  at  which  \vu  employed  all  our  industry, 
and  spared  neither  the  noise  of  drums  nor  instruments  of  music, 
to  deceive  them  by  harmless  device.  He  who  presided  at  this 
ceremony  played  his  part  with  so  much  address  and  success,  that 
all  were  desirous  to  contribute  to  the  publick  joy:  Every  one 
vied  in  uttering  the  most  piercing  cries,  now  of  war,  anon  of  re- 
joicing. The  Savages,  through  complaisance,  sung  and  danced 
after  the  French  fashion  and  the  French  in  the  Indian  style.  To 
encourage  theri  the  more  in  this  fine  play,  presents  were  distri- 
buted amonr>:  those  who  acted  best  their  parts  and  who  made  the 
greatest  notse  to  drown  that  caused  by  about  forty  of  our  people 
outside  -ivho  were  engaged  in  rr  n  oving  all  our  equipage.  The 
embarcation  being  completed,  the  feast  was  concluded  at  a  fixed 
time ;  the  guests  retired,  and  sleep  having  soon  overwhelmed 
them,  we  withdrew  from  our  house  by  a  back  door  and  embarked 
with  very  little  noise,  without  bidding  adieu  to  the  Savages,  who 
were  acting  cunning  parts  and  were  thinking  to  amuse  us  to  the 
hour  of  our  massacre  with  fair  appearances  and  evidences  of 
good  will. 

Our  little  Lake  on  which  we  silenllv  sailed  in  the  darkness  of 
the  night,  froze  according  as  we  advanced  and  caused  us  to  fv'ar 


i 


being  stoj 

God,  hov 

and  all  th 

falls,  we  { 

twenty  les 

wa5  the  n 

part  ire  th 

twelve  it  ^ 

disorder, t 

veiling  ten 

to  land  ai 

through  US 

have  serve 

have  strucl 

protection 

load,  in  wl: 

after  we  e 

the  snow  ai 

the  ice. 

Ten  days 
we  floated, 
the  ice,  ax« 
terwards  a 
dered.     Foi 
we  found  o\ 
quantity  of  1 
on  as  many 
teaux  which 
ter  and  all  o 
with  the  roa 
dreadful  wn 
ourselves,  tl 
selves  into  tl 
never  been, 
being  engulf 
which,  notw 
keep.     Thre 


AND  DISOOVEBY  OF  THE  SALT  SpaiKGS.  88 

being  stopt  by  the  ice  after  having  evaded  the  fires  of  the  Iroquois. 
God,  however,  delivered  uS)  and  after  having  advanced  all  night 
and  all  the  following  day  through  frightful  precipices  and  water- 
falls, we  arrived  finally  in  the  evening  at  the  great  Lake  Ontario, 
twenty  leagues  from  the  place  of  our  departure.  This  first  day 
wa><)  the  most  dangerous,  for  had  the  Iroquois  observed  our  dc- 
part  ire  they  would  have  intercepted  us,  and  had  they  been  ten  or 
twelve  it  would  have  been  easy  for  them  to  have  thrown  us  into 
disord^^r,  the  river  being  very  narrow,  and  terminating  after  tra- 
velling ten  leagues  in  a  frightful  precipice  where  we  were  obliged 
to  land  and  carry  our  baggage  and  canoes  during  four  hours, 
through  unknown  roads  covered  with  a  thick  forest  which  could 
have  served  the  enemy  for  a  Fort,  whence  at  each  step  he  could 
have  struck  and  fired  on  us  without  being  perceived.  God's 
protection  visibly  accompanied  us  during  the  remainder  of  the 
road,  in  which  we  walked  through  perils  which  made  us  shudder 
after  we  escaped  them,  having  at  night  no  other  bed  except 
the  snow  after  having  passed  entire  days  in  the  water  and  amid 
the  ice. 

Ten  days  after  our  departure  we  found  Lake  Ontario  on  which 
we  floated,  still  frozen  at  its  mouth.  We  were  obliged  to  break 
the  ice,  axe  in  hand,  to  make  an  opening,  to  enter  two  days  af- 
terwards a  rapid  where  our  little  fleet  had  well  nigh  foun- 
dered. For  having  entered  a  Great  Sault  without  knowing  it, 
we  found  ourselves  in  the  midst  of  breakers  which,  meeting  a 
quantity  of  big  rocks,  threw  up  mountains  of  water  and  cast  us 
on  as  many  precipices  as  we  gave  strokes  of  paddles.  Our  bat- 
teaux  which  drew  scarcely  half  a  foot,  were  soon  filled  with  wa- 
ter and  all  our  people  in  such  confusion,  that  their  cries  mingled 
with  the  roar  of  the  torrent  presented  to  us  the  spectacle  of  a 
dreadful  wreck.  It  became  imperative,  however,  to  extricate 
ourselves,  the  violence  of  the  current  dragging  us  despite  our- 
selves into  the  large  rapiils  and  through  past  es  in  which  we  had 
never  been.  Terror  redoubled  at  the  sight  of  one  of  our  canoes 
being  engulfed  in  a  breaker  which  barred  the  entire  rapid  and 
which,  notwithstan»ling,  was  the  course  that  all  the  others  must 
keep.     Three  Frenchmen  were  drowned  there,  a  fourth  fortu- 


™7*-  r 

^:;|^ 

'.  -     ■          ;       '      V         ■  '     ,■ 

( 

■'     ■    'l' 

:.  ■' 

* 

•  ;>.  I 

■m^-m^ 


rimST  SKTTLEMltNT  AT  OKOR0AGA, 


k 


■i'. 


nately  edcapedy  having  held  on  to  the  eanoe  and  being  saved  at 
the  foot  of  the  Sault  when  at  the  point  of  letting  go  his  hold,  his 
strength  being  exhausted.  •  •  •  •  The  3d  of 
April  we  kmded  at  Montreal^  in  the  beginning  of  the  night. 

•-  '•  •  •  •!  •  •  ' 

You  noticed  above how  our  Fathers  and  our  Frencihnien 

withdrew  from  their  habitation  built  on  the  banks  of  Lake  Ganan- 
taa,  near  Onnontagu6.  That  happened  ait  night,  and  without 
noise  and  with  so  nnieh  address,  that  the.  Iroquois,  who  cabined 
at  the  doors  of  our  house,  never  perceived  the  removal  of  the  ca- 
noes suid  batteaux  and  bagage  which  were  kun<ihed,  nor  the  em- 
barcation  of  fifty  three  persons^  Sleep  in  which  they  were  deep- 
ly enveloped,  after  considerable  sniging  and  dancing,  deprived 
them  of  all  consciousness ;  but  at  length  night  having  given  place 
to  day,  darkness  to  light,  sleep  to  awaking,  these  Barbarians  left 
their  cabins,  and  roving  round  our  well  locked  house,  were  as- 
tonished at  the  profound  silence  of  the  Frenchmen.  They  saw 
no  one  going  out  to  work  ;  they  heard  no  voice.  They  thought 
at  first  that  they  were  all  at  prayer,  or  in  council,  but  the  day 
advancing  and  these  prayers  not  getting  to  an  end,  they  knocked 
at  the  door.  The  dogs,  which  our  Frenchmen  designedly  left 
behind,  answered  by  barking.  The  cock^s  crow  which  they  heard 
in  the  morning  and  the  noise  of  the  dogs,  made  them  think  that 
the  masters  of  these  animals  were  not  far  off ;  they  recovered  the 
patience  which  they  had  lost.  But  at.  length  the  sun  began  to 
decline  and  no  person  answering  neither  to  the  voice  of  men  nor 
to  the  cries  of  animals,  they  scaled  the  house  to  gee  the  condition 
of  out  people  in  this  terrible  silence.  Astonishment  now  gave 
place  to  fright  and  trouble.  They  open  the  door ;  the  chiefs 
enter  every  where  ;  ascend  the  garret ;  descend  to  the  cellar  ; 
not  a  Frenchman  makes  his  appearance  dead  or  alive.  They  re- 
gard one  another — terror  seizes  them  ;  they  imagine  they  have  to 
do  with  Devils.  They  saw  no  batteau,  and  even  if  they  saw  it 
they  could  not  imagine  that  our  Frenchmen  would  be  so  rash 
as  to  precipitate  themselves  into  rapids  and  breakers,  among 
rocks  and  horrible  dangers  in  which  themselves  though  very  ex- 
pert in  passing  through  Saults  and  Cascades,  often  lose  their 


▲KD  DUOOYKBY  OF  THK  lALT  •PlINOS. 


55 


lives.  They  persuade  themselves  either  that  they  walked  on  the 
waves,  or  fled  through  the  air  ;  or  as  seemed  most  probable,  that 
they  concealed  themselves  in  the  woods.  They  seek  for  them ; 
notlung  appears.  They  are  quasi  convinced  that  they  rendered 
themselves  invisible  j  and  as  they  suddenly  departed,  so  will  they 
pounce  at  suddenly  on  thtir  village. 


i#l--  '^• 


% 


,i,"/i 


'W***  ■•  • 


'« 

1,.^ 


""-'.!.■ '«f' 


f    '  J 


,#^  fr- 


oti^ 


;»' 


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Uiiidovi 


j'/llW 


.afeoo*' 


\t,-  0;j  ^i»;,jjM<|yi)  viaobltilf 


^1     '': 


a 


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ft  Com 


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v^/'i 


r 


III. 


PAPERS 


f  e  CnnttelleB'  onh  le  <!^ratt)'£i  (J^xpebitlonB 


■4 


THE  MOHAWK  INDIANS. 


Oltttto  1B65-6. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


/y 


^ 


1.0    '^^  ^ 

ii£  122    ||Hoo 

II    1  us  N^ 

L=  -  111 

|||l.25  III  1.4      1.6 

1 

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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)873-4503 


4^s 


z 


( n 


..-fTM  U  /  11 


I'lTf.Wi 


^M' I   '(^-HjiuauwP  4ft 


i^vfTfrn  yiTfiypiif  ^-'-v- 


.cf-oclOl  timiK: 


OF  THE  FIRST  F(»tT8  EB£€Tia)  (»l  THE  I]U)(iFOI&  MVEK. 

puutloD  d«  M  qol  i^MC  ptMi  en  U  NoaTell*  FMato  M     aniiiM'iaM'lt'  laV;]' 


ft 


At  the  same  time  that  the  Outaouakn  embarked  to  return  to 
th^  country)  the  wind  becomia^  More  fftvorftbIe,the  soldiers  who 
had  been  obliged  to  stop  at  Three  Riyers  likewise  embarked; 
Imd  after  having  nayigated  Lake  St.  Peter  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  tite  iiiV^f  1itdteli«tt,  wMdi  iWds  to  the  Iroquois  of  the 
Mohawk. 

The  plan  entertained  at  tins  first  campaign  was  to  erect  on  the 
rdttte  sbmi^  fbtts,  #iilch  xrefe  conridered  absolutely  necessary  as 
well  to  securb  the  paittage  and  liberty  of  trade  as  to  serve  for 
sfbf^  for  the  trbops  attd  retreats  for  dck  and  wounded  sol- 
dieM.  Fbr  this  purpose  three  advantageous  post^  were  selected. 
The!  first  at  the  mouth  of  the  Iroquois  River ;  the  second  seven- 
te^  Icjagues  higher  up,  at  the  foot  of  a  current  of  watier  called  tJie 
Skuli  de  Richdtm ;  the  third  about  three  leagues  above  t^ 
cttrrent. 

The  first  fori,  lianied  Richelieu,  was  built  by  Mons.  de  Cham- 
blay,  who  commanded  five  companies  which  Monsieur  die  Ti|icy 
seAf  there.  The  Second  fort,  named  Sunt  Louis,  because  it  was 
cdmme&ted  the  week  of  the  celebration  of  the  festival  of  that 
great  tobt,  protector  of  our  Kings  and,  of  I^rance,  was  built  by 
M.  de  Sorel,  who  commadded  five  other  companies  of  the  Regi- 
mtiit  of  Ihe'Carignan  Salidres.  .  .  .  The  [third]  fort  was  fbr- 
tunately  finished  itt  the  month  of  October  on  St.  Theresa's  day,, 
whence  it  derived  its  name.  From  tbis  third  fort  of  St.  Therese 
we  can  easily  reach  Lake  Champlain  without  meeting  any  rapids 
to  stop  the  batt^ux. 

This  Lake,  after  a  length  of  sixty  leagues,  finally  tenbinatei  iil 


f*f         L 


SB  J" 


H 


m- 

Tf^P 

X^i'^i 

'h-^y' 

k     t 

1-4  ' 

5 

; 

sr*--*- 

T""""!. 

m       -r 

« 

—14.4% 

1 ;  ^ 

'i"^. 

|?.^t^^ 

^fei^ 

'W''    <  '■ 

60 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST 


*''f 


the  country  of  the  Mohawk  Iroquois.  It  is  still  intended  to  build 
there)  early  next  spring,  a  fourth  fort,  which  will  command  those 
countries,  and  from  which  continual  attacks  can  be  made  on  the 
enemy,  if  they  do  not  listen  to  reason. 

We  shall  .give  at  the  end  of  the  next  chapter,  the  plan  of  these 
three  forts,  with  the  map  of  the  Iroquois  country'  which  has  not 
been  as  yet  seen,  after  having  given  some  particulars  of  those 
people,  who  thwart  us  so  long  a  time,  because  they  have  never 
been  efficiently  attacked. 


isaj 


0  n\i  imii  '^ms  tm^  :Vc{t  ik 


OP  THE  IBOQUOIS  COUNTRY  AND  THE  BOUTES  LEADING 

TUITUEK. 

It  muRt  be  premised  that  the  Iroquois  are  composed  of  five  Na- 
tions, of  which  the  nearest  to  the  Dutch,  is  that  of  the  Mohawk 
consisting  of  two  or  three  villages  containing  about  three  to  four 
hundred  men  capable  of  bearing  arms.  These  have  always  been 
at  war  with  us,  though  they  sometimes  pretended  to  sue  for  peace. 

Proceeding  towards  the  West,  at  a  distance  of  forty-five  leagues, 
is  found  the  second  Nation,  called  Oneida,  which  has  no  more,  at 
most,  than  one  hundred  and  forty  warriors,  and  has  never  wished 
to  listen  to  any  negotiations  for  peace ;  on  the  contrary  it  has  al- 
ways embarrassed  affairs  when  they  appeared  about  to  be  arranged. 

Fifteen  leagues  towards  sunset  is  Onnontagu^,  which  has  full 
three  hundred  men.  We  have  been  formerly  received  there  as 
friends  and  treated  as  enemies,  which  obliged  us  to  abandon  that 
post,  where  we  remained  two  years,  as  if  in  .the  centre  of  all  the 
Iroquois  Nations,  whence  we  proclaimed  the  gospel  to  aH  those 
poor  people,  assisted  by  a  garrison  of  Frenchmen  sent  by  Mon- 
sieur de  Lauzon,  then  Governor  of  New  France,  to  takepossesnon 
of  those  countries  in  his  Majesty's  name. 

At  twenty  or  thirty  leagues  from  there  still  towards  the  West 

1  For  tbe  Map  tbove  refbrMd  to,  Me  the  YoL  of  Relatloni  In  the  State  Libraiy. 


AOAIirST  THB  MOHAWKS. 


61 


is  the  village  of  Cayuga,  of  three  hundred  warriorS)  where  in  the 
year  1657,  we  had  a  mission  which  formed  a  little  church  filled 
with  piety  in  the  midst  of  these  Barbarians. 

"ftwards  the  termination  of  the  Qreat  Lake,  called  Ontario,  b 
located  the  most  numerous  of  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations,  named 
the  Senecas,  which  contains  full  twelve  hundred  men  in  two  or 
three  villages  of  which  it  is  composed. 

These  last  two  nations  have  never  openly  made  war  on  us,  and 
have  always  remained  neuter. 

All  that  extent  of  country  is  partly  south,  partly  west  of  the 
French  settlements,  at  a  distance  of  from  one  hundred  to  one 
hundred  and  fifty  leagues.  It  is  for  the  most  part  fertile,  covered 
with  fine  timber  ;  among  the  rest  entire  forests  of  chestnut  and 
hickory  {noyer,)  intersected  by  numerous  lakes  and  rivers  abound- 
ing in  fish.  The  air  is  temperate ;  the  seasons  regular  as  in 
France,  capable  of  bearing  all  the  fruits  of  Touraine  and  Pro- 
vence. The  snows  are  not  deep  nor  of  long  duration.  The 
three  winters  which  we  passed  there  among  the  Onnontagu^s, 
were  mild,  compared  with  the  winters  at  Quebec  where  the 
ground  is  covered  five  months  with  snow,  three,  four  and  five 
feet  deep.  As  we  inhabit  the  Northern  part  of  New  France  and 
the  Iroquois  the  South,  it  is  not  surprising  that  their  lands  are 
more  agreeable  and  more  capable  of  cultivation  and  of  bearing 
better  fruit. 

There  are  two  principal  rivers  leading  to  the  Iroquois ;  one  to 
those  which  are  near  New  Netherland  and  this  is  the  Richelieu 
river  of  which  we  shall  speak  hereafter ;  the  second  conducts  to 
the  other.  Nations  more  distant  from  us,  always  ascending  our 
great  river  St.  Lawrence  which  divides,  above  Montreal,  as  if 
into  two  branches,  whereof  one  goes  to  the  antient  country  of  the 
Hurons,  the  other  to  that  of  the  Iroquois. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  important  rivers  that  can  be  seen, 
whether  we  regard  its  beauty  or  its  convenience ;  for  we  meet 
there  almost  throughout,  a  vast  number  of  beautiful  Islands,  some 
large,  others  small,  but  all  covered  with  fine  timber  and  full  of 
deer,  bears,  wild  cows  which  supply  abundance  of  provisions 
neceraary  for  the  travellers  who  find  it  every  where,  and  some 


■trrn 


\  \ 


69 


FBIQfOB  EXPSDITI0V8 


pU 


$ 


t^es  entire  herds  of  fallow  deer.  The  banks  of  the  main  land 
are  ordviarily  shaded  by  huge  oaks  and  other  lofty  timber  cover- 
ing a  good  soil. 

Before  arriving  at  the  Great  Lake  QntsunO)  two  others  ar^ra- 
versed,  .one  of  which  adjoins  the  Island  of  Montreal,  the  other  is 
amidway.  It  is  ten  leagues  long  by  six  wide.  It  is  terminated 
by  a  great  many  little  islands  very  pleasing  to  the  sight,  and  we 
have  nam,ed  it  Lake  St.  Francis. 

But  what  renders  this  river  inconvenient  is  the  water  falls  and 
rapids  which  extend  for  the  space  of  forty  leagues,  to  wit  from 
Montreal  to  the  entrance  of  Lake  Ontario,  there  being  only  the 
two  lakes  just  mentioned  of  easy  navigation.  To  surmount  these 
torrents,  we  must  often  debark  from  the  canoe  and  walk  in  the 
riv^r  whose  waters  are  sufficiently  low  iri  these  quarters,  chiefly 
towards  the  banks.  We  take  th^  canoe  in  hand  dragging  it  after 
us,  Ordinarily  two  men  suffice,  one  forward  at  the  bow,  the 
other  behind  at  the  stern ;  and  as  the  canoe  is  very  light,  being 
made  merely  of  the  bark  of  trees,  and  as  it  is  not  loaded,  it  glides 
more  smoothly  over  the  water,  not  meeting  great  resistance. 
Some  times  the  canoe  is  to  be  landed  and  carried  some  distance, 
one  man  in  front,  the  other  in  the  rear ;  the  first  carrying  one  end 
of  the  canoe  on  the  right  shoulder,  the  second  carrying  the  other 
end  on  the  left.  It  becomes  necessary  to  do  this  either  on  meet- 
ing cascades  and  entire  rivers  which  fall  some  times  perpendicu- 
larly from  a  prodigious  height  or  when  the  current  is  too  rapid ; 
or  when  the  water  thereabout  being  too  deep,  we  cannot  walk, 
dragging  the  canoe  along  by  the  hand ;  or  when  the  country  is 
to  be  crossed  from  one  river  to  the  other. 

But  when  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Lake  is  reached,  the  navi 
gation  is  easy,  when  the  waters  are  tranquil,  becoming  insensibly 
wider  at  first ;  then  about  two-thirds,  next  one  half  and  finally 
put  of  sight  (of  land)  ;  especially  after  one  has  passed  an  infinity 
of  little  islands  which  are  at  the  entrance  of  the  Lake,  in  such 
great  number  and  in  such  a  variety  that  the  most  experienced 
Iroquois  Pilots  sometimes  lose  themselves  there,  and  experience 
considerable  difficulty  in  distinguishing  the  course  to  be  steered, 
in  the  confusion  and  as  it  were  in  the  labyrinth  formed  by  the 


■d  »S-   .".hruti 


AfiAoanrmifoaAwwM, 


63 


lilt 


islaiidsy  which  otherwise  have  nothing  agreeable  beyond  tbeir 
multitude.  For  these  are  only  huge  rocks  rinng  oat  the  wa- 
tef  f  covered  iiqterely  by  looss,  or  a  few  spruce  or  ot)ker  stunted 
wood  whose  roots  spring  from  the  clefts  of  the  rooks  which  can 
supply  np  other  aljmjent  or  moisture  to  these  barren  trees  th^ 
what  the  rains  furnish  them. 

After  leaving  this  melancholy  abode,  the  Lake  is  discovered 
appearing  lil^e  unto  a  sea  without  islands  or  boundlb  where  barks 
»nd  shipp  can  siail  in  all  safety  ;  so  that  the  commumcation  would 
be  easy  betiiveen  all  the  French  colonies  that  could  be  established 
on  th6  borders  of  this  Great  l^^^  wludi  is  more  tban  a  j^uf^rnd 
leagues  long  by  thirty  to  forty  wide. 

)  It  is  from  this  point  that  all  the  Iroquois  Nations  can  be  reach- 
ed, by  various  directions,  except  the  Mohawks,  the  route  to 
whom  is  by  the  River  Richelieu,  of  which  we  can  safely  say  two 
wor4s  i^inc^  t;hey  regard  it,  that  our  troops  have  already  con- 
structed thie  three  forts  of  which  we  have  spoken. 

It  is  called  the  Richelieu  River  because  of  the  fort  of  the  same 
name  which  was  ere<?ted  there  at  its  mouth  stt  the  commencement 
of  the  wars ;  and  which  has  been  rebuilt  anew  to  secure  the  en- 
trance pf  that  river.  It  likewise  bears  the  name  of  the  River  of 
the  Iroquois,  because  it  is  the  route  which  leads  tluther,  and  it  is 
by  it  ^ese  Barbarians  used  most  ordinarily  come  to  attack  us. 
The  bed  of  ti^s  river  is  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  pa- 
ces wide  aliji^Qst  throughout,  though  at  its  mouth  it  is  somewhat 
narrower  :  its  borders  are  decorated  with  beautiful  pines  through 
which  we  can  walk  with  ease  ;  as  in  fact  fifty  of  our  men  have 
donjB  a  foot  by  land  yearly  twenty  leagues  of  the  way  from  the 
mouth  pf  the  river  to  the  Saultf  which  is  so  called,  though  it  is 
not  properly  a  waterfall  but  only  an  impetuous  rapid  full  of  rocks, 
that  arrest  its  course  and  render  the  navigation  almost  impos- 
sibk  for  three  quarters  pf  a  league.  In  time  however  its  passage 
may  be  fac^il^ted.  The  remainder  of  the  river  has  from  the  be- 
ginning a  very  fine  bottom  ;  as  many  as  eight  islands  are  to  be 
met  with  before  arriving  at  the  basin,  which  is  at  the  foot  of  the 
Sault.   This  basin  is  like  a  little  lake,  a  league  and  a  half  in  cir- 


r      HI 


64 


FRENCH  EZPEDITKnra 


i:y^ 


li 

'<-, 
M 


m 


cumference  and  six  to  eight  feet  deep,  where  fish  abounds  ahnost 
at  all  seasons. 

To  the  right  of  this  basin  in  going  up,  is  seen  Fort  Saint  Louis, 
built  quite  recently  here,  which  is  very  convenient  for  the  design 
entertained  against  the  Iroquois,  since  its  position  renders  it  al- 
most impregnable  and  causes  it  to  command  the  whole  riyer. 

After  passing  the  rapids  of  the  Sault  which  extend  three 
leagues,  the  third  fort  is  visible  that  terminates  all  these  rapids : 
for  the  river  afterwards  is  very  beautiful  and  quite  navigable  to 
the  Lake  called  Champlain,  at  the  extremities  of  which  we  enter 
on  the  lands  of  the  Mohawk  Iroquois. 


OP  THE  WAR  AND  THE  TREATIES  OF  PEACE  OP  THE 
FRENCH  WITH  THE  IROQUOIS.  ^ 

[Relation,  he.,  di  annuel,  166B,  1686.] 

The  great  varieties  of  Nations  which  are  in  these  countries, 
the  changeable  and  perfidious  disposition  of  the  Iroquois  and  the 
barbarism  of  all  these  tribes  not  permitting  us  to  hope  for  any 
stable  peace  with  them  except  inasmuch  as  it  can  be  maintained 
by  the  terror  of  the  king's  arms,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that 
peace  succeeds  war  so  easily,  and  that  wars  terminate  so  quickly 
in  peace. 

The  ambassadors  of  five  different  Nations  were  seen  in  one  year 
at  Quebec,  who  came  there  to  solicit  peace ;  yet  these  did  not  pre- 
vent us  punishing  by  a  good  war  those  who  answer^  badly  by 
their  conduct  the  promises  of  their  deputies. 

The  first  of  these  Ambassadors  who  came  from  thie  Upper  Iro- 
quois, were  presented  to  M.  de  Tracy  in  the  month  of  December 
of  the  year  1665,  and  the  most  influential  among  them  was  a  fa- 
mous Captain,  called  Oaraconti^,  who  always  signalized  his  zeal 
for  the  French,  and  employed  the  credit  which  he  has  among  all 
these  tribes,  in  extricating  our  prisoners  from  their  hands,  as  he 


i*.'.r  ■■ 


.P§v 


Ao^ivav  't^;]t,^o^^l^vf^^, 


^ 


-  f 


has  liberated  very  recently  Sieur  Le  Moine)  v^  in^l^^taQt,  9f 
Montreal)  who  had  been  captured  three  mont^  ago  l^y  tj^^eaA, 
Bavbarians. 

M.  de  Tracy  haviiig  notified  him  by  the  usual  presents  that  hfi 
would  give  him  a  friendly  audience,  he  pronounced  a  b&rangi^e 
full  of  good  sense  and  an  elo(|^ence  evincing  90  trape  of  the  bar-: 
bayous.  It  contained  nothing  b^t  courtesies  ^d  o^ersi  of  friend- 
ship and  service  oq  the  part  of  all  his  tribe  ;  wishes  for  a  new 
Jesuit  Mission,  and  expressions  of  condolenpe  on  the  death  of 
the  late  Father  Le  Moine,  the  intelligence  of  which  h|3  had  just 
received. 

•  4|  •.  •  •.  •  •      .        'If  •  • 

However  as  no  advantage  can  be  expected  from  thesp  Natioi\i| 
except  in  so  far  as  we  appear  able  to  injure  them,  nreparations 
were  made  for  a  military  expedition  against  those  with  whom  Q9 
peace  could  be  concluded.  Monsieur  de  Cou^rcell^s,  who  com- 
manded, used  every  possible  diligence,  so  that  he  w^s  ready  to 
start  on  the  9th  January  of  the  year  166Q,  accompanied  by  M. 
du  Gas,  whom  he  took  for  lus  Lieutenant ;  by  M*  de  Salamper, 
Gentleman  Volunteer ;  by  Father  Pierre  Raffeix,  Jesuit ;  by  300 
men  of  the  Regiment  of  Carignan  Sali^res  and  200  Volunteers, 
habitans  of  the  French  Colonies.  This  march  could  not  but  be 
tedious,  every  one  having  snow  shoes  on  his  feet,  to  the  use  of 
which  none  were  accustomed,  and  all,  not  excepting  the  oncers 
nor  even  M.  de  Courcelles  himself,  being  loaded,  each  \^ith  from 
25  to  30  pounds  of  biscuit,  clothing  and  other  necessary  supplies. 

A  more  difficult  or  longer  march  than  that  of  this  little  army, 
can  scarcely  be  met  with  in  any  history,  and  it  required  a  French 
courage  and  the  perseverance  of  M.  de  Courcelles,  to  undert^^ 
it.  In  addition  to  the  embarrassment  caused  by  the  snow  shoes, 
which  is  a  species  of  great  inconvenience  and  that  of  the  burthen 
which  each  one  was  obliged  to  carry,  it  was  necessary  to  walk 
three  hundred  leagues  on  the  snow ;  cross  lakes  and  rivers  con- 
tinually on  the  ice  in  danger  of  making  as  many  falls  as  steps ; 
sleep  only  on  the  snow  in  the  midst  of  the  forest  and  endure  a 
cold  surpassing  by  many  degrees  in  severity  that  of  the  most  rigor- 
ous European  winters. 

6        .      --     ^■ 


w    1/ 


I      ! 


■■fi- 


66 


VRDTCH  EXPCDITIONI 


K    "i- 


Our  troops,  however,  having  gone  the  first  day  to  Slllery  t» 
recommend  the  success  of  their  enterprise  to  St.  Michael  the 
Archangel  the  patron  of  that  place ;  many  had,  as  early  as  the 
third  day,  the  nose,  the  ears,  the  knees  and  the  fingers  or  other 
parts  entirely  frozen  and  the  remainder  of  the  body  covered  with 
cicatrixes,  and  some  others  wholly  overcome  and  benumbed  by 
the  cold  would  have  perished  in  the  snow,  had  they  not  been 
carried,  though  vrith  considerable  difficulty,  to  the  place  where 
they  were  to  pass  the  night. 

Sieurs  De  la  Fouille,  Maximin  and  Lobiac,  Captains  in  the 
the  Carignan  regiment,  having  joined  this  little  army  on  the  34th 
January,  each  v/ith  20  soldiers  of  their  companies  and  some  ha- 
bitans  o£  the  place  were  treated  by  the  cold,  on  the  day  follow- 
ing, worse  than  any  had  previously  been,  and  many  soldiers  were 
obliged  to  be  brought  back,  of  whom  some  had  the  legs  cut  by 
the  ice  and  others  the  hands  or  the  arms  or  other  parts  of  the 
body  altogether  frozen.  These  losses  were  repaired  by  Sieurs 
de  Chambly,  Petit  and  Rogemont,  Captains  of  the  same  regi- 
ment, and  by  the  Sieurs  Mignardi,  Lieutenant  of  the  Colonel's 
company  which  was  withdrawn  from  Forts  St.  Louis  and  St. 
Therese,  where  the  troops  rendezvoused  on  the  30th  of  the  same 
month.  So  that  the  army  being  still  500  men  strong  finally  ar- 
rived on  the  14th  of  February,  with  the  same  difficulties  and  the 
same  dangers,  as  before,  in  the  enemy's  country,  at  20  leagues 
distance  from  their  villages.  The  journey  yet^  to  be  travelled, 
was  very  long  in  consequence  of  the  prodigious  depth  of  the 
snow  and  the  delay  of  the  Algonquin  guides,  in  whose  absence 
unknown  routes  were  to  be  tried  and  continual  mistakes  expe- 
rienced. 

Finally  information  was  received  from  prisoners  who  w^ere  ta- 
ken in  some  detached  cabins,  and  from  the  Commandant  of  a 
hamlet  inhabited  by  the  Dutch  of  New  Netherland,  that  the 
greater  part  of  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas  having  gone  to  a  dis- 
tance to  make  war  against  other  tribes  called  the  Wampum  Ma- 
kers, {lesfaiseurs  de  porcelaine)  had  left  in  their  villages  only 
the  children  and  tie  helpless  old  men  ;  and  it  was  considered 
useless  to  push  farther  forward  an  expedition  which  had  all  the 


■m 


1  ■-% 


v^ 


AOAINIT  THE  MOHAWXI. 


67 


effect  intended  by  the  terror  it  spread  among  all  the  tribes,  who 
were  haughty  and  perfidious  only  because  they  considered  them- 
selves inaccessible  to  our  troops.  Before  returning  however  we 
killed  several  savages  who  from  time  to  time  made  their  appear- 
ance along  the  skirts  of  the  forest  for  the  purpose  of  skirmishing 
with  our  people.  Sieur  Aiguemorte  and  some  of  our  soldiers 
were  also  killed  pursuing  them. 

The  effects  of  the  terror  produced  by  his  Majesty^s  arms  on  the 
hearts  of  these  savages  were  apparent  at  Quebec  in  the  month 
of  May  following,  by  the  arrival  of  ambassadors  from  the  Sene- 
cas,  {Sonnontouaeronnons)  who  demanded  the  King's  protection 
for  their  nation  and  the  continuation  of  peace,  which  they  pre- 
tended they  never  violated  by  any  hostile  act.  M.  de  Tracy  had 
already  refused  34  presents  that  they  had  tendered  him,  but  per- 
ceiving that  it  affected  them  sensibly  and  that  they  considered  it 
the  greatest  insult  that  could  be  offered,  he  finally  accepted 
their  wampum  belts,  repeating  to  them  that  it  was  neither  their 
presents  nor  their  goods  that  the  King  desired,  but  their  true 
happiness  and  salvation  ;  that  they  would  derive  all  sorts  of  ad- 
vantages from  their  confidence  in  his  goodness  which  should 
be  extended  to  the  other  Nations  also,  that  they  might  experience 
its  most  favorable  effects,  if  they  took  the  same  care  in  imploring 
it  by  sending  their  ambassadors  forthwith. 

These  were  soon  succeeded  by  those  of  other  tribes ;  among 
the  rest  by  those  from  the  Oneida  and  even  by  those  from  the 
Mohawk,  so  that  the  deputies  from  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations 
were  almost  at  the  same  time  at  Quebec  as  if  to  confirm  by  one 
common  accord  a  durable  peace  with  France. 

In  order  the  better  to  accomplish  this  it  was  deemed  pro- 
per to  send  some  Frenchmen  with  the  Oneida  Ambassadors, 
who  were  also  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  Mohawks, 
and  even  gave  hostages  for  them.  The  Dutch  of  New  Ne- 
therland  had  likewise  written  in  their  behalf  and  went  se- 
curity for  the  faithful  observance  by  all  those  Barbarians  of 
the  articles  of  peace  entered  into  with  them.  These  French  dele- 
gates had  orders  to  inform  themselves  of  every  thing  carefully 
on  the  spot,  and  to  learn  if  it  were  safe  to  confide  again  on  the 


i  • 


II 


'M 


69  WUBMH  BZnDITIOint 

SMi9gtttf  80  that  His  Majeity'i  armi  should  not  be  retarded' by  an' 
ilhttite  hope  of  peace. 

But  scarcely  were  the  Andbassadors  two  or  or  three  days  jour^- 
ney  from  Quebec,  when  news  came  of  the  surprisal  by  the  Mlo^ 
hawks  of  some  Frenchmen  belonging  to  Fort  St.  Anne  who  had^ 
gone  to  the  chase,  and  of  the  murder  of  Sieur  de  Trarersy,  Ciap- 
tain  in  the  Carignan  Regiment  and  Sieur  de  Chusy,  and  that  som« 
volunteers  had  been  taken  prisoners.  The  French  delegates  were 
at  once  recalled,  and  the  Oneida  savages  who  remained  as  hosta- 
ges whose  heads  could  have  been  at  once  split  by  axes  accord- 
ing' to  the  laws  of  war  in  this  country,  were  imprisoned.  But 
without  having  recourse  to  these  barbarous  laws,  means  Were 
idopted  to  derive  greater  advantage  from  this  treachery ;  and  M. 
d«  Sorel,  Captain  in  the  Carignan  Regiment,  immediately  collected 
al  party  of  three  hundred  men,  whom  he  led  by  forced  marched 
into  the  enemy's  country,  resolved  to  put  all,  every  where,  to  the 
sword.  But  when  only  20  leagues  distant  from  their  village^  he 
encountered  new  Ambassadors  bringing  back  the  Frenchtn^n 
taken  near  Fort  St.  Anne,  and  who  were  coming  to  offer  every 
satisfaction  for  the  murder  of  those  who  were  slain  and  new 
guarantees  for  peace,  so  that  this  Captain  having  returned  With 
hit  troops,  there  was  no  more  talk  but  of  peace,  which  they  pre- 
tended to  conclude  by  a  general  council  of  all  the  Tribes  who 
had  at  the  time  delegates  at  Quebec. 

These  treaties  had  not,  however,  all  the  success  which  Was  e^ 
pected  from  them,  and  M.  de  Tracy  concluded  that,  to  ensure 
their  success,  it  was  necessary  to  render  the  Mohawks  by  force  of 
arms  more  tractable,  for  they  always  opposed  new  obstacles  to 
the  publick  tranquillity.  He  wished,  despite  his  advanced  age, 
to  lead  in  person  against  these  Barbarians,  an  army  composed  Of 
600  soldiers  drafted  from  all  the  companies,  of  six  JiuAdred 
habUans  of  the  country  and  one  hundred  Huron  and  Algonquin 
savages,  Through  the  exertions  of  M.  Talon,  all  the  prepara- 
tions for  this  war  were  completed  by  the  14*i>  Sepf,  the  day 
fixed  on  for  departure,  being  that  of  the  exaltation  and  triumph 
of  the  Cross,  for  whose  glory  this  expedition  was  determined  on. 
The  general  rendezvoue  Waa  fixed  for  the  SS*"*  of  Sept.,  at  Fort 


.A^ilMvr  ^s^MPl^frxf. 


A 


,'8t.  Anne  recently  oonstructed  by  Sieur'La  Mothe,  Captain  in, the 
Carignan  Regiment)  on  an  Island  in  Lake  Cbamplain.  Some,  of 
the  troops  not  being  able  to  come  up  in  sufficient  time,  M.  ide 
Tracy  would  not  proceed  before  tbe  3'  of  October,  with  ithe 
main  body  of  the  army.  But  <M.  de  Couroelles  impelled  by, his 
characteristic  impatience  for  the  fight,  started  some  days  ahead 
with  400  men,  and  Sieurs  De  Chambly  and  Berthier,  com- 
mandants of  the  Forts  St.  Louis  and  Assumption  were  left i  to 
.follow  M.  de  Tracy,  four  days  afterwards,  with  the  rear  guard. 
As  it  was  necessary  to  march  one  himdred  and  twenty  leagues 
into  the  interior  to  find  the  enemy's  .villages,  and  as  several  large 
lakes  and  many  considerable  rivers  were  to  be  crossed  before 
arriving  there,  it  was  necessary  to  be  provided  with  conveniences 
for  land  and  water.  Vessels  requisite  for  this  expedition* bad 
been  prepared.  Three  hundred  were  ready;  consisting  partly lof 
very  light  batteaux,  and  partly  of  bark  canoes,  each  of  which 
carried  at  most  five  or  six  hundred  persons.  On  crossing  a, river 
or  lake,  each  was  obliged  to  take  charge  of  his  own.  canoe  aiKlrto 
carry  the  batteaux  by  main  strength.  This  caused  less  labor  than 
two  small  pieces  of  artillery  which  were  conveyed  even  :to  the 
farthest  Iroquois  villages,  to  force  more  easily  all  the  fortifi- 
cations. 

Notwithstanding  the  care  taken  to  accomplish  this  march  with 
little  noise,  we  could  not  prevent  some  Iroquois,  despattfbed 
from  30  to  40  leagues  to  discover  our  troops, .  seeing  from  ithe 
mountain  tops  this  little  naval  expedition,  and  running  to  warn 
the  first  village  of  it;  so  that  the  alarm. spreading  afterwards 
from  village  to  village,  our  troops  found  them .  abandoned,  4|id 
these  barbarians  were  only  seen  on  .the  mountains  .at  a  ^Umee 
uttering  great  cries  and  firing  some  random  shotis  at  our. soldiers. 

Our  army  halting  only  for  refreshment  at  all  these  village, 
which  were  found  void  of  men  ibut  full  of  grain  .and  provisiops, 
expected  to  meet  with  a  vigorous  resistance  at  <  the  last  whi^ch 
we  prepared  to  attack  in  regular  form,  because  the  barba* 
rians  evinced,  by  the  great  firing  they  made  there,  and  the 
..fortifications  they  had  erected,  every -disposition  for  a  despe- 
.rate  defence.    But  our  people  were  again  disappointed  int, their 


f-¥ 


\t' 


;f.; 


I'    ' 


^:!'  •<■; 


8'^! 


70 


FRESrCH  EXPEDITIONS 


hope  ;  for  scarcely  had  the  enemy  seen  the  vanguard  approach, 
when  they  immediately  fled  to  the  woods  where  night  prevented 
our  troops  pursuing  them.  A  triple  palisade,  surrounding  their 
stronghold,  twenty  feet  in  height  and  flanked  hy  four  bastions, 
their  prodigious  quantities  of  provisions  and  the  abundant  supply 
of  water  they  had  provided  in  bark  tanks  to  extinguish  fire  when 
necessary,  afforded  sufficient  evidence  that  their  first  resolution 
had  been  quite  different  from  that  which  the  terror  of  our  arms 
had  caused  them  so  suddenly  to  adopt.  A  few  persons  whom 
their  advanced  age  had  prevented  withdrawing  from  the  vil- 
lage two  days  previously  with  all  the  women  and  children^, 
and  the  remains  of  two  or  three  savages  of  another  tribe  whom 
they  had  half  roasted  at  a  slow  fire  with  their  accustomed  fury, 
were  all  that  were  found.  After  having  planted  the  Cross  and 
celebrated  Mass  and  sung  the  Te  Deum  on  the  spot,  all  that  re- 
mained was  to  fire  the  palisades  and  cabins  and  to  destroy  all  the 
stores  of  Indian  corn,  beans  and  other  produce  of  the  country 
found  there.  The  other  villages  were  again  visited  where  as 
well  as  throughout  the  whole  country,  the  same  devastation  was 
committed  ;  so  that  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  mode  of 
living  of  these  barbarians  doubt  not  but  famine  wMl  cause  as 
many  to  perish  as  would  have  been  destroyed  by  the  arms  of  our 
soldiery  bad  they  dared  to  await  them,  and  that  those  who 
survive  will  De  reduced  by  terror  to  peaceful  conditions  and  to  a 
demeanor  more  difficult  to  be  obtained  from  them  by  mere  san- 
guinary victories. 

The  return  route  of  our  troops  was  more  disagreeable  than  that 
taken  in  going,  because  the  rivers  being  swollen  some  seven 
or  eight  feet  by  the  rains,  were  found  much  more  difScult 
to  cross,  and  a  storm  which  arose  on  Lake  Champlain  wreck- 
ed two  canoes  with  eight  persons,  amongst  whom  was  to  be 
particularly  regretted  Sieur  du  Lugues,  Lieutenant  of  a  compa- 
ny, who  made  frequent  displays  of  his  valour  in  France  as  well 
as  in  Canada. 

The  courage  of  our  troops  was  ever  wonderfully  excited  in  the 
hardships  of  this  expedition  and  in  the  face  of  danger,  by  the  ex- 
amples of  M.  de  TracY,  M.  de  Courcelles  and  M.  de  Salli^re, 


Quarter  IV 

lier  de  Ch 

lages  to 

animated  1 

Bois  and  ( 

faix,  Jesui 

Our  exc 

and  had  ci 

troops,  ca 

on  their  re 

in  consequ 

of  the  ma 

Majesty  he 

not  but  we 

of  these  e: 

these  vast 


A  R] 


UIS  MARCH 
BOYJ 


Upon  th 
of  Canada 
to  seeke  ou 
in  their  ow; 
for  the  seu 
for  many  y 
Indians  of  t 
ferable  disc 
alive  were  i 
If  not  taker 
houses  burn 
crfull  argui 


•    i    I 


AOAnrSTTBS   MOHAWKS. 


71 


Quarter  Master  {Mestre  de  Camp)  of  l!he  regiment  and  of  Cheva- 
lier de  Chaumont  who  desired  always  on  approaching  the  vil- 
lages to  be  of  the  forlorn  hope;  and  their  generosity  was 
animated  by  the  zeal  and  pious  sentiments  with  which  Messrs.  du 
Bois  and  Cosson,  secular  Priests,  and  Fathers  Albanel  and  Ra- 
faix,  Jesuits,  endeavored  to  inspire  them. 

Our  excellent  Prelate  who  had  his  hands  ever  raised  to  Heaven 
and  had  called  every  one  to  prayers,  during  the  absence  of  our 
troops,  caused  thanks  to  be  given  to  God  and  the  Te  Deum  sung 
on  their  return.  Every  body  here  has  conceived  renewed  hopes 
in  consequence  of  the  King's  goodness  towards  the  country  and 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  West  India  Company,  to  whom  his 
Majesty  has  confided  it,  is  affected  towards  it.  So  that  we  doubt 
not  but  we  shall  very  soon  see  most  populous  towns  in  the  place 
.  of  these  extensive  forests,  and  Jesus  Christ  worshipped  in  all 
these  vast  countries. 

END. 


A  RELATION  OF  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  CANNADA 

UIS  MARCH  WII>»  600  YOLTHfTEIBS   INTO   Y^    TERRITORYES   OF  BIS 
ROTALL  HIGHNESSE  THE  DUKE  OF  YORKE  IN  AMERICA.  ' 

[Lond.  D09.  II.] 

Upon  the  29t'»  of  Xber  last,  Monsier  Coarsell  the  Govemour 
of  Canada,in  Nova  ffrancia  begun  his  march  with  near  600  men, 
to  seeke  out  their  inveterate  ennemyes  called  the  Mahauke  Indians 
in  their  owne  country  and  forts,  there  to  take  reuenge  upon  them 
for  the  seuerall  murthers  and  spoyles  which  the  Barbarians  had 
for  many  yeares  exercised  in  Cannada  upon  the  French,  and  the 
Indians  of  those  parts  even  to  the  mine  of  most,  but  to  the  insuf- 
ferable discouragement  of  all  those  Inhabbitants,  who  being  taken 
alive  were  usually  tortured  and  eaten,  or  burnt  by  the  Mauhaukes  j 
If  not  taken,  yet  liv<'  in  perpetuall  alarums  to  see  their  dwelling 
houses  burnt,  their  Cattell  and  Come  destroyed.  All  which  pow- 
erfull  arguments  furnish't  y»  french  with  heate  enough  to  march 


W      V' 


] 


;--l 


,    i 


1  ai 


1 


f« 


VKBKXl  sSPKDITlOlnl 


tiVer  tHe  frozen  I&ke  6f  C'ahada,  lying  in  ike  iSOth  degree  of  tabir- 
tkeme  latitude,  ftnd  taking  their  tyme  that  the  snow  upon  the 
^ound  ^as  hard  frozen  (though  in  most  places  4  foote  deep)  made 
Use  of  Indian  snow  ^hoesw*""  hath  the  very  form  of  a  Rackett 
tyed  to  6ach  footcVwheireby  y«  body  ftnd  feet  are  kept  from  sink- 
ing into  the  snow,  and  because  it  was  not  possible  for  horseis  to 
|»tes,  or  subsist  in  the  snow,  or  for  the  Soldiers  to  carry  their  ne- 
ilessary  provisibns  on  their  backes,  and  had  ledse  expettation  to 
itteetew*''  any  reliefe  in  the  taste  wilderness,  theGoverno'  caused 
'Idight  sledges  to  be  made  in  good  Aumber,  laying  provisions  updn 
them,  drew  them  over  the  snow  with  mastive  doggs,  all  thejse  dif- 
ficultyesput  together  impeded  his  march,  and  by  the  mistake  bf 
his  guides  hapned  to  fall  shbrt  of  the  castles  of  the  Mauhailkes, 
'liind  to  take  up  his  quarters  or  rather  incamp  upon  the  O^**  of  Fe- 
bruary within  2  mylcis  of  a  sihall  village  called  Schonectade,  ly- 
ing w*''  in  the  woods  beyond  fort  Albany  in  y«  tei'ritoryes  of  his 
Royall  highness,  and  3  dayss  march  from  the  first  castle  of  the 
Mahaukes. 

The  French  suposed  they  were  then  come  to  their  designed 
place,  and  the  rather  because/y*  evening  they  did  rancounter  w*"* 
a  party  of  the  Mohaukes  who  made  appearance  of  retreating  from 
the  French,  whereupon  a  party  of  60  of  their  best  Fuzileers  after 
them,  but  that  small  party  drew  the  French  into  an  ambuscade  of 
neare  200  Mohaukes  planted  behind  trees,  (who  ta]|^ing their  ad- 
vsmtageasit  fell  into  their  hands,)  at  one  volley  slew  eleauen 
French  men  whereof  6ne  was  a  Lieuten*.  wounded  divers  others, 
tiie  french  party  made  an  hono'able  retreit  to  their  body,  vr*>^  was 
inarching  after  them  close  at  hand,  w°i>  gave  the  Mohaukes  tyme 
'Uld  opportunity  to  march  off  w^ii  the  loss  of  only  3  slaine  upon 
the  plaice  and  6  ^bunded,  the  report  whereof  was  soone  brought 
to  Schonecktade  by  those  Indians,  with  the  heads  of  4  of  the 
Kirench  to  the  Commissary  of  the  Village  who  immediately  dis- 
patched the  newes  to  Fort  Albany,  from  whence  the  next  day  3 
of  the  principle  inhabitants  "Were  sent  to  Monsier  Coursell  the 
^bverno'  of  Oannada  to  inc[tiire  of  his  intention  to  bring  suoh  a 
body  ofarmed  men  into  the  dominions  of  his  Ma*'»  of  Great  Brit- 
tKtoe,'w*^out  accquaihting  the  Governo'  of  these  parts  W*'*MBde- 


AQAmn  THE  MOHAWKS. 


n 


sigil^s.  The  Govdrno'  reply^  that  he  come  to  seeke  out  and 
destroy  his  ennemyes  the  Mohaukes  without  intention  of  visiting 
their  plantations,  or  else  to  molest  any  of  his  Ma^>»"  subjects,  and 
that  [he]  had  not  heard  of  the  reducing  those  parts  to  his  Ma^>*' 
obedience,  but  desired  that  hee  and  his  soldiers  might  bee  supplied 
^ith  provisions  for  their  money,  and  that  his  wounded  men  might 
be  sucoured,  and  taken  care  for  in  Albany ;  To  all  which  the 
Bmissaryes  freely  consented  and  made  a  small  but  acceptable  pre- 
isent  of  wine  and  provisions  to  him,  further  offering  the  best  ac- 
commodations y«  poore  village  afforded,  w''''  was  civilly  refused, 
in  regard  there  was  not  accomodac6n  for  his  soldyers,  with  whom 
he  had  marcht  and  campt  under  the  blew^  canopy e  of  the  heaveas 
full  six  weekes,  but  hee  prudently  foresaw  a  greater  inconvenience 
if  hee  had  brought  his  weary  and  halfe  starv'd  people  within  the 
smell  of  a  ctiimaey  corner,  whom  hee  now  cold  keepe  from  istrag- 
ling  or  running  away,  not  knowing  whither  to  runn  for  feare  of 
y°  Indians  ;  The  next  day  Monsieur  Corsell  sent  hk  men  to  the 
village  where  they  were  carefully  drest  and  sent  to  Albany,  being 
seaven  in  number,  the  Dutch  bores  carryed  to  the  camp  such  pro- 
visions as  they  had,  and  were  too  well  payd  for  it  j  Especially 
■peaz  and  bread,  of  w*'''  a  good  quantity  was  bought  j  y^  Mohaukes 
fwere  all  gone  to  their  Castks,  with  resolution  to  fight  it  Out 
ai^ainst  the  french,  who  being  refresht  and  supply ed  w='»  the 
aforesaid  provisions  made  a  shew  of  marching  towards  the  Mo- 
haukes Castles,  but  with  faces  about  and  great  sylence  and  dilli- 
gence  return'd  towards  Cantiada. 

Upon  the  12*^  of  February,  whether  a  Panick  ftare,  some  mu- 
tiny, or  y8  probability  of  the  thawing  of  the  lake,  caus'd  this 
sudden  {vr'^^  the  Indians  call  a  dishono'^able  retreit)  I  camiot 
learne,  but  surely  so  bould  and  hardy  an  attempt  (eircumstanoes 
considered)  hath  not  hapned  in  any  age.  All  w'^'^  vanisht  like 
false  fyer,  and  hath  given  new  courage  to  their  old  enemyes  y** 
Mauhaukes\who  by  their  spyes  hearing  of  y®  retreat  of  y«  French 
pursued  them  back  to  ihe  Lake,  but  the  French  making  more 
spee«l  to  th»m  from  Canada,  the  Mohaukes  did  noe  considersible 
prejudice  to  them,  on«;ly  took  3  one  of  W^'^  at  his  own  request 
they  slew,  not  being  able  to  march,  the  other  they  kept  prisoners, 


■^ 


Vf. 


mi 


I' 


74 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS 


they  found  5  others  dead  in  the  way  with  hunger  and  cold,  but 
according  to  their  manner  brought  the  crownes  of  their  heads 
away,  those  who  observed  the  words  and  countenance  of  Mon- 
sieur Coursell,  saw  him  disturbed  in  minde  that  the  king  was 
Master  of  these  parts  of  the  Country,  where  hee  expected  to  have 
found  the  Dutch  interest  upermost,  saying  that  the  king  of  Eng- 
land did  graspe  at  all  America,  but  hee  did  not  beleive  to  see  the 
Dutch  the  masters  ere  long;  he  enquired  what  garrison  or  what 
fort  was  at  Albany,  'twas  told  him  a  Captain  and  60  English  sol- 
dyers  with  9  pcece  of  ordinance  in  a  small  fort  of  foure  Bastions, 
and  that  the  Cap^  thereof  Cap*  Baker  had  sent  for  20  men  from 
annother  garrison  of  the  Kings  at  the  Sopes,  who  probably  might 
be  arrived  at  Albany  the  same  hower,  thus  finding  his  men  tyr'd, 
the  Mohaukes  resolute,  and  something  doubtfull,  without  tryall 
of  the  good  will  of  the  English  Garrison,  because  y^  reports  were 
strong  that  the  French  King  and  States  of  Holland  were  united 
against  His  Ma*'«  of  England,  Monsieur  Coursell  found  it  reason- 
able to  returne  home  nothing  effected,  the  2  prisoners  taken  by 
the  Mohaukes  in  the  retreate  tell  them  y*  this  summer  another 
attempt  will  be  made  upon  their  country  with  a  greater  force  and 
supplyes  of  men,  the  truth  or  success  of  which  I  shall  not  now 
discourse  upon,  having  given  y«  trew  relation  of  what  past  from 
ye  29th  December  to  the  12t'»  of  February. 


[From  Paris  Doc.  I.] 


On  the  seventh  of  the  month  of  July  of  the  year  1666,  the 
Iroquois  of  the  Oneida  Nation,  having  learned  from  the  Mohawks, 
their  neighbours  and  allies  and  by  the  Dutch  of  Fort  OranG;e  that 
the  troops  of  Louis  the  fourteenth  by  the  grace  of  God  Most 
Christian  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  had  in  the  month  of 
February  of  the  said  year  carried  his  Majesty's  arras,  over  the 
snow  and  ice  near  unto  Fort  Orange  in  New  Netherland,  under 
the  command  of  Messire  Daniel  de  Courcelle,  Lieutenant  General 
of  his  armies,  pursuant  to  orders  which  they  received  from  Mes- 
sire Alexandre  de  Prouville  knight.  Lord  de  Tracy,  member  of 


"n 


AGAIirST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


76 


his  Majesty's  councils  and  Lieut.  Oenl.  of  his  armies,  both  in  the 
Inlands  and  mainlaind  of  South  and  North  America,  as  well  by 
sea  as  by  land,  to  fight  and  destroy  the  Mohawks,  which  probably 
they  would  have  accomplished,  had  not  the  mistake  of  their 
guides  caused  them  to  take  one  road  for  the  other,  came  down  to 
Quebec  to  solicit  peace  as  well  in  their  own  name  as  in  that  of 
the  Mohawks  by  ten  of  their  Ambassadors,  by  name  Soenres, 
Tsoenserouanne,  Gannoukouenioton,  Asaregouenioton,  Asare- 
gouaune,  Tsendiagou,  Achinnhara,  Togoukouaras,  Oskaraquets, 
Akouehen,  And  after  having  communicated  by  the  mouth  of  their 
Orator  and  Chief  Soenres,  the  object  of  their  Embassy  by  ten 
talks  expressed  by  as  many  presents,  and  having  handed  to  us  the 
letters  from  the  officers  of  New  Netherland,  have  unanimously 
requested,  acknowledging  the  force  of  his  Majesty's  arms  and 
their  weakness  and  the  condition  of  the  forts  advanced  towards 
them,  and  moreover  aware  that  the  three  upper  Iroquois  Nations 
have  always  experienced  great  benefit  from  the  protection  which 
they  formerly  received  from  the  said  Lord  the  King,  that  his 
Majesty  would  be  pleased  to  extend  to  hem  the  same  favour  by 
granting  them  the  same  protection,  and  receiving  them  among 
the  number  of  his  true  subjects,  demanding  that  the  Treaties  for- 
merly made  as  well  by  the  said  Nations  as  by  theirs,  have  the 
same  force  and  validity  for  that  of  the  Mohawks,  who  have  re- 
quired of  us  to  solicit  this  with  great  importunity,  as  they  should 
have  themselves  done  by  means  of  their  Ambassadors  had  they 
not  been  apprehensive  of  bad  treatment  at  our  hands,  ratifying 
on  their  part  all  the  said  reaties  in  all  their  points  and  articles, 
which  have  been  read  to  them  in  the  Iroquois  tongue  by  Joseph 
Marie  Chaumont,  priest,  member  of  the  Society  of  Jesus ;  adding, 
moreover,  to  all  the  said  articles  what  the  protest  effecting  in  good 
faith  what  they  offered  by  their  said  presents,  especially  to  restore 
all  the  Frenchmen,  Algonquins  and  Hurons  whom  they  hold 
prisoners  among  them  of  what  condition  and  quality  they  may 
be,  and  as  long  as  any  are  detained  there,  even  on  the  part 
of  the  Mohawks,  to  send  families  from  among  them  to  serve, 
like  those  of  other  nations  as  the  most  strict  hostages  for  their 
persons  and  dispositions  to  the  orders  of  those  who  shall  in  this 


I-  : 


4 


16 


mMsxaa  ispEDtTioMi 


ll:^i 


1%    ■;■ 


li!' 


i 


Country  liave  authority  from  the  said  Lord  the  King  whom  they 
acknowledge  from  this  time  as  their  Sovereign;  demanding  reci- 
procally among  all  other  things  the  restoration  to  them  in  good 
faith,  of  all  those  of  their  Nation  who  are  prisoners  at  Quebec^ 
Montreal  and  Three  Rivers,  that  French  families  and  some  Black 
gowns,  that  is  Jesuits  be  sent  them,  to  preach  the  gospel  to  them 
and  to  make  known  to  them  the  God  of  the  French  whom  they 
promise  to  love  and  adore ;  also  that  trade  and  commerce  be  open 
to  them  with  New  France,  by  the  Lake  du  Saint  Sacrementf 
(L.  George)  with  the  assurance  on  their  part  that  they  will  pro- 
vide in  their  country,  a  sure  retreat  as  well  to  the  said  families 
as  to  the  trading  merchants,  not  only  by  preparing  cabins  to  lodge 
them  in,  but  also  by  assisting  to  erect  forts  to  shelter  them  from 
their  common  enemies  the  Andastaeronnons  and  others.  And 
that  the  present  Treaty,  made  on  their  part  in  ratification  of  the 
preceding,  may  be  stable  and  known  unto  all,  they  have  signed 
it  with  the  separate  and  distinctive  marks  of  their  Tribes,  after 
which  what  they  solicited  from  the  said  Lord  the  King  was  grant- 
ed to  them  in  his  name  by  Messire  Alexandre  de  Prouville,  Knight, 
Lord  de  Tracy  member  of  the  King's  Councils,  &c.  (as  above) 
in  the  presence  and  assisted  by  M.  Daniel  de  Remy  Siegneur  de 
Courcelles,  King's  Councillor,  &c.,  &c.,  and  of  M.  Jean  Talon 
also  Councillor,  &c.  who  have  signed  with  the  said  Lord  de  Tra- 
cy; and  as  Witnesses,  Francois  le  Mercier,  Priest,  Member  and 
Superior  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Quebec  and  Joseph  Marie 
Chaumont  likewise  Priest  and  Member  of  the  said  Society,  Inter- 
preters of  the  Iroquois  and  Huron  languages.  Done  at  Quebec 
the  12  July,  1666. 


M;,^   1>   ,,u.-=.^.  j-^=;.:^.:.l.:i. 


BY  SIEUE  Dt 


AGMSm-  THK  MOHAWn. 


IT 


ACTE  OF  POSSESSION 

BY  SIEUR  Dt'BOIB  IN  THS  NAME  OF  THE  KING  (oF  IRANCE)  OF  THR' 
F0RT6  TAKEN  FBCM  THE  IftOQITOlS. 

In  the  year  1666,  the  \1^^  day  of  Ootoib.,  the  King^s  troops 
commanded  by  Messire  Alexander  de  Prouville  Knight,  Lord  de 
Tracy  Lieut.  General  of  His  Ma^'««  Naval  armies  both  in  the 
Islands  and  Continent  of  South  and  North  America  as  well  by 
sea  as  by  land,  aided  by  Messire  Daniel  de  Remy  Knight,  Seig- 
neur de  Courcelles,  Governor  and  Lieut.  General  for  the  King  in 
New  FraAce,  beiiig  draWtt  up  in  battle  array*  Befbre  the  Fort  of 
Andaraque,  Jean  Baptiste  du  Bois  Esq"  Sieur  de  Cocreaumont 
and  de  St.  Morice,  Commandant  of  the  Artillery  of  the  army, 
presented  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army  by  order  of  Mods,  hotii 
de  Tiacy  and  deputed  by  M,,  Jean  Talon,  King^s  Councillor  in 
his  State  and  Privy  Councils,  Intendant  General  of  Justice,  Po< 
lice'  and  Finance  in  New  France,,  for  the  review  aad  direction  of 
the  Supplies  of  the  Troops,  who  declared  and  said  that  at  the  r«^ 
quest  of  Mons''  Talon  he  took  possession  of  said  Fort  and  of  all 
the  lands  in  the  neighbourhood  as  far  and  in  as  great  a  quantity  as 
they  may  extend,  and  of  the  other  four  forts  which  have  been 
conquered  from  the  Iroquois  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and  in  ta*- 
ken  thereof  hath  planted  a  Cross  before  the  doors  of  said  forta 
and  near  this  hath  erected  a  post  and  to  these  hath  affixed  the 
King's  arms,  of  which  and  of  all  the  above  the  said  Sieur  de  Bois 
has  required  acte  of  the  undersigned  Royal  Notaiy  commanded 
in  the  said  army  for  His  Majesty's  s<»rvice.     Done  at  the  afore- 
said Fort  of  Andaraque  the  day  and  year  above  written^  in  pre'- 
sence  of  Messire  Alexander  de  Chaumont,  Knight  Seigneur  of 
said  place,  Aid  de  Camp  of  his  Majesty's  armies,  and  of  Hector 
d'Andigny,  Knight  of  Grande  Fontaine,  Captiun  of  a  Company  of 
Infantry  in  the  Carignan  Regiment,  of  the  Nobleman  Antoine  de 
Contrecour  Cap°  of  a  Company  of  Infantry  in  said  Regiment,  of 
Francois  Mass4,  Sieur  de  Wally,  Jean  du  Gal  Esq"  Sieur  du 


'•  :J 


78 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS 


4 

i 

111 


Fresne  Major  of  Canada,  Jean  Louis  Chevalier  du  Glas  Lieut  of  a 
Company  of  said  Regim*,  Rene  Louis  Chartier  Esq',  Sieur  de 
Lobiniere  Lieutenant  of  a  Militia  Company  from  Quebec,  Domi- 
nique le  Feure  Esq',  Sieur  de  Quesquelin  Lieutenant  in  said  Re- 
giment, Witnesses  undersigned  with  the  said  Seigneur  du  Bois 
and  the  Notary.  Signed,  Chaumont,  le  Chevalier  de  Grand 
Fontain,  de  Contrecour,  du  Gal,  Wally,  Chev""  du  Glas,  du 
Guesclin,  Rene  Louis  Chartier,  Lobiniere,  du  Bois  and  du  Guet 
Royal  Notary. 


GOV.  NICOILS  TO  CHEV.  TRACY,  AT  QUEBEC. 

/  [Lond.  Doe.  II.] 

Monsieur, 

I  was  in  some  measure  surprized  in  february  last  with 
the  newes  of  so  considerable  a  force  of  forreiners  under  the  co- 
mind  of  Monsieur  de  Courcelle  so  farre  advanct  in  these  His 
Ma*'«"  Dominions  without  my  Knowledge  and  Consent,  or  the 
least  notice  given  of  y^^  intentions  to  any  of  His  Ma^'^^  Colonies 
then  in  amity  with  the  French  Nation  :  although  y'  proceedings 
heerin  were  not  conformable  to  the  practise  in  Europe,  yet  all 
my  officers  both  Military  and  Civill  soone  resolu'd  to  succour  and 
releive  your  Campe  with  such  meane  provisions  as  the  Country 
affords  [and]  from  a  small  village  could  bee  expected  and  as  they 
have  in  all  former  times  .been  very  affectionate  with  Christian 
Charity  to  ransome  or  by  any  other  meanes  to  convey  divers 
French  prisoners  out  of  the  hands  of  their  barbarous  Enemies  so 
also  their  Intentions  towards  you  is  manifest  in  their  letter  of  the 
SO***  March  last  wherein  their  purpose  was  to  give  you  a  speedy 
notice  that  the  Maquaes  were  at  last  wrought  upon  to  treat  of 
peace  if  you  on  your  parts  were  so  disposed,  but  it  seems  (by  a 
sad  accident  intervening,)  you  are  pleas'd  to  lay  a  greater  burden 
upon  them  than  they  deserve  after  their  sincere  affections  to  your 
peace.    To  both  y'  Letters  directed  to  the  Captain  and  Commis- 


W' 


AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKI. 


79 


saries  at  Albany  themselves  yriW  returne  answer  but  hearing  that 
you  had  Emploied  Le  S'.  Couture  with  y'  Letters  I  tooke  a  sud- 
daine.  Resolution  to  have  discourse  with  him  to  w*^'>  purpose  I 
came  hither  but  find  that  he  is  return'd  without  the  Knowledge 
of  the  Capt.  or  Commissarie.  I  could  have  wisht  that  hee  had 
staid  for  mee,  or  that  I  could  wait  his  coming  for  I  now  want  the 
opportunity  of  enlarging  myself  to  him  and  by  him  to  y'selfe 
with  how  much  Integrity  I  shall  constantly  attend  the  European 
Interest  amidst  the  heathen  in  America  as  becomes  a  good  Chris- 
tian, provided  that  the  bounds  and  limits  of  these  His  Majesties 
of  Englands  dominions  be  not  invaded  or  the  Peace  and  Safety 
of  his  subjects  interrupted,  In  all  other  points  I  shall  be  found  to 
entertaine  y'  Correspondence  with  Mutuall  Civility  and  respect 
the  rather  because  the  Reputation  of  y'  honour  hath  spread  it- 
self in  all  these  parts  of  the  world,  as  well  as  it  is  known  in  Eu- 
rope, whereof  I  can  beare  some  Testimony,  when  I  had  the  honour 
to  attend  my  master  his  R.  H.  the  Duke  of  York  and  Albany  a 
few  yeares  in  the  french  army,  and  now  that  I  serve  the  same 
Master  in  his  interest  in  this  part  of  the  World,  I  should  count 
my  selfe  very  fortunate  in  an  opportunity  at  least  to  acknowledge 
some  part  of  y'  great  civilities  to  my  Master  and  all  his  Servants 
in  their  low  estate  and  condition  of  Exile,  The  Memory  whereof 
obligeth  me  (a  reasonable  time  and  good  occasion  concurring)  to 
give  you  certain  proofe  with  how  much  truth  I  am.  Sir, 

Yo'  Most  afi^e.  Servant 

Richard  Nioolls. 

20th  Aug:  St '.Vet:    ) 
In  fort  Albany  1666.  ) 

A  Monsieur,  Monsieur  Le  Chevalier  et  Seigneur  de  Tracy  Lt.  General!  D« 
Roy  tres  Chrestien  dans  toute  L'Amerique.  A  Quebec. 


^'      \ 


■n  -  .t 


imiMGH  KDPEDITIOMR 


mm  M\ 


M.  TALON  TO  M.  COLBERT,  13  Nov.  1666. 

[PariiDoe.  I.] 

Monsieur  de  Tracy  and  Monsieur  de  Courcelles  are  returned 
frooa  their  Expedition,  the  Iroq^^ois  haAring  concluded  to  retreat 
and  abandon  their  settlements.  The  i  eiid  M.  de  Tracy  could  do 
nothing  else  than  burn  their  forts  an  1  lay  waste  every  thing. 
These  two  gentlemen  will  infojrm  you  of  whatever  occurred 
throughout  their  march  which  occupied  fifty-three  days.  What 
I  learn  from  public  opinion  is  that  in  what  has  been  perform- 
ed nothing  has  been  left  undone,  and  that  the  King's  orders 
had  been  executed  and  his  expectations  entirely  realized  had 
those  savages  stood  their  ground.  It  would,  in  truth,  have  been 
desirable  that  a  part  had  been  defeated  and  some  others  taken 
prisoners. 

The  advanced  age  of  M.  de  Tracy  must  greatly  enhance  the 
merit  of  the  service  he  has  rendered  the  King,  by  assuming  in  a 
broken  down  frame  such  as  his,  a  fatigue  of  which  no  correct 
idea  can  be  formed.  I  am  assured  that  throughout  the  whole 
march  of  three  hundred  leagues,  including  the  return,  he  suffered 
himself  to  be  carried  only  during  two  days,  and  then  he  was 
forced  to  do  so  by  the  gout.  M.  de  Courcelles,  though  stronger 
than  he,  could  not  help  being  carried  in  like  manner,  having  been 
i^ttacked  by  a  contraction  of  the  nerves.  Both  in  truth  have 
endured  all  the  fatigue  that  human  nature  is  capable  of. 
,  M.  de  Tracy  incurred  some  expences  on  his  march  for  the  con- 
veyance of  the  cannon  and  other  extraordinary  services  rendered 
the  Troops,  which  I  wished  to  reimburse,  but  his  modesty  would 
not  suffer  it. 


Sir 

In  ansi 
you  that  Mt 
signifying  tc 
the  Maquas, 
my  consent  1 
so  many  offic 
Ma'iot  Comp 
advanced  witi 
Annies.    But 
wrong  way,  h 
village  which 
there  was  any 
yans  that  were 
place.     This  ti 
Courcelle,  tha 
was  then  betw< 
Jand.    The  Mo 
the  persons  unc 
tremity,  for  wa 
consideracdns  \ 
wee  had  no  inte 
l^ominion  than 
ces)  and  underst 
the  Dutch,  hee 
falling  into  the  y 
were  there  savet 
Hee  also  had  i 
diers  from  Killin 
were  in  the  said 
to  vindicate  the  1 


I  J 


▲OAIMIT  TBI  MOBAWEt. 


#' 


>^  :  .'  n  ^^i' 


t. 


,^-i  7^  M 


M.  TRACT  TO  GOV.  MGOLLS. 


•^i 


,  [London  Doe.  I.]  .»      k;  .-r. 

Sir 

In  answer  to  yo'  letter  of  31.  August,  [N.  S.]  I  shall  tell 
you  that  Mons'  de  Courcelle  Ooverno'  Generall  of  this  Cbuntreyi 
signifying  to  mee  that  hee  had  a  desire  to  make  some  inroad  upon 
the  Maquas,  to  put  a  stopp  to  their  barbarous  Insolencies ;  I  gave 
my  consent  to  further  the  design,  that  hee  might  take  with  him 
so  many  officers  and  souldiers  as  hee  thought  fit,  either  of  his 
Ma^>"*  Companyes,  or  those  of  y*  Countrey.  Whereupon  hee 
advanced  within  fifteene  or  twenty  leagues  of  the  villages  of  y* 
Annies.  But  fortunately  for  them  his  guides  conducting  him  a 
wrong  way,  hee  did  not  meete  with  them,  till  he  came  neare  the 
village  which  you  name  in  yo'  Letter,  neither  had  he  known 
there  was  any  of  them  there,  untill  he  had  surprized  all  the  Ind- 
yans  that  were  in  two  small  Hutts  at  some  distance  from  that 
place.  This  truth  is  sufficiently  convincing,  to  justify  Mons'  de 
Courcelle,  that  hee  had  no  intention  to  infringe  the  Peace,  that 
was  then  between  us,  for  that  hee  thought  himself  in  the  Maques 
land.  The  Moderac6n  which  hee  used  in  the  said  hutts  (although 
the  persons  under  his  command  were  driven  to  the  uttermost  ex- 
tremity, for  want  of  Provisions)  hath  sufficiently  manifested  the 
considerac6n8  wee  have  always  had  for  our  allyes  (for  until  then 
wee  had  no  intelligence,  that  New  Holland  was  under  any  other 
Dominion  than  that  of  the  States  of  the  United  Belgick  Provin- 
ces) and  understanding  that  hee  was  upon  the  Lands  belonging  to 
the  Dutch,  hee  tooke  great  care  to  hinder  his  companyes  from 
falling  into  the  village,  by  which  means  alone  the  Maquaes  that 
were  there  saved  themselves. 

Hee  also  had  so  much  care  and  authority  as  to  hinder  the  soul- 
diers from  Killing  the  Poultry,  and  taking  away  Provisions  that 
were  in  the  said  hutts,  to  satisfy  their  hunger.  Thus  farr,  I  ought 
to  vindicate  the  truth  upon  this  subject. 
6 


r   \ 


.  \' ;. 


I' I  ^ 


8S 


fBBMOH  nVKDITIOini 


ill 


ill  I 


The  ffrench  nation  is  too  much  inclined  to  acknowledge  cour- 
tesies, not  to  confess  that  the  Dutch  have  had  very  much  charity 
for  the  ffrench,  who  have  been  Prisoners  with  the  Maquaes,  and 
that  they  have  redeemed  divers^  who  had  been  burnt  w^'^out  their 
succour  i  They  ought  also  to  be  assured  of  our  gratitude  towards 
them,  and  to  any  others  whd  shall  exercise  such  Christian  Deedes, 
as  they  have  done. 

!  1  Am  als6  persuaded  that  they  had  a  sincere  intention  for  the 
conclusion  of  a  firme  peace  between  us  and  the'Maques.  They 
ought  in  like  manner  to  believe,  that  wee  have  alwayes  expressly 
forbid  y«  Algonquins  to  make  warr  upon  or  kill  them. 

Since  the  Dutch  Oent.  did  send  you  y*  Lrds  which  I  writt  unto 
them,  you  have  knowne  the  candour  of  my  thoughts,  and  the 
conlfidence  which  I  had  in  their  ffriendship,  by  that  of  the  14*^ 
July  1666  as  also  by  the  Request  I  made  to  the  Reverend  Father 
Bechefer  (who  is  a  person  of  great  mcritt)  accompanyed  Mnth 
thrfee  considerable  persons,  to  transport  himself  upon  the  place, 
to  conclude  a  peace,  thereby  to  ease  them  of  the  trouble  of 
cdming  to  Quebec. 

Its  true  the  displeasure  I  received  by  the  death  of  some  Oent- 
nien,  who  went  a  fowling  upon  confidence,  of  that  article  •w'^^  is 
in  the  same  letter  those  Gent'men  sent  mee,  the  second  time,  da- 
ted the  26t'>  March  1666,  the  which  I  had  publisht  in  our  Garri- 
son [we  have  acquainted  the  Maquaes,  that  they  are  to  forbear 
all  acts  of  Hostility,  during  the  time  that  the  Messenger  shall  be 
absent  which  they  have  promised  to  observe]  did  give  mee  a  just 
griefe,  and  a  great  deale  of  (Kscontent,  It  being  evident  that  those 
Gent'men  had  not  put  themselves  upon  that  hazard,  without  the 
assurance  :  w*'''  would  ha>  e  served  amongst  Europeans  as  well  as 
the  most  authentick  Passeport  that  could  be  had,  the  which  also 
wee  had  caus'd  the  Algonquins  to  observe. 

Such  an  unexpected  misfortune  obliged  mee  to  chang  the  de- 
signe  I  had  of  adventuring  the  person  of  ♦he  reverend  Father  Be- 
chefer, and  the  rest  that  accompanied  him,  &  I  resolv'd  to  send 
only  the  Sieur  Cousture  (who  had  been  a  Prisoner  among  the 
Maques)  with  a  letter  to  the  Dutch  Gent,  of  the  22<i  July  1666. 
The  said  Cousture  having  no  other  employ  than  what  was  in  his 


Initruotio 
him  leave 
Ihadni 
ther  direct 
tdligence  < 
ted  by  thei 
Gent'men  y 
then  in  peai 
up  into  our 
tioB  that  wj 
My  L»re  < 
AftTe  infotukt 
prudent  afltei 
quality.    An 

i»»ve  discoura 
Trust  commit 
The  intenti 
Interest  of  El 
▼ery  comnaeni 
good  Christiai 
the  interest  of 
there  is  no  ma 
»n>  &  that  hat) 
I  returne  yol 
you  are  pleas'^ 
you  give  mee 
wlityand  respt 
particularly  kn] 
opinion  o£mee| 
^ntages  which) 
I  had  the  hoj 
considerable  col 
(that  was  hee  aj 
■erved  in  fflandl 
Strangers;  Heel 
for  the  great  mel 


ACMUmt  nil  MOBAWU, 


Initraotion  which  hath  or  might  have  been  seenC)  sinod  I  gav« 
him  leave  to  shew  it. 

I  had  never  the  thought  of  accunng  those  Dutch  Gent'men  ei- 
ther directly  or  indirectly)  nor  any  other  person,  of  holding  in- 
telligence with  the  Maquei  in  so  foule  an  action  as  was  commit- 
ted by  them ;  But  writt  onely  to  oblige  them,  and  those  other 
Oent'men  who  serve  under  yo'  command  at  Albany,  (for  we  were 
then  in  peace,)  to  councell  the  Maques,  as  Neighbours,  to  deliver 
up  into  our  power,  the  actors  of  that  murder,  w°i>  was  a  satisfac- 
tion that  with  reason  I  might  promise  myselfe  on  that  occasion. 

My  L're  of  the  22<>  July  to  those  Gent'men  at  Albany,  might 
nave  informed  you  what  the  S^  Cousture  was ;  ffor  it  had  notbeene 
prudent  alter  the  death  of  those  Qent'men,  to  hazard  a  person  of 
quality.  And  I  am  very  sorry  that  you  tooke  the  paines  to  leave 
the  place  of  y  usual  residence,  to  make  a  Voyage  to  Albany,  to 
have  discourse  with  an  ordinary  Messenger  who  had  nothmg  of 
Trust  committed  to  him. 

The  intention  you  signify  to  have  of  Embracing  Allwayes  the 
Interest  of  Europe,  against  the  barbarous  Indyans  of  America,  is 
very  commendable  and  befitting  a  person  of  your  Quality  and  a 
good  Christian  :  That  Passion  which  you  likewise  expresse,  for 
the  interest  of  his  Ma^y  of  Great  Brittaine,  is  to  be  esteemed,  and 
there  is  no  man  of  reason,  who  doth  not  approve  y'  judgm^  there- 
in, &  that  hath  not  the  like  for  his  Prince. 

I  returne  you  thankes  in  particular  for  those  obliging  termes 
you  are  pleasM  to  use  on  my  behalfe,  as  also  for  the  assurances 
you  give  mee  of  a  desire  to  hold  a  mutuall  Correspondence  of  ci- 
vility and  respect  with  mee  to  y*  end  before  proposed  :  If  I  was 
particularly  knowne  to  you  I  might  feare  you  would  alter  your 
opinion  o£  mee,  for  that  Reputac6n  doth  very  often  give  us  ad- 
vantages which  wee  do  not  deserve. 

I  had  the  bono'  to  serve  the  King  in  Germany,  in  the  most 
considerable  commands  of  his  Army,  at  the  time  when  my  son 
(that  was  bee  and  not  mee)  was  knowne  unto  you,  in  those  which 
served  in  £9anders,  where  he  commanded  His  Ma^ie^  Cavalry  of 
Strangers :  Hee  hal  a  very  particular  respect  for  the  person,  and 
for  the  great  meritt  of  his  Royal  Highnesse,  The  Duke  of  York, 


84 


nUtNCH  EXPEDITIONS 


M.: 


who  seemed  to  bee  well  pleased  with  his  respectful  carriage  to- 
wards him  :  You  have  no  reasons  to  expect  lesse  services  from 
meC)  that  you  might  have  received  from  my  son,  upon  all  occa- 
sions where  those  of  the  King  will  permit  mee  to  render  them. 

It  cannot  bee  but  you  must  have  heard  from  divers  of  your 
Nation  that  have  beene  in  the  Islands  of  America,  how  I  have 
done  them  courtesyes  with  passion,  and  with  as  much  civility  as 
may  bee  ;  I  have  cause  enough  to  complaine  that  the  same  hath 
not  beene  practised  towards  me ;  fibr  that  a  vessell  which  went 
out  of  Boston,  tooke  in  the  Gulfe  of  St.  Laurence,  towards  the 
latter  end  of  June,  or  the  beginning  of  July  1665,  (near  upon 
five  months  before  the  declarac6n  of  the  warre)  a  barque  of  be- 
tweene  25  and  30  tunnes,  vt'^^  belonged  to  mee,  being  laden  wi(h 
a  good  quantity  of  strong  Waters,  and  other  refreshments  which 
come  from  France  :  But  as  I  know  no  other  interest  than  that  of 
the  service  of  his  Ma*y  who  bestowes  many  benefitts  upon  mee, 
I  shall  easily  forgett  that  losse,  'till  the  conclusion  of  Peace , 
you  may  also  believe  that  I  am  vr*^  a  great  deale  of  esteeme, 

S'    Your  thrice  affectionate         ''   j*  Si' 
I/;   %  r .    •        and  humble  Serv*.  r  r^i- 

-^'   '.•■•■„  ''  ■  r  -  '■':■  .■■..■-',  Teact. 

Quebec  >  ,-;,*■    .'i  ,         .-„.  /■  ._■  , 

Apr.30,  1667.    S  " 


.1 


n 


;  ,.    .'.''1 


'^ 


».„ 


4)'! 


Jr'.U 


^v.. 

*ii'!:tiO 

"'>i:::u;7 

''  I 

..;    f 

.'   ■ 

."■    ■.'■■>  > 

'■.) 

.',  t  ;if/ , 

'l 

)     >  !  1-»f'. 

:  :.-' 

<■  TV:^. 

.ft'". 


IV. 

REPORTS 


fmlmt  of  ^m  fn± 


■    ., 

.ii'v'i 

l\         K-                  H 

1'     m 

A 

I 

1 

.1 

Vrvl 

'  .    T       h 

.|:, 

■ 

■  \ 

,  I! 

1           ¥ ' 

,  ^.fi. 

'^'■;M'-    .'\  ■         ', 

jk'.'- .  ' 

f-;-: 

:3lbout  1669;  ie70. 


u 


iili: 


11 


i'-'  I- 


cm.  NIC 

BELATING 


ilt 


•fl 


'  i  n 


■I 


lit.    TI 

the  Justice 
liaae  the  S 
any  Laws  i 
by  Justices 
stable  and  ] 
Mayor  and 
and.    Thi 
that  the  sev( 
lowed  with 
are  able  to 
dertaking,  tl 
ships,  The  L 
Planter. 

3'««.    The 

gives  and  grj 

paying  the  ( 

defraying  of  j 

ment  to  his  B 

ed  by  his  R. 

dred  acres,  w 

the  Indyans. 

4.    The  G 

buy  lands  froi 

but  the  seating 

America,  espei 


„i-\yi  ■,'..}<   ;:'.!.;■;■:  ;Mt;^i  ,r.:;s,  .:  '   ..;     ■  :-i 


;_i  -i^i.r  •>:«•,..;'•■■;■.;.   iv; 


.;      f     ,^- 


:!•'!. 


^•:i 


■ ...  1 


»'■ 


•M 


.■.,^:  . 


1    ■  . » 


,.>'  • 


GOT.  NICOLLS'  ANSWERS  TO  THE  SEYERALL  QUERIES 


V  ,■'   V. 


BELATIN6  TO   THS   FLAMTER8  IN  THK  TEBBIT0BIE8  OF  filS    R.   H  8 
:,  ^  THS  DUKE  OF  YORKB  IN  AMERICA. 

[Load.  Doe.  II.]  '      ' -. 

,  Itt.  The  Qovernour  and  Councell  with,  the  High  Sheriffe  tod 
the  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  the  Court  of  the  Generall  assizes 
haue  the  Supreame  Power  of  making)  altering,  and  abolishing 
any  Laws  in  this  Ooyernment.  The  Country  Sessions  are  held 
by  Justices  upon  the  Bench,  Particular  Town  Courts  by  a  Con- 
stable and  Eight  Overseers,  The  City  Court  of  N.  Yorke  tby  a 
Mayor  and  Aldermen.     All  causes  tried  by  Juries. 

2nd.  f  he  Land  is  naturally  apt  to  produce  Come  &  Cattle  so 
that  the  sevei;all  proportions  or  diyidents  of  Land  are  alwaies  al- 
lowed with  respect  to  the  numbers  of  the  Planters,  what  they 
are  able  to  manage,  and  in  w^  time  to  accomplish  their  un- 
dertaking, the  feed  of  Cattell  is  free  in  commonage  to  all  Towne- 
ships.  The  Lots  of  Meadow  or  Come  Ground  are  peculiar  to  each 
Planter. 

Z*^.  The  Tenure  of  lands  is  derived  from  his  R.  H."  who 
gives  and  grants  lands  to  Planters  as  their  freehold  forever,  they 
paying  the  customary  rates  and  duties  with  others  towards  the 
defraying  of  publique  charges.  The  highes  Rent  or  acknowledg- 
ment to  his  R.  H."  will  bee  one  penny  pr  acre  for  Lands  purchas- 
ed by  his  R.  H.",  the  least  two  shillings  sixe  pence  for  each  hun- 
dred acres,  whereof  the  Planters  themselves  are  purchasers  from 
the  Indyans.  ,1 

4.  The  Governour  gives  liberty  to  Planters  to  find  out  and 
buy  lands  from  the  Indyans  where  it  pleaseth  best  the  Planters, 
but  the  seating  of  Towns  together  is  necessary  in  these  parts  of 
Ameiica,  especially  upon  the  Maine  Land. 


I' 


I 


I.  V  . 


n, 


II'' 


88 


BEPO&T  ON  THE  PBOTINCE  OF  NSW- YORK. 


6.  Liberty  of  Conscience  is  graunted  and  assured  with  the 
the  same  Provisoe  exprest  in  the  Queerie. 

6.  Liberty  of  ffishing  and  fowling  is  free  to  all  by  the  Patent. 

7.  All  Causes  are  tried  by  Juries^  no  Lawes  contrary  to  the 
Lawes  of  England.  Souldyers  onely  are  tryable  by  a  Court 
Marshall,  and  none  others  except  in  cases  of  suddain  invasion, 
mutiny  or  rebellion,  as  his  Ma*'««  Lieutenants  in  any  of  his 
Countries  of  England  may  or  ought  to  exercise. 

8*i>.  As  to  this  point  there  is  no  taxe,  toledge,  Impost  or  Cus- 
tome  payable  upon  the  Planters  upon  Come  or  Cattle :  the 
Country  at  present  hath  little  other  product,  the  Rate  for  publicke 
charges  was  agreed  unto  in  a  generall  A;ssembly,  and  is  now  ma- 
naged by  the  Govemour  his  Councell  and  the  Justices  in  the 
Court  of  Assizes  to  that  onely  behoofe.  '    >  '^ ',    o  j 

9*i>.  The  obtaining  all  thes  priviledges  is  long  since  recom^nd- 
ed  to  his  R.  H.*  as  the  next  necessary  encouragement  to  these 
his  Territories,  whereof  a  good  answer  is  expected. 

lO^b.  Every  man  who  desires  to  trade  for  ffurrs  at  his  re- 
quest hath  liberty  so  to  doe. 


ANSWERS  OF  GOV.  ANDROS  TO  ENQUIRIES  ABOUT  NEW 

YORK;  1678. 

[Lond.  Doc.  III.] 

Answers  to  the  Inquires  of  Plantac6ns  for  New  Yorke. 

1.  The  GoVerno'  is  to  have  a  Councill  not  exceeding  tenh, 
w**"  whose  advice  to  act  for  the  safety  &  good  of  the  country,  & 
in  every  towne,  village  or  parish  a  Petty  Court,  &  Courts  of 
Sessions  in  the  Severall  precints  being  three,  on  Long  Island,  k 
Townes  of  New  Yorke,  Albany  &  Esopus,  &  some  smale  or  poore 
Islands  &  out  places ;  and  the  Generall  court  of  assizes  composed 
of  the  Governo'  &  Councill  &  all  the  Justices  &  magistrates  att 
New  York  once  a  yeare,  the  Petty  courts  Judge  of  five  pounds, 


&  then  m 
may  appes 

2.  The 
by  the  Coi 

3.  Thei 
advice  of  t 
y"  courts  is 

4.  The  1 
sembly  att 
Highnesse. 
6.  The  J 
troopes  the 
each  all  ind 
&  exercised 
ing  compan) 
fforts  of  Ne\ 
November  fo 
6«  Fortere 
Yorke  towne 
with  stone  \ 
gunnes  moun 
smale  long  st( 
sufficient  ag* 
Pemaquid  w'^ 
suflFk  stores. 

7.  There  ar 

8.  Our  Nei 
strong  but  doe 
west  the  Maqn 
ern  Parts  of  A 
the  ffrench  of 
Connecticut  in 
▼isionn  of  whe 
the  Sea. 

9-  Wee  keep 
to  Civil],  legall 


KEFORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  MEW- YORK. 


89 


k  then  may  appeale  to  Sessions,  they  to  twenty  pounds  &  then 
may  appeale  to  assizes  to  y«  King,  al  sd  courts  as  by  Law. 

2.  The  court  of  Admiralty  hath  been  by  speciall  comission  or 
by  the  Court  of  Mayo""  &  Aldermen  att  New  Yorke. 

3.  The  cheife  Legislative  power  there  is  in  the  Governo'  with 
advice  of  the  Councell  the  executive  power  Judgem*"  given  by 
ye  courts  is  in  the  sheriiSs  &  and  other  civil  officers. 

4.  The  law  booke  in  force  was  made  by  the  Ooverno'  &  As- 
sembly att  Hempsted  in  166S  &  since  confirmed  by  his  Royall 
Highnesse.  "   ■-  '.a'  w-k^-"  ;■■  *:  -    .■■    '.:.■■.        i*  ,■ 

5.  The  Militia  is  about  2000  of  w"'''  about  140  horse  in  three 
troopes  the  foote  formed  into  companyes,  most  under  100  men 
each  all  indifferently  armed  with  fire-armes  of  all  sizes,  ordered 
&  exercised  according  to  Law,  and  are  good  fire  men,  one  stand- 
ing company  of  Souldiers  with  gunners  &  other  officers  for  the 
fforts  of  New  Yorke  &  Albany  alwayes  victualled  in  October  & 
November  for  a  yeare. 

6.  Forteresses  are  James  fforte  seated  upon  a  point  of  New 
Yorke  towne  between  Hudson's  River  &  y^  Sound,  its  a  square 
with  stone  walls,  foure  bastions  almost  regular,  and  in  it  46 
gunnes  mounted  &  stores  for  service  accordingly.  Albany  is  a 
smale  long  stockadoed  forte  with  foure  bastions  in  it,  12  gunns, 
sufficient  ag^  Indians,  and  lately  a  wooden  redout  &  out  worke  at 
Pemaquid  w*''  7  gunns,  s'd  Garrisons  victualled  for  a  yeare,  w*** 
suff'^  stores. 

7.  There  are  no  privateers  about  o""  Coasts. 

8.  Our  Neighbours  westward  are  Mary  land  populous  and 
strong  but  doe  not  live  in  townes,  their  produce  tobacco.  North- 
west the  Maques  &.^.  Indians  y«  most  warr  like  in  all  the  North- 
ern Parts  of  America,  their  trade  beavers  &  furrs.  Northward 
the  ffrench  of  Canada  trade  as  wee  with  our  Indians ;  Eastward 
Connecticut  in  a  good  condicon  &  populous,  Iheir  produce  pro- 
visionn  of  wheate,  beefe  &  porke,  some  pease,  o"^  South  bounds 
the  Sea. 

9.  Wee  keepe  good  Correspondence  with  all  o'  neighbours  as 
to  Civill,  legall  or  judiciall  proceedings,  but  differ  with  Connec- 


•■•<H; 


1; 
I' 


ml 
'111 


90 


iSFOaT  ON  THB  PBOTIKC&  OW  NBW-TOBK. 


Id 


: 


i  I 


&« 


I  .' 


ticutt  for  0'  bounds  &  mutuall  assistance  w*""  they  nor  MasMcha- 
setts  will  not  admitt.  '    '    ♦ 

10.  Our  boundaries  are  South,  the  Sea,  West  Delaware ; 
North  to  y«  Lakes  or  ffrench  j  East  Connecticut  rirer,  but  most 
usurped  &  yett  possSd  by  s'd  Connecticut  some  Islands  Eastward 
&  a  tract  beyond  Kennebeck  River  called  Pemaquid,  &c.  New 
Yorke  is  in  40*^  35n>j  Albany  ab*  43<i}  the  Collony  is  in  several! 
long  narrow  stripes  of  w"''  a  greate  parte  of  the  settlem*  made 
by  adventurers  before  any  Regulac6nby  w"'*  Incroachm*"  without 
pattents  vr^^  townes  have  lately  taken  but  by  reason  of  continuall 
warrs  noe  Survey  made  &  [qu.  of  thej  wildemesse,  noe  certaine  com- 
putac6n  can  be  made  of  the  planted  and  implanted,  these  last  2 
yeares  about  20,000  acres  taken  up  and  pattented  for  particuler 
persons  besides  Delaware,  most  of  the  land  taken  up  except  upon 
Long  Island  is  improued  &  unlesse  the  bounds  of  the  Duke's 
pattent  be  asserted  noe  great  quantityes  att  hand  undisposed. 

11.  Our  principall  places  of  Trade  are  New  Yorke  and  Sooth- 
'ton  except  Albany  for  the  Indyans,  our  buildings  most  wood, 
some  lately  stone  &  brick,  good  country  houses  &  strong  of  their 
severall  klndes. 

12.  Wee  haue  about  24  townes,  villiages  or  parishes  in  Six 
Precincts,  Divisions,  Rydeings,  or  Courts  of  Sessions. 

13.  Wee  haue  severall  Rivers,  Harbours  &  Roades,  Hudson's 
River  the  chiefest  &  is  ab^.  4  fathom  water  att  coming  in  butt 
six,  tenn  or  more  within  &  very  good  soundings  &  anchorage 
either  in  Hudson's  River  or  in  the  Sound,  the  usuall  roade  before 
the  town  and  moulde. 

14.  Our  produce  is  land  provisions  of  all  sorts  as  of  wheate 
exported  yearly  about  COGOO  bushells,  pease,  beefe,  pork,  &  some 
Refuse  fish.  Tobacco,  beavers,  peltry  or  furrs  from  the  IndiaL '■ 
Deale  &  oake  timber,  plankes,  pipestaues,  lumber,  horses,  &  pitch 
&  tarr  lately  begunn  to  be  made,  Comodityes  imported  are  all 
sorts  of  English  manufacture  for  Christians  &  blancketts,  Dufifells 
&.^.  for  Indians  about  50000ii>  yearly,  Pemaquid  afords  merchant- 
able ffish  &  masts. 

'  15.  Wee  haue  noe  Experience  or  skill  of  Salt  Peter  to  be  had 
in  Quantityes. 


16.    C 

about  20( 

of  Englai 

&  some  fe 

Tcry  few  s 

17.    N. 

according 

the  several 

plantacdn  i 

been  taken 

few  Slaues 

Tudons  and 

18.  Mir 
noe  acc^  cai 

19.  Scai 
Justices,  not 

20.  Noe 
being  genera 

21.  Am 
stantiall  mer 
accompted  f 
Jei60,000. 

23.     Ther 
from  tenn  to 
each,English 
&  a  Ketch  noi 
23.    Obsti 
and  mutuall 
owne  produci 
neighbours  uj 
we  obseruein 
24.     Aduai 
&  Navigacdn 
the  King's  su 
tinction,  supp 
obserueing  all 
persons  the  be 


BJffOST  OH  TBB  PBOyiUQB  OW  VlW-TOMI. 


91 


16.  Our  Merch**  are  not  many  but  with  inhabitants  k  plaatm 
about  2000,  able  to  beare  armes,  old  inhabitants  of  the  p)aee  or 
of  England,  Except  in  &  neere  New  Yorke  of  Dutch  Extraction 
&  some  few  of  all  naUoos,  but  few  Sery^*)  muoh  wanted  k  bat 
Tery  few  slaves.    ' 

17.  Noe  persons  whateuer  are  to  come  from  any  place  bat 
according  to  act  ofif  Pari*  vr^^  the  magistrates  and  officers  of 
the  severall  townes  or  places  are  to  take  care  of,  accordingly  the 
plantacdn  is  these  late  yeares  increased,  butt  noe  Gknrall  ace*  hath 
been  taken  soe  is  not  knowne  how  much  nor  what  persona.  Some 
few  Slaues  are  sometimes  brought  from  Barbadoes,  most  for  Pro* 
yisions  and  sould  att  a<>*  30*i>  or  35i<>  Country  pay. 

18.  Ministers  have  been  soe  scarce  &  Religions  many  that 
noe  acc^  cann  be  giuen  of  Children's  births  or  christenings. 

19.  Scarcity  of  Ministers  and  Law  admitting  marriages  by 
Justices,  noe  ace*  cann  be  giuen  of  the  number  marryed. 

20.  Noe  ace*  cann  be  giuen  of  burialls,  formes  of  burialls  not 
being  generally  obserued  &  few  ministers  till  very  lately. 

21.  A  merch*  worth  lOOO'**  or  600li>  is  accompted  a  good  sub- 
stantiall  merchant  and  a  planter  worthe  halfe  that  in  moveables 
accompted  [rich  7]  with  all  the  Estates  may  be  valued  att  about 
jei50,000. 

23.  There  may  lately  haue  traded  to  y*  Collony  in  a  yeare 
from  tenn  to  fifteen  shipps  or  vessells  of  about  togeather  100  tunns 
eacb,English  new  England  and  our  owne  built  of  w*'''  5  small  shipps 
&.  a  Ketch  now  belonging  to  New  Yorke  foure  of  them  built  there. 

23.  Obstrucc6ns  to  Improuem*  of  planters,  trade,  Navigacdn 
and  mutuall  assistance  are  y^  distinction  of  Collonies  for  our 
owne  produce,  as  if  different  nations  and  people,  though  next 
neighbours  upon  the  same  tract  of  land,  &  His  Ma**^*  subjects, 
we  obserueing  acts  of  trade  &  navigac6n  &c. 

24.  Aduantages,  Incouragem*  &  Improuem*  of  Planters  trade 
&  Navigac6n  would  be  more  if  next  neighbours  of  o'  own  Nation 
the  King's  subjects  on  the  same  tract  of  land  might  without  dis- 
tinction, supply  each  other  with  our  owne  produce,  punctually 
obserueing  all  acts  of  parliam*  for  Exportacdn  &  would  dispose  all 
persons  the  better  for  mutuall  assistance. 


tt 


V  i 


99 


&KPORT    OM  THE  PBOTIMOK  OF  mPIT-yOBX. 


'  !■■■ 
'  '.-'1 


'.f 
11    t     ^ 


1 


S6.  Rates  or  dutyes  upon  Goods  exported  are  2*  for  each  hhd  of 
Tobacco  &  1*  3^  on  a  beaver  skin  &  other  peltry  proportionably, 
Proyisions  and  all  else  paye  nothing,  Goods  imported  paye82  per 
cent  except  Liquors  particularly  rated  something  more,  &  Indian 
trade  goeing  up  the  river  payes  3  per  cent,  there  are  some  few 
quitt-rents,  as  also  Excise  or  license  monys  for  retaileing  stronge 
drinke  &  a  way  house  or  publique  Scale  :  all  applyed  to  y*  Gar- 
rison and  publique  charge,  to  which  it  hath  not  hitherto  sufficed 
by  a  greate  deale. 

26.  There  are  Religions  of  all  sorts,  one  church  of  England, 
Several  Presbiterians  &  Independents,  Quakers  &  Anabaptists  of 
Severall  sects,  some  Jews  but  presbiterians  &  Independ**  most 
numerous  &  Substantiall. 

27.  The  Duke  maintaines  a  chapline  w<'i>  is  all  the  certaine 
allowance  or  Church  of  England,  but  peoples  free  gifts  to  y' 
Ministry,  and  all  places  oblidged  to  build  Churches  &  provide  for 
a  minister,  in  vr'^^  most  very  wanting,  but  presbiterians  &  Inde- 
pend**  desierous  to  have  and  maintaine  them  if  to  be  had.  There 
are  ab*  20  Chuiches  or  Meeting  places  of  w^i*  aboue  halfe  vacant 
their  allowance  like  to  be  from  40ii>  to  70'i>  a  yeare  and  a  house  and 
garden.  Noe  Beggars  but  all  poore  cared  fibr.  If  good  Minis- 
ters could  be  had  to  goe  theither  might  doe  well  &  gaine  much 
upon  those  people.  •^-'' 

Endorsed  '    '  ^ 

<<  Answers  of  inquiries  of  New-York       ■•  '--  ='  " 
Rec*  from  S'  Edm.  Andros  on  the  le**"         -  ' 
of  Ap.  1678." 

NoTK. — Chalmers  gives  in  his  Annals  what  purport  to  be  copies 
of  these  Reports,  but  they  will  be  found  to  be  rather  abstracts 
when  compared  with  the  official  MSS.  which  are  now  published 
in  full,  it  is  believed  for  the  first  time.  v   .. 


m.T, 


V. 
PAPERS 


J&.  k  la  38am»a  f  x^iebHlan 


HUNGRY  BAT,  JEFFERSON  CO. 


168& 


ii..fe 


UXTBACT 


'!■ 


w 


o'»  <'«    lA  l«v 


jlij 


'  >. 


^1) 


J';;N. 


i  .7/ 


'fi 


j  »1 


He  is  equ 

the  French  J 

the  latter  ha 

the  Colonies 

severe  war  aj 

and  to  live  ii 

on  the  lands 

warlike  tribei 

Majesty  has « 

Onnontagu(Ss 

and  committe 

that  they  will 

portant  that  t 

to  proceed  as 

favorably  situ 

Frontenac  at 

these  Iroquois 

their  duty  ani 

against  the  Fre 

with  them  witi 

tude  to  promt 

have  undertak< 

He  must  not 

Iroquois  agains 

the  Savages  at 


EXTRACT  OF  THE  INSTRUCTIONS  GIVEN  BY  THE  KING 

TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[Pant  Doe.  Vol.  II.]  .  , 

I    '  '.*  YvmillM,  10th  Majr,  1882. 

.  'He  is  equally  informed  that  the  Savages  nearest  adjoining  to 
the  French  Settlements  are  the  Algonquins  and  the  Iroquois,  that 
the  latter  had  repeatedly  troubled  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of 
the  Colonies  of  New  France  until  His  Majesty  having  waged  a 
severe  war  against  them,  they  were  finally  constrained  to  submit 
and  to  live  in  peace  and  quietness  without  making  any  incursions 
on  the  lands  inhabited  by  the  French.  But  as  these  restless  and 
warlike  tribes  cannot  be  kept  down  except  by  terror,  and  as  His 
Majesty  has  even  been  informed  by  the  last  despatches,  that  the 
Onnontagu6s  and  Senecas — Iroquois  tribes — have  killed  a  Recollet 
and  committed  many  other  violences  and  that  it  is  to  be  feared 
that  they  will  push  their  audacity  even  further ;  It  is  very  im- 
portant that  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Barre  put  himself  in  a  condition 
to  proceed  as  early  as  possible,  with  5  or  600  of  the  militia  most 
favorably  situated  for  this  expedition  along  the  shores  of  Lake 
Frontenac  ai  the  mouth  of  Lake  Conty,  to  exhibit  himself  to 
these  Iroquois  Settlements  in  a  condition  to  restrain  them  within 
their  duty  and  even  to  attack  them  should  they  do  any  thing 
against  the  French,  wherein  he  must  observe  that  he  is  not  to  break 
with  them  without  a  very  pressing  necessity  and  an  entire  certi- 
tude to  promptly  and  advantageously  finish  a  war  ths^t  he  will 
have  undertaken  against  them. 

He  must  not  only  apply  himself  to  prevent  the  violences  of  the 
Iroquois  against  the  French.  He  must  also  endeavour  to  keep 
the  Savages  at  peace  among  themselves,  and  prevent  the  Iroquois 


.■;,? 


96 


DE  LA  BARRe's   E^FBDlTIOir 


by  all  means  making  war  on  the  Illinois  and  other  tribes,  neigh- 
bours to  them,  being  very  certain  that  if  these  Nations  whose 
iurs,  the  principal  trade  of  Canada,  are  destroyed,  should  see 
themselves  secure  against  the  violence  of  the  Iroquois  by  the 
protection  they  would  receive  from  the  French,  they  might  be  so 
much  the  more  excited  to  wear  their  merchandizes  and  will  there- 
by increase  trade. 


^V-M   -Tff^* 


•■■> 


jffAr 


At  the  meeting  held  the  tenth  October  1682,  com- 
posed of  M.  the  Governor,  M.  the  Intendant,  M. 
the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  M.  Dollier  Superior  of  the 
Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice  at  Montreal,  the  Rev. 
Fathers  Beschefer  Superior,  D'Ablon  and  Fremin, 
Jesuits,  M.  the  Major  of  the  City,  Mess",  de  Va- 
renne  Governor  of  Three  Rivers,  de  Brussy,  Dali- 

<  bout,  Duguet,  Lemoine,  Ladurantais,  Bizard,  Chail- 
ly,  Vieuxpont,  Duluth,  de  Sorel,  Derepentigny, 
Berthier  and  Boucher. 


It  is  proposed  by  M.  the  Governor,  that  from  the  records 
which  M.  the  Count  de  Frontenac  was  pleased  to  deposit  in  his 
hands  of  what  had  passed  at  Montreal  on  the  12  Sept.  last,^  be- 
tween him  and  the  Deputy  of  the  Onontagu6  Iroquois,  it  is  easy 
to  infer  that  these  people  are  inclined  to  follow  the  object  of  their 
enterprize,  which  is  to  destroy  all  the  Nations  in  alliance  with 
us,  the  one  after  the  other,  whilst  they  keep  us  in  uncertainty  and 
with  folded  arms;  so  that,  after  having  deprived  us  of  the  entire 
fur  trade  which  they  wish  alone  to  carry  on  with  the  English  and 
Dutch  established  at  Manate  and  Orange,  they  may  attack  us 
isolated,  and  ruin  the  Colony  in  obliging  it  to  contract  itself  and 
abandon  all  the  separate  settlements,  and  thus  arrest  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  soil  which  cannot  bear  grain  nor  be  cultivated  as 
meadow  except  in  quarters  where  it  is  of  good  quality. 

As  he  is  not  informed  in  the  short  time  since  his  arrival  from 
France,  of  the  state  of  these  tribes  and  of  the  Colony,  he  requests 
them  to  acquaint  him  with  all  they  know  of  these  things  in  order 


TO  HUNGRY  BAT 


91 


that  he  may  inform  hin  Mnjcsty  thereof,  and  represent  to  him  the 
necessities  of  this  Coloi  y,  for  the  purpose  as  well  of  averting  this 
war  as  for  terminating  and  finishing  it  advantageously  should  it 
be  necessary  to  wage  it ;  Whereupon  the  Meeting  after  being  in- 
formed by  the  Revi  Jesuit  fathers  of  what  had  passed  during  five 
years  among  the  Iroquois  Nations,  whence  they  had  recently  ar- 
rived, and  by  M.  Dollier  of  what  occurred  for  some  years  at 
Montreal,  remained  unanimously  and  all  of  one  accord,  that  the 
English  have  omitted  nothing  for  four  years  to  induce  the  Iro- 
quois, either  by  the  great  number  of  presents  which  they  made 
them  or  by  the  cheapness  with  which  they  gave  them  provisions 
and  especially  gun^,  powder  and  lead,  to  declare  war  against  us, 
and  which  the  Iroquois  have  been  two  or  three  times  ready  to  i 
undertake  ;  But  having  reflected  that,  should  they  attack  us  be- 
fore they  had  ruined  in  fact  the  allied  nations,  their  neighbours, 
these  would  rally  and,  uniting  together,  would  fall  on  them  and 
destroy  their  villages  whilst  occupied  against  us,  they  judged  it 
wiser  to  defer  and  amuse  us  whilst  they  were  attacking  those 
Nations,  and  having  commenced,  with  that  view,  to  attack  the 
Illinois  last  year,  they  hail  so  great  an  advantage  over  them  that 
besides  three  or  four  hundred  killed,  they  took  nine  hundred  of 
them  prisoners,  so  that  marching  this  year  with  a  corps  of  twelve 
hundred  men,  well  armed  and  good  warriors,  there  was  no  doubt 
but  they  Would  e)cterminate  them  altogether  and  attack,  on  their 
return,  the  Miamis  and  the  Kiskakous  and  by  their  defeat  render 
themselves  masters  of  Missilimackina  and  the  lakes  H^ri^  and 
Huron,  the  Bay  des  Puans  and  thereby  deprive  us  of  all  the  trade 
drawn  from  that  country  by  destroying,  at  the  same  time,  all  the 
Christian  Missions  established  among  those  nations ;  and  there- 
fore it  became  necessary  to  make  a  last  effort  to  prevent  them 
ruining  those  Nations  as  they  had  formerly  the  Algonquins,  the 
Andastez,  the  Loups  (Mohegans),  the  Abcnaquis  and  others,  the 
remains  of  whom  we  have  at  the  settlements  of  Sillery,  Laurette, 
Lake  Champlain  and  others  scattered  among  us.  That  to  accom- 
plish that  object,  the  state  of  the  Colony  was  to  be  considered, 
and  the  means  to  be  most  usefully  adopted  against  the  enemy  j 
that  as  to  the  Colony  we  could  bring  together  a  thousand  good 
7 


98 


DE  LA  BARRELS   EXIEDITION 


men,  bearing  arms  and  accustomed  to  manage  canoes  like  the 
Iroquois,  but  when  drawn  from  their  settlements,  it  must  be  con- 
sidere(J  that  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  would  be  arrested  during 
the  whole  period  of  their  absence,  and  that  it  is  necessary,  be- 
fore making  them  march,  to  have  supplies  of  provisions  necessary 
in  places  distant  from  the  settlements,  so  as  to  support  them  in 
the  enemy's  country  a  time  sufficiently  long  to  effectually  destroy 
that  Nation,  and  to  act  no  more  by  them  as  had  been  done  seven- 
teen years  ago,  making  them  partially  afraid  without  weakening 
them.  That  we  have  advantages  now  which  we  had  not  then  ; 
the  French  accustomed  to  the  Woods,  acquainted  with  all  the 
roads  through  them,  and  the  road  to  Fort  Frontenac  open  to  fall 
in  forty  hours  on  the  Senecas,  the  strongest  of  the  five  Iroquois 
Nations,  since  they  alone  can  furnish  fifteen  hundred  warnors, 
well  armed ;  that  there  must  be  provisions  at  Fort  Frontenao, 
three  or  four  vessels  to  load  them  and  embark  five  hundred  men  on 
Lake  Ontario,  whilst  five  hundred  others  would  go  in  Canoes  and 
post  themselves  on  the  Seneca  shore  ;  but  this  expedition  cannot 
succeed  unless  by  His  Majesty's  aid  with  a  small  body  of  two  or 
three  hundred  soldiers  to  serve  as  a  garrison  for  Forts  Frontenac 
and  La  Galette,  to  escort  provisions  and  keep  the  head  of  the 
country  guarded  and  furnished  whilst  the  interior  would  be 
deprived  of  its  good  soldiers ;  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and 
fifty  hired  men,  to  be  distributed  among  the  settlements  to 
help  those  who  will  remain  at  home  to  cultivate  the  ground, 
in  order  that  famine  may  not  get  into  the  land  ;  and  funds  neces- 
sary to  collect  supplies  and  build  two  or  three  barks,  without 
which  and  that  of  Sieur  de  Lasalle,  it  is  impossible  to  undertake 
any  thing  of  utility  :  That  it  is  a  war  which  is  not  to  be  com- 
menced to  be  left  imperfect,  because  knowing  each  other  better 
than  seventeen  years  ago,  if  it  were  to  be  undertaken  without 
finishing  it  the  conservation  of  the  Colony  is  not  be  expected, 
the  Iroquois  not  being  apt  to  return.  That  the  failure  of  all  aid 
from  France  had  begun  to  create  contempt  for  us  among  the  said 
Iroquois,  who  believed  that  we  were  abandoned  by  the  great 
Onontio,  our  Master,  and  if  they  saw  us  assisted  by  him,  they 
would,  probably,  change  their  minds  and  let  our  allies  be  in 


TO  HUMOET  SAY. 


99 


peace  and  consent  not  to  hunt  on  their  grounds,  or  bring  all 
their  peltries  to  the  French,  which  they  trade  at  present  with  the 
English  at  Orange ;  and  thus  by  a  small  aid  from  his  Majesty  we 
could  prevent  war  and  subject  these  fierce  and  hot  spirits,  which 
would  be  the  greatest  advantage  that  could  be  procured  for  the 
Country.  That  notwithstanding,  it  was  important  to  arm  the 
militia  and  in  this  year  of  abundant  harvest  to  oblige  them  to 
furnish  guns  which  they  could  all  advantageously  use  when  occa- 
sion required.  *' 

Done  in  the  house  of  the  Rev^  Jesuit  Fathers  at  Quebec,  the 

day  and  year  above  stated.  .  ^^ 

'  Compared  with  the  original  remaining  in  my  hands.  ' 

Le  Fe  Bure  de  Lababbx. 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 


:v^-V-3," 


February  10,  1684. 


•  •  *  •  The  Governor  of  New  York  is  to  come,  they 
say,  next  summer  to  the  Mohawk  and  speak  there  to  the  Iroquois. 
We'll  see  what  he'll  say.  He  has  sent  a  shabby  ship's  flag  to 
the  Mohawk  to  be  planted  there.  This  is  the  coat  of  arms  of 
England.  This  flag  is  still  in  the  public  chest  of  the  Mohawks. 
I  know  not  when  it  will  see  day. 


'      '    M.  DE  LABARRE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

*       '  Montreal  15th  June  1684. 

Sir — ^The  unexpected  attack  which  the  Iroquois,  Senecas  and 
Cayugas  have  made  on  one  of  my  forts  whither  I  had  sent  a  gen- 
tleman of  my  household  to  withdraw  Sieur  de  la  Salle  therefrom, 
whom  I  sent  at  their  request  to  France,  and  the  wholesale  plunder 
of  seven  French  canoes  laden  with  merchandize  for  the  Trade, 
and  the  detention  during  ten  days  of  14  Frenchmen  who  were 
conducting  them  up,  and  that  in  a  time  when  I  was  in  a  quiet 


190 


DE  LA  AAltftrS  ^XPIZHTION 


']  i  Mv. 


.a 


;!'  ■! 


and  p&'^oeahle  negottaition  with  tbem,  oblige  me  to  Eittack  tbem 
•8  ,pieQpA<!  from  who^e  promises  vre  have  nothing  to  expect  but 
murder  and  treaf<an ;  but  1  did*  not  wish  to  do  so  without  ad- 
arising  you  of  it,  aud  teUlnig  you  at  the  same  time,  that  the  Mo- 
hawics  and  Ooeidas,  neighbours  of  Albany,  having  done  me  no 
srrong,  I  intend  to  j^main  at  peace  wUh  th«m  and  not  attach 
Ihen. 

The  ]||ejtters  which  I  <hayie  rec<^  jfrom  France  inform  me  2a  dioes 
that  which  you  were  pleased  to  honour  me  with,  that  our  two 
Kings  desire  that  weifihould  Uve  in  Unio^  md  Fraternity  toge- 
ther. I  shall  contribute  with  the  greatest  joy,  and  with  a  punc- 
tuality with  which  you  wiU  be  isatisfied.  I  think  that  on  the  pre- 
sent .occasion  you  can  well  grant  me  the  request  I  make  to  forbid 
those  at  Albany  selling  any  Arms,  Powder  or  Lead  to  the  Iro- 
quois who  attacked  us  and  to  the  other  tribes  who  may  trade 
with  them. 

This  proceeding  alone  may  intimidate  them,  and  when  they 
see  the  Christians  united  «n  this  subject  they  w^ill  shew  them 
more  respect  than  they  have  done  hitherto. 

If  you  have  any  cause  of  complaint  against  their  conduct,  you 
can  advance  it  noW)  &  I  shall  consider  your  interests  as  those  of 
fay  master,  as  soon  as  I  shall  hear  from  you  I  lyill  answer  regard- 
iing  what  you  may  require  from  jay  ministry  in  a  manner  entirely 
satisfactory  to  you,  esteeming  nothing  in  the  world  more  highly 
than  the  opportunity  to  testify  to  you  how  truly  I  am 

Sir  ..;......, 

Your  very  humble  Serv* 
'  (Signed)        Le  Feburk  de  la  Barre. 


those 
his  Rii  ] 

their  sub 

Records, 

ver  of  Cfi 

Come  up( 

thing  whi 

I  desir* 

forbidde  t 

lakes    thi 

shall  not  u 

Corresponc 
heartily  be 

*  yours  t] 

purpose;  ai 

^I»at  is  iust 

not  r  shall  1 

that  can  be  \ 

continue  &  J 

nient  &  desi 

ences  are  0 

to  be  decidec 

I  do  assur< 

that  there  sh( 

this  Go  verm* 

upon  all  Occj 


i 


1 1 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE.    . 

■■J-'  tar.Y.OouiicUMin.T.] 

New  York  Jane  jr?*'"  1684. 
gr— Y"  dated  the  15t»»  I  received  the  23<i  of  S.  V.  of  tiiis  In- 
stant ;  &  am  vrry  sorry  that  I  did  not  know  sooner  of  the  mis- 
understanding between  you  and  the  Indians  that  so  I  might  (us 
really  I  would)  haue  vsed  all  iust  measures  to  prevent  it 


Sir— I  came 
quaes  but  was 


hith 


er  expressli 


TO  BUNORT  BAT. 


101 


those  Indians  are  under  this  Governm*  as  doth  appeare  by 
his  R"  High"  his  patent  from  his  Ma^y  the  King  of  England  and 
their  submitting  themselves  to  this  Goverm^  as  is  manifest  by  o' 
Records,  his  R'^  Highnesses  territories  reaching  as  far  as  the  Ri- 
ver of  Canada  and  yet  notwithstanding  the  people  of  y'  Goverm* 
Come  upon  the  great  lake  as  allso  on  this  side  of  both  lakes,  a 
thing  which  will  scarcely  be  beleeved  in  England 

I  desire  you  to  hinder  them  from  so  doing ;  &  I  will  strictly 
forbidde  the  people  of  this  Province  to  go  on  your  side  of  the 
lakes  this  I  haue  hinted  that  there  may  be  no  occasion,  as  there 
shall  not  undoubtedly  a£  mine,  to  break  that  desirable  and  faire 
Correspondence  between  the  two  Kings  our  Masters  I  am  so 
heartily  bent  to  promote  the  Quiet  &  tranquillity  of  this  Country 
&  yours  that  I  intend  forthwith  to  go  myselfe  to  Albany  on 
purpose ;  and  there  send  for  the  Indians,  &  require  of  them  to  do 
what  is  iust  in  order  to  a  satisfhction  to  y'  pretences ;  if  they  will 
not  I  shall  not  uniustly  protect  them,  but  do  for  y  Gt)vemm*  all 
that  can  be  reasonably  expected  from  me ;  &  in  the  mean  time  to 
continue  &  preserue  a  good  Amity  between  us  I  tlunk  it  conve- 
nient &  desire  that  no  Acts  of  hostility  be  o6mitted,  such  differ- 
ences! are  of  so  weighty  a  concerne  that  they  are  most  proper 
to  be  decided  at  home  and  not  by  us.  ;<•-     k   «if  ii'.n  ^-^^ 

I  do  assure  you  S'  that  no  body  liueing  hath  ai  greater  desire 
that  there  should  be  a  strict  friendshipp  betwixt  the  subjects  of 
this  Goverm*  &  yours  ^en  I  haue  and  no  body  more  willing 
upon  all  Occasions  ivstly  to  approue  my  selffe     S' 

Y'  humble  Serv* 

r  ThO.  DONGAN. 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

,  ;        [Lond.  Doo.  y.] 

'      -  ..  ,,        ,■       f-.^.  Fort  Albany,  July  1684. 

Sir — I  came  to  this  town  with  an  intention  to  sent  for  the  Sene^ 
quaes  but  was  prevented  by  some  of  their  Sachims  being  come 
hither  expressly  to  meet  me.      ,  ■ ,  .^  ,  •    .  ,  ,   ,     ,  . ; ,    ., 


102 


DE  LA  BARRELS  EXPEDITION 


'\<:: 


m 


They  tell  me  that  your  Intentions  are  to  make  warr  against 
them  and  they  believe  that  you  have  already  entered  their  coun- 
trey  which  repport  I  can  scarcely  give  creditt  to,  after  my  last 
letter  written  to  you. 

You  cannot  be  ignorant  that  those  Indians  are  under  this  Go- . 
verm*  and  I  do  assure  you  they  have  againe  voluntarily  given  up 
both  themselves  and  their  lands  to  it,  and  in  their  application 
which  they  make  to  me,  do  offer,  that  if  they  have  done  anything 
amisse  they  will  readily  give  all  reasonable  satisfation. 

S'  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  hear  that  you  invade  the  Duke's 
Territories,  after  so  just  and  honest  an  offer,  and  my  promisse, 
that  the  Indians  shall  punctually  perform  whatever  can  be  in 
justice  required  for  all  these  injuries  which  you  complaine  they 
have  committed. 

I  do  not  doubt  but  that  if  you  please,  this  affair  may  be  quietly 
reconciled  between  you  and  the  Indians,  if  not,  as  I  wrote  in  my 
former,  wee  have  Masters  in  Europe  to  whom  we  should  properly ' 
referr. 

To  prevent  as  much  as  I  can  all  the  inconveniencyes  that  may 
happen.  I  have  sent  the  bearer  with  this  letter  and  have  ordered 
the  Coates  of  Armes  of  His  Royal  Highnesse  the  Duke  of  York 
to  b<  put  up  in  the  Indyan  Castles  which  may  diswade  you  from 
acting  anything  that  may  create  a  misunderstanding  between  us 
Sir 

I  am  with  all  respect 
'f:     '''        Most  humble  &  affectionate 
'V-  Servant 

(Signed)  Tho  Don^ak 


;i(#^e.> -^rv; 


•>lf 


.,     M.  DE  LA  BARRE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[Paris  Doe.  n.i  Lond.  Doe.  v.] 

Camp  at  Lachine,  24  Jnljr  1684. 
Sir—- 1  was  much  astonished  by  the  receipt  of  your  two  letters  ot 
the  fifth  of  July,  New  Stile,  seeing  one  in  French  written  by 
you,  which  I  knew  came  from  you  as  from  friend  to  friend,  and 


TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


103 


that  written  in  English  which  I  knew  came  from  your  Council 
and  not  from  people  disposed  to  maintain  the  union  of  our  two 
Kings. 

I  sent  Sieur  Bourbon  to  you  to  advise  you  of  the  vengeance 
which  I  was  about  to  wreak  for  the  insult  inflicted  on  the  Chris- 
tian name  by  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas,  and  you  answer  me  about 
pretensions  to  the  possessions  of  lands  of  which  neither  you  nor  I 
are  judges,  but  our  two  Kings  who  have  sent  us,  and  of  which 
there  is  no  question  at  present,  having  no  thought  of  conquering 
countries  but  of  making  the  Christian  name  and  the  French  peo- 
ple to  be  respected,  in  which  I  will  spill  the  last  drop  of  my 
blood. 

'I  have  great  esteem  for  your  person,  and  considerable  desire  to 
preserve  the  honour  of  his  Britannick  Majesty's  good  graces  as 
well  as  those  of  my  Lord  the  Duke  of  York,  and  I  even  believe 
that  they  will  greatly  appreciate  my  chastisement  of  those  who 
insult  you  and  capture  you  every  day,  as  they  have  done  this 
winter  in  Merilande.  But  if  I  was  so  unfortunate  as  that  you  de- 
sired to  protect  robbers,  assassins  and  traitors,  I  could  not  distin- 
guish their  protector  from  themselves.  I  pray  you,  then,  to  at- 
tach faith  to  the  credit  which  I  give  Sieur  de  Salvaye  to  explain 
every  thing  to  you  ;  and,  if  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas  wish  your 
services  as  their  intercessor  to  take  security  from  them,  not  in 
the  Indian  but  in  the  European  fashion,  without  which  and  the 
honor  of  hearing  from  you,  I  shall  attack  them  towards  the  20*i> 
of  the  month  of  August,  New  Stile. 


A  ' 
..  -'I 


Sir 


.'T 


•  '•ij.=.  I'.' 


Your  very  humble  Servant        '  -        >,!; 
Le  Febube  de  la  Babre. 


.  \i^-!y^  < 


fi-' 


'0Mi 


*.«!. 


t\i^: 


»    lUiii.l 


■A 


rn 


i^y 


f       K 


104 


DE  LA  BARRELS  EXPEDITION 


III 


[Par.  Doc.  II.  5  Lowl.  Doc.  V.]  .  ,     '      ■ 

INSTRUCTIONS  which  Sieur  de  la  Barre  King's  Councillor  in  his  CQuneilt, 
Governor  &  his  Lieutenant  Qeneral  in  all  the  Countries  of  New  France  and 
Acadie,  Gives  to  Sieur  de  Salvage  his  Ambassador  to  Colonel  Dongan, 
Governor  of  New.  Yorlc,  to  explain  to  him  the  unfaithfulness  and  violences 
committed  by  thpSenect^  and  Cayugas  against  the  French. 

He  is,  in  the  first  pl^oci  tp  make  known  to  him  the  quturter  where 
the  pillage  of  the,  s^\,efi  canoes  was  perpetrated,  and  thi\t  it  is  more 
than  400  leagues  dists^nt  from  here  and  an  equal  distance,  at  least^ 
Sputhw:est  ffom  Albany,  ip  the  39*''  or  40*  degree. 

T^s^t  that  place  l^s  been  occupied  over  25  years  by  the  French 
who  there  established  Catholic  Missions  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers, 
and,  traded  tl^^re  {(nU  fait  la  traitte)  since  that  time,  without  the 
English  having,  ever  known,  or  spoken  of,  that  country. 

T^hat  the  question  is.  not  about  the  country  of  the  Iroquois,  nor 
the  Eastern  shQres  of  Lake  Erie. 

That  the  Iroquois  having  lived,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  M. 
de  la  Barre,  with  little  consideration  for  the  French,  he  was  desi- 
rous to  speak  with  them,  to  see  if  they  were  friends  or  foes,  and 
for  that  purpose  they  were  all  assembled  at  Montreal  last  August 
where,  every  thing  was  arranged  on  a  friendly  basis ;  even  the 
Senecas  and  Cayugas  had  demanded  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Barre  to 
withdraw  Sieur  de  la  Salle  from  the  government  of  Fort  St.  Louis, 
in  Illinois ;  which  he  caused  to  be  done  and  had  the  said  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  sent  to  France  in  the  month  of  last  November. 

That  notwithstanding  this,  and  all  the  protestations  they  had 
made,  a  band  of  200  warriors,  Senecas  and  Cayugas  having  met 
in  the  month  of  March  of  this  year,  seven  canoes  manned  by  14 
Frenchmen,  with  fifteen  or  sixteen  thousand  pounds  of  Merchan- 
dize, who  were  going  to  trade  with  the  Scious,  towards  the  South- 
west, pillaged  them  and  took  them  prisoners,  without  any  resist- 
ance from  the  said  Frenchmen,  who  considered  them  as  friends, 
and  after  having  detained  them  nine  days,  with  thousands  of  taunts 
and  insults,  released  them  without  having  given  them  either  arms 
or  canoes  for  provisions  and  to  cross  the  rivers.  After  which  the 
said  Iroquois  went  and  attacked  Fort  St.  Louis,  where  Sieur  Che- 
ralier  de  Blangy  was  in  the  place  of  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  who 


had  been 
and  been 
Fort  the 
That  Si 
mitted  in 
Ainbassad 
two  course 
wage  war 
that  descrij 
That,  thi 
Colonel  Do 
to  unite  wit 
i  That  the 
no  part  in  a 
s«e  if  they,  t 
That  his  t 
postpone  attj 
That  in  de 
master  was  p 
be  had  receii 
of  Colonel  D 
dersto  maints 
Sieur  de  la  Bi 
be  had  any  in 
to  that  commi 
I^one  at  the 

Signed, 
And  lower 


ii    'Wi- 


GO 


!•  It  is  not 
bave  done  to  tl 
from  Mont  Roj 


]  ' 


TO  HUNGRY  BAT. 


105 


ha<l  been  withdrawn  at  their  request.  Hating  made  three  assaults 
and  been  vigorously  repulsed)  they  withdrew  from  before  the  said 
Fort  the  29'*'  of  said  month  of  March. 

That  Sieur  de  la  Barre  having  seen  these  acts  of  hostility  com- 
mitted in  time  of  established  peace  and  whicli  Tcganeout  their 
Ambassador  was  coming  to  him  to  confirm,  he  might  have  adopted 
two  courses,  one  to  detain  the  said  ambassador,  and  the  other  to 
wage  war  against  them,  not  being  able  to  endure  a  treachery  of 
that  description  against  the  Christian  name  and  French  Nation.    . 

That,  things  being  in  this  condition,  he  could  not  believe  that 
Colonel  Dongan  would  interfere  therein  in  any  way,  if  it  wete  not 
to  unite  with  him  in  destroying  these  traitors  and  Infidels. 

,  That  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  neighbours  of  Albany,  have 
no  part  in  all  this  war,  and  that  he  has  enToys  at:  Onontagu^  to 
see  if  they  will  take  a  part.  ^    ■' 

That  his  troops  being  assembled  and  on  the  march,  he  cannot 
postpone  attacking  the  Senecas  unless  by  losing  the  campaign. 
>  That  in  despatches  .dated  the  6^  of  August  last,  the  King  his 
roaster  was  pleased  to  communicate  to  him  the  information  which 
he  had  received  from  the  King  of  England,  of  the  appointment 
of  Colonel  Dongan  as  Governor  of  New  York,  with  express  or* 
dersto  maintain  good  understanding  and  correspondence  with  said 
Sieur  de  la  Barre,  who,  on  that  account,  could  have  no  idea  that 
be  had  any  intention  to  protect  a  treachery  and  injustice  similar 
to  that  committed  by  villains  on  Frenchmen. 

Done  at  the  Camp  of  Lachine  the  24th  July  1684.  'i     ■ 

Signed,  rJ^  Ls  fkbure  de  la  Babrs.  :  ; 

And  lower  down  by  M.  Regnaut.  ' 


7    i*f 


'h-'t  >  v. 


»i-^ 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  lA  BARRE. 

[Lond.  Doc.  Y.] 


!rl 


1.  It  is  not  intended  that  I  will  justify  the  wrong  the  Indians 
have  done  to  the  French  so  farr  to  the  southwest  as  400  leagues 
from  Mont  Royall  or  in  any  other  place  whatsoever,  though  in  all 


106 


DE  LA  BARRELS  EXPEDITION 


^i 


I     :• 


1 


probability  if  we  were  to  dispute  these  countreys  so  farr  to  the 
south  west  are  more  likely  to  be  ours  then  the  French  haveing 
English  Colonies  much  nearer  them. 

2.  The  pretences  you  make  to  that  countrey  by  your  26  years 
possession,  and  sending  Jesuits  amongst  them  are  very  slender, 
and  it  may  bee,  you  may  have  the  same  to  other  countries  as  for 
Jesuites  living  amongst  them,  how  charitable  soever  it  may  bee  it 
gives  no  right  or  title,  and  it  is  a  great  wonder  that  the  English 
who  so  well  know  America  should  neither  hear  nor  see  in  a  long 
time  the  treaty  you  speak  of 

3.  But  if  the  matter  in  debate  bee  not  concerning  the  land  on 
the  side  of  the  lake  of  Canida,  it  is  desired  to  know  what  it  is 
concerning  since  the  Indians  offer  to  give  satisfaction  for  what 
injuries  can  be  prooved  to  bee  cdmitted  by  them  as  they  say  they 
have  formerly  done  in  such  cases,  and  if  they  do  not  I  never  pro- 
mised them  any  countenance  from  this  government. 

I  wonder  that  Mons'  de  la  Barr  should  send  for  any  Indians 
who  ouned  themselves  under  this  Government  to  know  whether 
they  were  friends  or  ennemies,  since  this  Government  at  that  time 
and  at  this  present  hath  enjoyed  for  aught  I  know  a  full  and  per- 
fect peace  with  the  Government  of  Canida  ;  as  for  the  case  of 
La  Salle  I  am  not  concerned  in  it  but  wonder  you  should  send 
him  to  France  upon  the  bare  complaint  of  the  Indians 

As  for  the  injuries,  affronts,  insolencyes  and  robberyes  comit- 
ted  by  the  Indians  upon  the  French,  I  have  earnestly  pressed 
them  to  make  a  submission  and  satisfaction,  and  that  out  of  a  true 
consideration  of  the  misseryes  that  may  happen  by  having  a  warr 
with  such  Savages. 

I  could  heartily  wish  that  the  Sieur  de  la  Barre  had  sooner 
given  me  notice  of  the  act  of  hostility  before  he  had  detained 
Taganeout  there  Ambassadour,  or  made  warr  against  them,  that  I 
might  have  used  all  just  methods  to  prevent  a  warr  that  may  be 
destructive  to  either  party — 

That  the  Governor  of  Canida  does  very  well  in  believing  what 
truly  he  ought  that  I  will  notj|interest  myselfe  in  any  manner  to 
countenance  such  villanyes  and  if  I  did  not  think  there  was  a 
middle  way  to  compose  that  difference  myselfe,  I  would  be  wil- 
lini(  to  ioyne  against  them 


I  am  g 

bany  hav( 

soe  great 

there  had 

loose  the  < 

•    That  it 

with  the  Si 

if  I  have  n 

or  inclinati 


BITUCT 

mm 

Monsieur  De 
I  have  seer 
you  have  ta 
moved  you  t 
lony  of  New 
jects  and  dive 
theia  to  frequ, 
can  frequently 
being  even  in 
prove  your  ad( 
offered  the  fift 
on  Fort  St.  L 
riously  intende 
position  to  sust 
given  orders  fo 
I  have  caused  t 
the  ports  of  Br 
Marines  contain 
this  reinforceme 
Rochelle,  and  w 
will  furnish  you 
utterly  those  pe 


TO  HUNGRY  BAT. 


107 


I  am  glad  you  asured  me  that  the  neighbourghing  Indians  to  Al- 
bany have  no  share  in  that  warr,  but  I  am  sorry  the  troops  are  in 
soe  great  forwardness,  that  if  my  former  advice  had  bin  taken, 
there  had  been  no  absolute  necessity  to  attaque  the  Indians  or 
loose  the  campaigne. 

That  it  is  very  true,  I  ought  to  have  a  good  correspondence 
with  the  Sieur  de  la  Barr,  and  it  is  not  nor  ever  shall  bo  my  fault 
if  I  have  not,  and  I  againe  must  tell  you  that  I  have  no  thought 
or  inclination  to  protect  any  villany  whatsoever. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  ADDRESSED  BY  LOUIS  XIV.  TO 
MONSIEUR  DE  LA  BARRE,  THE  21st  JULY,  1684. 

[Pari!  Doe.  II.1 
Monsieur  De  la  barre 

I  have  seen  by  your  letters  of  the  5**>  June  last,  the  resolution 
you  have  taken  to  attack  the  Iroquois,  and  the  reasons  which 
moved  you  to  it,  and  though  it  is  a  grave  misfortune  for  the  Co- 
lony of  New  France  which  will  interrupt  the  trade  of  my  sub- 
jects and  divert  them  from  the  cultivation  of  the  land  and  expose 
them  to  frequent  insults  on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois  Savages,  who 
can  frequently  surpiize  them  in  distant  settlements,  without  your 
being  even  in  a  state  to  succor  them  ;  I  do  not  hesitate  to  ap- 
prove your  adoption  of  that  resolution  since,  by  the  insult  they 
offered  the  fifteen  Frenchmen  whom  they  pillaged,  and  the  attack 
on  Fort  St.  Louis,  you  have  had  reason  to  believe  that  they  se- 
riously intended  declaring  war,  and  as  I  wish  to  place  you  in  a 
position  to  sustain  it,  and  bring  it  to  a  speedy  termination,  I  have 
given  orders  for  equipping  the  Ship  L'Emerillon,  on  board  which 
I  have  caused  to  be  embarked  three  hundred  soldiers  quartered  in 
the  ports  of  Brest  and  Rochefort  with  the  number  of  Officers  and 
Marines  contained  in  the  lists  which  you  will  find  annexed,  and 
this  reinforcement  with  that  sent  to  you  by  the  last  vessels  from 
Rochelle,  and  which  you  have  learned  from  my  preceding  letters, 
will  furnish  you  means  to  fight  advantageously,  and  to  destroy 
utterly  those  people,  or  at  least  to  place  them  in  a  state,  after 


108 


DE  LA  BARRfi*8  fiXPCDlttOir 


yi 


haying  punished  them  for  their  insolence,  to  receive  peace  on  the 
conditions  vrhich  you  will  impose  on  them.  '-' 

You  must  observe  as  regards  this  war  that  even  though  you 
prosecute  it  with  advantage,  if  you  do  not  find  means  to  wage  it 
promptly,  it  will  not  the  less  cause  the  ruin  of  the  colony,  the 
people  of  which  cannot  subsist  in  the  continual  disquietude  of 
being  attacked  by  the  Savages,  and  in  the  impossibility  in  which 
they  find  themselves  of  applying  themselves  to  trade  and  the 
cultivation  of  their  farms.  Therefore  whatever  advantage  you 
may  derive  for  the  glory  of  my  arms  and  the  entire  destruction 
of  the  Savagts  by  the  continuation  of  this  war,  you  ought  to  pre- 
fer peace  which  restoring  quietness  to  my  subjects  will  place  you 
in  a  condition  to  increase  the  Colony  by  the  means  pointed  out  to 
you  in  my  preceding  letters. 

I  write  to  my  ambassador  in  England  to  procure  orders  from 
the  Duke  of  York  to  prevent  him  who  commands  at  Baston  2m* 
sisting  the  Savages  with  troops,  arms  or  ammunition,  and  I  have 
reason,  to  believe  that  orders  will  be  despatched  as>  soon  as  repre- 
sentations on  my  part  will  have  been  made. 

I  arv  very  glad,  to  tell  you  that  from  every  thing  I  learn  of  what 
has  occurred  in  Canada,  the  fault  which  you  committed  in  not 
punctually  executing  my  orders  relative  to  the  number  of  twenty- 
five  licenses  to  be  granted  to  my  subjects,  and  the  great  number 
you  have  sent  on  all  sides,  in  order  to  favor  persons  belonging 
to  yourself,  appears  to  me  to  have  been  the  principal  cause  of  what 
has  happened  on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois.  I  hope  you  will  re- 
pair this  fault  by  giving  a  prompt  and  glorious  termination  to 
this  war. 


•I 


It;  appears  to  me  also  that  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the 
war  arises  from  one  Du  Lhut  having  caused  two  Iroquois  to  be 
killed  who  had  assassinated  two  Frenchmen  in  Lake  Superior,  and 
yousufiKciently  see  how  much  this  man's  voyage,  which  cannot 
produce  any  advantage  to  the  Colony,  and  which  was  permitted^ 
only  in  the  interest  of  some  private  persons,  has  contributed  to 
disturb  the  repose  of  the  Colony. 

As  it  concerns  the  gpod  of  my  service  to  diminish  as  mnch  is 


•: 


possible 
stout  an  I 
gallJPs,  I 
number  0 

by  every  < 

* 

I  desire 
sion  of  Si( 
you  do  no 
take  under 


,  AS  TO  WHAT 


Having  b 
the  resolutic 
of  the  couni 
having,  in  c( 
to  Frenchme 
fourteen,  as  1 
Louis  of  the 
defended  him 
Teganeout,  o 
had  come  to 
try  before  th 
oblige  me  no 
sons,  we  cons 
to  divide  the 
send  persons  c 
Jesuit  Fathers 
act;  thesecor 
to  come  to  my 
as  many  as  the 
advise  Colone 


TO  HCNG&Y  BAY. 


109 


possible  the  number  of  the  Iroquois,  and  as  these  Savages  who  ure 
stout  and  robust,  will,  moreover,  serve  with  advantage  in  my 
gallJ^s,  I  wish  you  to  do  every  thing  in  your  power  to  make  a  great 
number  of  them  prisoners  of  M'ar,  and  that  you  have  them  shipped 
by  every  opportunity  which  will  offer  for  their  removal  to  France 

I  desire  likewise  that  you  leave  Fort  Frontenac  in  the  posses 
sion  of  Sieur  de  la  Salle  or  those  who  are  there  for  him,  and  that 
you  do  nothing,  in  opposition  to  the  interest  of  that  man  whom  1 
take  under  my  special  protection.  .      ,, 


{i  ''t,  ,  '■' 


MEMOIR  OF  M.  DE  LA  fiARRE 


AS  TO  WHAT  HAD  OCCURRED  AND  HAD  BEEN  DONE  REOARDINO  THE  WAR 
I  AGAINST  THE  SENEGAS. 

.      '  ■  ,  [PariiDoo.  II.] 

...'■k'l  'V"  .        ■'>       .  .    '■■■  -■  -     ■■        ^     -^ 

;  Having  been  obi  ged  to  leave  early  in  June,  in  conformity  to 
the  resolution  adopted  by  the  Intendant,  the  Bishop,  the  heads 
of  the  country  and  myself,  to  wage  war  against  the  Senecas  for 
having,  in  cold  blood,  pillaged  seven  hundred  canoes  belonging 
to  Frenchmen  ;  arrested  and  detained  the  latter  to  the  number  of 
fourteen,  as  prisoners  for  nine  days,  and  finally  attacked  Fort  St. 
Louis  of  the  Illinois,  where  the  Chevalier  de  Bangy  gallantly 
defended  himself,  and  having  resolved,  at  the  same  time,  to  seize 
Teganeout,  one  of  their  chiefs  and  his  twelve  companions  who 
had  come  to  ratify  the  peace  made  last  year,  who  \ei\  their  coun- 
try before  they  heard  of  this  attack,  which  circumstance  would 
oblige  me  not  to  treat  them  ill,  but  merely  to  secure  their  per- 
sons, we  considered  three  things  necessary:  First,  to  endeavour 
to  divide  the  Iroquois  among  themselves,  and  for  this  purpose,  to 
send  persons  expressly  to  communicate  my  sentiments  to  the  Rev<' 
Jesuit  Fathers  who  are  Missionaries  there  and  to  request  them  to 
act ;  the  second,  to  send  to  the  Outaouacs  to  engage  our  French 
to  come  to  my  assistance  by  the  South,  by  Lake  Erie  and  to  bring 
as  many  as  they  could  of  the  Savages,  our  allies ;  and  thirdly,  to 
advise  Colonel  Dongan,  Governor  of  New  York  of  what  we 


no 


DE  LA  BARRELS   EXPEDITIOK 


were  obliged  to  do,  whilst  at  the  same  time  I  would  throw  a 
considerable  reinforcement  of  men  into  Fort  Frontenac  to  secure 
it.  Being  arrived  at  Montreal  the  tenth  of  the  said  monw,  we 
sent  for  Mr.  DoUier,  Superior  of  the  Seminary  of  said  town  and 
of  the  Mission  to  the  Indians  of  the  Mountain,  and  the  Reverend 
Pero  Briare,  Superior  of  the  Mission  of  the  Sault  Saint  Louis, 
'who  having  concurred  with  us,  furnished  seven  Christian  Iroquois, 
friendly  to  the  French  and  pretty  shrewd,  two  of  whom  we  sent 
with  some  Belts  of  Wampum  to  the  Mohawks,  and  two  to  the 
Oneidas,  to  say  to  them  that  we  were  resolved  to  observe  the 
peace  made  with  them — that  we  were  very  willing  to  live  there 
as  with  friends,  and  that  we  requested  them  not  to  interfere  in 
the  war  which  we  were  about  to  wage  against  the  Senecas,  who 
had  cruelty  insulted  us  in  the  person  of  the  frenchmen  whom 
they  had  plundered  and  seized,  and  fort  St.  Louis  which  they  had 
attacked,  since,  and  in  violation  of  the  peace  made  last  year  at 
Montreal ;  we  sent  the  three  others  to  Onontagu^  to  explain  the 
same  things,  and  finally  I  despatched  Sieurs  Quillet  and  Hcbert 
to  the  Outaouacs  to  advise  Sieurs  Ladurantaye  and  Dulhut  of 
my  design  and  of  the  need  I  had  of  their  assistance,  and  sent  my 
orders  to  the  Rev.  Father  Enjalran,  Superior  of  said  Missions,  to 
operate  there  and  send  orders  to  different  quarters  according  to 
his  usual  zeal  and  capacity,  whilst  I  despatched  Sieur  Bourbon  to 
Orange  or  Manatte  to  notify  Colonel  Dongan  of  the  insult  the 
French  had  received  from  the  Senecas,  which  obliged  me  to 
march  against  them,  of  which  I  gave  him  notice,  assuring  him 
that  if  he  wished  to  revenge  ihe  twenty-six  Englishmen  of  Meri- 
lande,  whom  they  had  killed  last  winter,  I  would  promise  him 
that  I  would  unite  my  forces  to  his,  that  he  may  obtain  satisfac- 
tion for  it,  or  avenge  them. 

I  next  despatched  Sieur  Dutast,  first  captain  of  the  King^s 
troops,  on  the  twentieth  of  the  same  rponth  with  five  or  six 
picked  soldiers  and  six  mechanics,  carpenters  and  masons,  with 
provisions  and  ammunition  of  war  to  throw  themselves  into  Fort 
Frontenac  and  put  it,  in  all  haste,  beyond  insult ;  after  which, 
having  caused  all  to  embark  at  la  Chine,  I  proceeded  from  Mont- 
real, on  St.  John's  day,  to  return  to  Quebec  where  I  had  requested 


the  Inteni 

should  'foli 

^'y;  larri 

gence  on  tl 

purchased  -, 

of  all,  we  ( 

for  the  com 

structed  in  i 

I  divided 

self  at  the  hi 

I  left  the  mo 

Captain  of  J 

the  Island  o 

Sieur  Dugud. 

had  been,  sini 

tario  and  the  I 

raade,  and  in 

c'pal  villages, 

i  selected,  as  J 

deVillebon-Be 
so  that  acting 
i  could  confide 
and  experience. 
I  left  Quebe< 
militiamen,  ace 
rived  at  Montrc 
Orvilliers  on  th( 
hundred  and  fift 
Thus  after  havii 
of  provisions,  ir 
tlie   scarcity  of 
them  in  the  ports 
to  take  the  lead  V 
troops,  and  ordei 
where  I  should  j, 
encampment  bey 
Jay,  both  brigad 


( 

'C 


TO  HUNOKT   BAT. 


Ill 


the  Intendant  to  make  out  the  detachments  of  Militia  which 
should  follow  me  to  the  war,  without  inconvenience  to  the  Coun- 
try ;  I  arrived  there  on  the  tweuty-sixth,  having  used  great  dili- 
gence on  the  route,  and  found  the  people  ordered  and  some  canoes 
purchased  ;  but  as  they  were  not  sufficient  for  the  embarcation 
of  all,  we  caused  fifteen  flat  (bottomed)  pine  batteaux,  suitable 
for  the  conveyance,  each,  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  men,  to  be  con- 
structed in  a  hurry.  » 

I  divided  all  my  small  force  into  three  divisions,  I  placed  my- 
self at  the  head  of  the  first  which  I  commanded  to  lead  the  van. 
I  left  the  management  of  the  second  to  Mr.  D'Orvilliers,  antient 
Captain  of  Infantry  ;  the  third  being  composed  of  troops  from 
the  Island  of  Montreal  and  the  environs,  was  commanded  by 
Sieur  Dugu^,  antient  Captain  of  Carignan.  Sieur  D'Orvilliers 
had  been,  since  the  fore  part  of  spring,  reconnoitering  Lake  On- 
tario and  the  Seneca  Country,  to  see  where  the  descent  should  be 
made,  and  in  what  direction  we  should  march  to  their  two  prin- 
cipal villages,  of  which  he  had  made  a  faithful  and  exact  plan. 
I  selected,  as  Major  of  the  Brigade  which  I  commanded,  Sieur 
de  Villebon-Beccancour,  formerly  Captain  of  the  King's  Dragoons^ 
so  that  acting  in  my  place,  as  I  was  obliged  to  have  an  eye  to  all, 
I  could  confide  in  him  ;  he  succeeded  with  all  possible  diligence 
and  experience. 

I  left  Quebec  the  ninth  of  July,  at  the  head  of  Three  hundred 
militiamen,  accompanied  by  the  said  Sieur  de  Yillebon,  and  ar- 
rived at  Montreal  the  sixteenth,  where  I  was  joined  by  Sieur  D' 
Orvilliers  on  the  twenty-first,  who  brought  me,  in  addition  to  two 
hundred  and  fifty  militia,  batteaux  to  embark  the  King's  troops. 
Thus  after  having  issued  every  possible  order  for  the  conveyance 
of  provisions,  in  which  I  had  much  difficulty  in  consequence  of 
the  scarcity  of  canoes  and  of  experienced  persons  to  conduct 
them  in  the  portages  of  the  Rapids,  I  detached  Sieur  de  Villebon 
to  take  the  lead  with  my  brigade,  and  the  two  companies  of  King's 
troops,  and  ordered  them  to  pass  the  first  and  second  portages, 
where  I  should  join  them,  so  that  on  the  thirtieth  I  passed  their 
encampment  beyond  the  said  second  portage,  and  we  marched  next 
day,  both  brigades  together,  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  bringing  up  the 


'/ 


lis 


DE  LA  BARRE'S   EXPEDITION 


I     -1 


rear  with  the  third  one  day  behind  us,  so  that  being,  on  the  !•» 
of  August  in  Lake  St.  Francis  with  about  two  hundred  canoes 
and  our  fifteen  batteaux,  I  was  joined  there  by  the  Rev.  Father 
Lamberville,  Junior,  coming  on  behalf  of  his  Brother  from  On- 
ontagu^,  and  by  the  Rev.  Father  Millet,  from  the  Oneidas. 

By  the  annexed  letters  from  OnontagU^,  you  will  learn  that 
these  people  having  been  joined  by  the  Oneidas  andCayugas,had 
obliged  the  Senecas  to  make  them  Mediators  as  to  the  reparation 
suitable  to  be  made  to  me  for  the  insult  which  had  unfortunately 
been  committed  against  the  French  in  the  month  of  Marchj  and 
prayed  me  to  send  Mr.  le  Moine  to  them,  with  whom  they  could 
terminate  this  affair.  This  obliged  me  immediately  to  despatch 
a  canoe  to  Fort  Frontenac  in  all  haste,  to  send  me  from  there  the 
new  bark  which  I  had  built  in  the  winter,  in  order  to  freight  her 
with  the  provisions  I  brought,  and  to  stend  the  canoes  in  which 
they  were  loaded  to  fetch  others  from  la  Chine. 

We  arrived,  on  the  second,  at  the  Portage  of  the  Long  Sault, 
which  I  found  very  difficult,  notwithstanding  the  care  I  taken 
to  send  fifty  men  ahead  thither,  to  cut  the  trees  on  the  bank 
of  the  river  and  prevented  those  passing  who  Were  to  drag  the 
canoes  and  batteaux;  because  the  stream  being  voluminous  and 
the  bank  precipitous  the  people  were  in  the  water  the  moment 
they  abandoned  the  shore,  and  w^ere  not  strong  enough  to  draw 
said  batteaux ;  this  necessitated  my  sojourn  at  that  place,  where 
having  been  joined  by  the  Christian  Iroquois  of  the  Sault  and  of 
Montreal,  they  undertook,  for  a  few  presents  of  Brandy  and 
Tobaot^o,  to  pass  the  said  batteaux  and  the  largest  canoes,  which 
they  fortunately  accomplished  in  two  days  without  ahy  accident. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifth  I  found  the  new  bark  arrived  at  La 
Oalette  where  I  had  all  the  provisions  discharged  from  the  canoes 
before  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  these  despatched  at  the 
same  time  on  their  return  to  la  Chine  to  reload  there.  The  strong 
winds  from  the  South  West,  which  constantly  prevailed  all  this 
time,  and  Tvhich  obstinately  continued  during  the  remaindei^  of 
the  month,  were  the  cause  of  the  great  diligence  that  the  bark  had 
made,  and  likewise  delayed  our  march  so  much,  that  I  could  not 
arrive,  at  the  fort,  with  my  canoes  alone,  until  the  ninth.     I  was 


}  1 


TO  HUNOBT  BAT^ 


m 


joined  there  by  Father  de  Lamberville  whom  I  despatched  next 
day  to  his  brother  at  Onnontague  whom  I  instructed  to  assure 
those  of  that  Nation  that  I  had  so  much  respect  for  their  request 
and  for  those  of  the  other  two,  that  I  should  prefer  their  media- 
tion to  war,  provided  they  made  me  a  reasonable  satisfaction. 

Three  things  obliged  me  to  adopt  this  resolution:  the  first, 
because  it  appeared  by  letters  I  had  received  from  Colonel  Don- 
gan,  in  answer  to  the  message  by  the  man  named  Bourbon,  that 
he  was  very  far  from  the  good  understanding  of  which  His  Ma- 
jesty had  assured  me ;  but  much  disposed  to  interfere  as  our  ene- 
my in  this  matter.  The  second,  because  I  had  few  provisions, 
and  I  did  not  see  that  any  effort  was  made  to  forward  flour  to  me, 
with  any  diligence,  from  Montreal ;  and  the  third,  because  the 
wind  prevailed  so  strong  from  the  South  east,  that  my  bark  did 
not  return  from  La  Galette,  and  I  could  not  despatch  another  to 
Lake  Ontario,  to  notify  the  army  of  the  South,  which  was  to  ar- 
rive forthwith  at  Niagara,  of  my  arrival  at  Fort  Frontenac  with 
that  of  the  North. 

I  afterwards  reviewed  all  our  troops,  as  annexed,  and  Sieur  le 
Moine  having  overtaken  me  on  the  same  day  with  the  remainder  of 
the  Christian  Iroquois  who  had  not  previously  arrived,  I  des- 
patched him  on  the  sixteenth  to  Onnontague  and  placed  in  his 
hands,  Tegancourt,  the  ambassador  from  the  Senecas,  whom  I 
had  arrested  at  Quebec.  Seeing  the  wind  always  contrary  I  sent 
on  the  preceding  day,  eight  of  the  largest  canoes  that  I  had  to 
the  bark  at  La  Galette  to  bring  me  ten  thousand  weight  of  flour, 
bread  beginning  to  fail  which  caused  me  a  good  deal  of  uneasi- 
ness and  created  considerable  murmurs  among  the  troops  and  the 
militia.  Finally  on  the  21»*  my  canoes  arrived  with  what  I  sent 
them  for.  I  set  to  work  immediately  with  all  possible  diligence 
to  have  bread  and  biscuit  baked,  and  sent  off  forthwith,  the 
King's  troops,  D'Orvilliers'  and  Dugue's  two  brigades,  and  two 
hundred  Christian  savages  to  encamp  at  La  Famine  [Hungry 
bay],  a  post  favorable  for  fishing  and  hunting  and  four  leagues 
from  Onontagu^,  so  as  to  be  nearer  the  enemy  and  to  be  able  to 
refresh  our  troops  by  fishing  and  the  chase,  whilst  we  were  short 
8 


--,  Ml    ■         > 


114 


DE  LA  BARRELS  EXPEOITIOK 


1*1 


'■m 

! 

h 

. 

of  provisions,  intending  to  join  them,  myself,  with  about  three 
hundred  Frenchmen  whom  I  had  remaining. 

On  the  25^^  the  canoes  which  I  had  detached  from  La  Galette 
to  Montreal,  arrived,  but  in  far  less  number  than  I  had  looked 
for,  and  brought  me  but  eight  or  nine  thousand  weight  of  flour, 
instead  of  twenty  thousand  which  I  expected,  having  left  them 
ready  for  loading  when  I  departed.  I  caused  bread  and  biscuit 
to  be  immediately  made  of  it  for  the  support  of  our  troops  who 
were  at  the  place  called  La  Famine. 

On  the  27*'>  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  a  canoe  of  M.. 
Lemoine's  men  arrived  from  Onnontagu6  with  Tegancourt  who 
reported  to  me,  that  the  Onnontagu^s  had  received  orders  from 
Col.  Dongan  which  he  sent  by  the  person  named  Arnaud,  for- 
bidding them  to  enter  into  any  treaty  with  me  without  his  ex- 
press permission,  considering  them  the  Duke  of  York's  subjects, 
and  that  he  had  caused  the  Arms  of  the  said  Duke  to  be  planted 
three  days  before,  in  their  village ;  that  the  Council  had  been 
convened  at  the  said  place  of  Onontague  and  Sieur  Lemoine  invi- 
ted iv  repair  thither,  in  which  the  matter  having  been  debated, 
these  savages  got  into  a  furious  rage,  with  some  danger  to  the 
English  delegate,  saying  they  were  free,  and  that  God,  who  had 
created  the  Earth,  had  granted  them  theirs  without  subjecting 
them  to  any  person,  and  they  requested  the  elder  Father  Lamber- 
ville  to  write  to  Colonel  Dongan  the  annexed  letter,  and  the  said 
Sieur  Lemoine  having  well  sustained  the  French  interests,  they 
unanimously  resolved  to  start  in  two  days,  to  conclude  with  me 
at  La  Famine.  On  the  receipt  of  this  news  I  immediately  called 
out  my  canoes  in  order  to  depart  and  was  accompanied  by  a  dozen 
of  others  having  caused  six  of  the  largest  to  be  loaded  with 
bread  and  biscuit  for  the  army.  <*  ^  ^    a-t 

After  having  been  beaten  by  bad  weather  and  high  wind,  we 
arrived  in  two  days  at  La  Famine.  I  found  there  tertian  and 
double  tertian  fever  whi6h  broke  out  among  our  people  so  that 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  attacked  by  it  j  I  had 
also  left  some  of  them  at  the  fort,  which  caused  me  to  despatch, 
on  arriving,  a  Christian  savage  to  Onontague  to  M  Lemoihe,  to 
request  him  to  cause  the  instant  departu. »  of  those  who  were  to 


tome  to 
&nd  his  ( 
of  Septe 
three  froi 
and  whoE 
until  the  i 
ters  were 
liberation, 
Brias  spea 
Iroquois; 
daring  to  c 
to  promise 
hundred  fo( 
the  evening 
tl»e  next  daj 
I  was,  indet 
augmented  t 
enough  of  pc 
sides  the  scaj 
bread  which 
I  allowed 
without  extin 
take  possessic 
it  and  thereby 
pretensions. 

On  leaving 

Niagara  to  no 

toward  Missili 

arrived  only  si 

™en,  viz;  one 

<Jians. 

I  departed  o 

embarked  befoi 

number  of  one 

and  arrived  in  i 

where  I  found  u 

left  there,  alrea 


TO  HUNGRY  BAT. 


116 


come  to  meet  me,  which  he  did  with  so  much  diligence,  though  he 
and  his  children  were  sick,  that  he  arrived  as  early  as  the  third 
of  September  with  fourteen  Deputies  j  nine  from  Onnontague, 
three  from  Oneida  and  two  Cayugas,  who  paid  me  their  respects 
and  whom  I  entertained  the  best  manner  I  was  able,  postponing 
until  the  morrow  morning  the  talk  about  business,  at  which  mat- 
ters were  fully  discussed  and  peace  concluded  after  six  hours  de- 
liberation, three  in  the  morning  and  as  many  after  dinner.  Father 
Brias  speaking  for  us  and  Hotrehonati  and  Garagonkier  for  the 
Iroquois;  Tegancout,  a  Seneca  present,  the  other  Senecas  not 
daring  to  come  in  order  not  to  displease  Col.  Dongan,  who  sent 
to  promise  them  a  reinforcement  of  four  hundred  horse  and  four 
hundred  foot,  if  we  attacked  them.  The  treaty  was  concluded  in 
the  evening  Oi^^  he  conditions  annexed,  and  I  promised  to  decamp 
the  next  day  v,  hdraw  my  troops  from  their  vicinity  ;  which 

I  was,  indeed,  '  Iged  to  do  by  the  number  of  sick  which  had 
JBtugmented  to  such  a  degree  that  it  was  with  difficulty  I  found 
enough  of  persons  in  health  to  remove  the  sick  to  the  canoes,  be- 
ades  the  scarcity  of  provisions  having  no  more  than  the  trifle  of 
bread  which  I  brought  them. 

I  allowed  the  Onontagues  to  light  the  Council  fire  at  this  post 
without  extinguishing  that  at  Montreal,  in  order  to  be  entitled  to 
take  possession  of  it  by  their  consent  when  the  King  should  desire 
it  and  thereby  exclude  the  English  and  Col.  Dongan  from  their 
pretensions.  ^'     ^        a 

On  leaving  the  Fort  I  had  ordered  one  of  the  barks  to  go  to 
ISiagara  to  notify  the  army  of  the  South  to  return  by  Lake  Erie 
toward  Missilimakinack.  She  had  a  favorable  passage ;  found  it 
arrived  only  six  hours  previously  to  the  number  of  seven  hundred 
men,  viz :  one  hundred  and  fifty  French  and  the  remainder  In- 
dians. 

I  departed  on  the  sixth,  having  had  all  the  sick  of  my  troops 
embarked  before  day  (so  as  not  to  be  seen  by  the  Indians)  to  the 
number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  canoes  and  twelve  flat  batteaux 
and  arrived  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  at  Fort  Frontenac, 
where  I  found  one  hundred  and  ten  men,  of  the  number  I  had 
left  there,  already  departed,  all  sick,  for  Montreal,  and  having 


;■■< 


I      ' 


,^ 


fill 


W-. 


i 


';   7\ 


116 


DE  LA  BABBE^S  EXPEDITION 


given  the  necessary  orders  as  to  the  number  of  soldiers  to  be  left 
there  for  the  security  of  that  post,  until  the  arrival  from  France 
of  Sieur  de  la  Forest,  Major  thereof,  I  started,  about  nine  or  ten 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  on  my  return.  Shortly  after  my  depar- 
ture, the  bark  arrived  from  Niagara  with  some  French  officers  of 
the  army  who  brought  me  news  from  it  at  night,  and  assured  me 
that  the  Chiefs  of  all  the  savages  had  accompanied  them  to  the 
Fort,  desirous  to  see  me,  and  that  they  would  visit  me  at  Mon- 
treal, where  I  should  await  them.  The  Rev.  Father  de  Lamber- 
yille  Sen'  came,  likewise,  with  these  Gentlemen  on  account  of 
some  difficulties  which  he  was  very  glad  to  arrange  for  Onon- 
tague  whither  he  returned.  We  worked  some  hours  together  y  I 
then  sent  him  back  to  the  fort  with  some  of  the  arrived  French ; 
the  others  being  desirous  to  leave  and  come  down  again  into  the 
country. 

After  having  waited  some  time  for  Mess^^"  du  Tast  and  de  Ca« 
honet,  to  whom  I  gave  one  of  my  canoes  and  two  of  my  atten- 
dants well  acquainted  with  the  navigation,  to  pilot  their  batteauz 
and  troops  in  safety  through  the  rapids,  I  resumed  my  journey 
down  the  river.  I  likewise  took  on  board  one  of  my  canoes  the 
Sieur  Le  Moine  whose  fever  had  seriously  augmented,  and  who 
had  served  the  King  in  this  affair  with  so  much  zeal  and  affec- 
tion, aided  by  the  intimate  knowledge  he  had  of  the  Iroquois 
language,  that  it  may  be  said  the  entire  Colony  owe  him  a  debt 
of  eternal  gratitude. 

Finally,  in  my  return  of  three  days  I  accomplished  what  cost  us 
thirteen  in  ascending,  and  found  in  the  stores  at  Montreal  and  la 
Chine,  forty-five  thousand  weight  of  flour,  which,  had  we  received 
it,  would  have  enabled  us  to  have  made  a  longer  sojourn  in  the 
upper  country. 

Done  at  Quebec  the  l«t  day  of  October  1684. 

(•E  Ff^BUHB  Dfi  LA  9A»», 


*'  -i}^- 


'?**):. 


PBESE 


TheC 

the  Sum 

called  1 

Hateouat 

sents,  no 

Iroquois  '. 

!•'  Wo 

ihe  since 

truth  of  h 

I  give  y 

inconvenie 

to  dispel  w 

treal  and  tl 

placed  in 
truly,  to  do 
chet  and  r© 
2^  Word] 
strike  the 
are  his  fathe 
3d  Word, 
last  year,  ani 
which  he  to| 
that  might 
dience  to  it,] 
robbery,  andf 

'Answer. 

no  sense,  anc 

acts  of  hoslill 

that  ditch,  asf 

restrain  minej 

*  Endorse 


/ 


TO  HUNOHT  BAT. 


ii7 


ifc'V* 


M 


PRESENTS  MADE  BY  THE  ONNONTAGUES  TO  ONONTW,  AT 
U  FAMINE,  THE  dtb  7ber  1684.*' 

[Frola  the  nite.] 

The  Onnontagu6s,  whose  mediation  between  the  French  and 
the  Senecas  the  General  accepted)  having  repaired  to  a  place 
called  La  Famine  about  ^  leagues  from  their  country,  Sieur 
Hateouati,  who  is  the  Orator  of  thiat  Nation,  spdce  by  fifteen  pre- 
sents, not  only  on  behalf  of  the  Senecas,  but  also  for  the  other 
Iroquois  Nations.  '     •  ■ 

jat  Word  of  the  Iroquois.  After  having  taken  God  to  witneM 
the  sincerity  of  his  heart,  and  having  assured  Onontio  of  the 
truth  of  his  words,  he  spoke  in  this  wise : 

I  give  you  a  Beverage  devoid  of  bitterness,  to  purify  whatever 
inconvenience  you  may  have  experienced  during  the  voyage,  and 
to  dispel  whatever  bad  air  you  may  have  breathed  between  Mon* 
treal  and  this  place. 

Answer  of  Onontio  to  the  words  of  Hoteouati  : — As  I  have 
placed  in  your  hands  the  mediation  'v^ith  the  Senecas,  I  wish, 
truly,  to  do  what  you  ask  me.  I,  therefore,  lay  down  my  Hat- 
chet and  refer  to  you  to  obtain  a  reasonable  satisfaction. 

2^  Word.  I  remove  the  hatchet  with  which  you  threaten  to 
strike  the  Senecas.  Remember  he  is  your  child,  and  that  jtm 
are  his  father. 

3<i  Word.  Mr.  Lemoine,  your  ordinary  envoy,  having  come 
last  year,  and  speaking  to  us  in  your  name,  ctrt  a  deep  ditch  into 
which  he  told  us  you  and  we  should  cast  all  the  unkind  things 
that  might  occur  ;  I  have  not  forgotten  this  word,  and  in  ol^e- 
dience  to  it,  I  request  you  to  throw  into  that  ditch  the  Seneca 
robbery,  and  that  it  may  disturb  neither  our  country  nor  yours. 

Answer.  That  ditch  is  well  cut,  but  as  your  young  men  have 
no  sense,  and  as  they  may  make  this  a  pretext  for  committing 
acts  of  hostility  anew,  after  having  cast  the  Seneca  robbery  into 
that  ditch,  as  you  desire  ;  arrest,  then,  your  young  men,  as  I  shall 

restrain  mine.    I  cover  it  up  forever.  

*  Endorsed  by  the  Minister,  "  These  letters  must  be  kept  secret.'* 


.  f. 


u 


h 


i^.  -i 


fi 


'  J 


1^ 


I 


118 


DE  LA  BABRE'S  EXPEDITION 


4th  Word.  I  set  up  again  the  tree  of  peace,  which  we  planted 
at  Montreal,  in  the  conference  yre  had  the  honor  to  have  with 
you  last  summer. 

Answer.  It  is  not  I  who  think  of  throwing  it  down  :  it  is 
your  nephews  who  have  seriously  shaken  it.    I  strengthen  it. 

5th  Word.  I  exhort  you.  Father,  to  sustain  it  strongly,  in  or- 
der that  nothing  may  shake  it. 

6th  Word.  I  again  tie  up  {je  rattache)  the  Sun  which  was 
altogether  obscured  :  I  dispel  all  the  clouds  and  mists  that  con- 
cealed it  from  our  view. 

7th  Word.  The  robbery  committed  by  the  Senecas  on  your 
nephews,  is  not  a  sufficient  motive  to  make  war  against  them. 
Where  has  blood  been  shed?  I  promise  you  that  satisfaction  shall 
be  afforded  you  for  the  loss  the  French  have  experienced  by  the 
pillage  of  their  merchandize. 

Answer  of  Onontio.  It  is  good  that  you  promise  me  satisfac* 
tion  :  deceive  me  not.  The  first  thing  that  I  expect  of  you  is, 
that  you  restore  me  the  two  prisoners  of  Etionnontat6  who  art 
with  the  Seneca,  and  a  third  who  remains  at  Cayuga. 

8th  Word.  Onontio,  my  father,  I  feel  uneasy  and  cannot  pluck 
up  courage,  whatever  kindnesses  you  have  the  goodness  to  show 
me.  What  disquiets  me,  is  to  behold  Soldiers,  hear  drums,  etc. 
I  pray  you  return  to  Quebec,  so  that  your  children  may  sleep  in 
peace. 

Answer.  I  depart  to-morrow  and  quit  this  country,  to  show 
you  what  deference  I  pay  to  your  demands.        / 1  ■ 

gth  Word.  The  fires  of  peace  and  the  halls  of  our  Councils 
were  at  Frontenac  or  at  Montreal.  The  former  is  a  poor  country 
where  the  Grasshoppers  prevent  me  sleeping,  and  the  second  is  far 
away  for  our  old  men.  I  kindle  the  fires  of  peace  on  this  spot, 
wlHch  is  the  most  agreable  that  we  can  select,  where  there  is  good 
fishing,  hunting,  &c. 

Answer.  I  accept  the  selection  you  have  made  of  this  place 
for  our  conferences,  without,  however,  extinguishing  the  fire  which 
I  keep  burning  at  Montreal. 

lO^Ji  Word.  Our  warriors  have,  as  well  as  our  other  chiefs, 
accepted  the  peace.     I  bear  their  words  by  this  belt.  ^ ' ' 


^ns\ 
cndeav 
to  you 
to  caus 

rection. 
11th 

more. 

thatquai 

Answi 

Oumeam 
12th  Jj 

counters, 
beaten,  \^ 
Answer 
who  struc! 
acts  of  hos 
13th  Wt 
we  shall,  b 
^  Answer. 
French  wh 
of  Fort  St 
14th  Wo 
withdrawn 
Answer. 
Viators  j  am 
satisfaction 
nations. 

16th  and 

of  the  Mour 

pie  to  Moii 

they  do  evei 

'  Answer, 

tain  who  disi 

itbyyourtJri 

€rty  to  come 

The  Gene; 

%  the  fir! 


TO  HUKO&Y  BAT. 


119 


^Answer.  You  need  not  doubt  the  obedience  of  my  soldiers ; 
endeavour  to  make  yourselves  obeyed  by  your  own.  To  prove 
to  you  that  I  maintain  uphold  the  tree  of  peace)  I  sent  to  Niagara 
to  cause  the  army  to  return  which  was  coming  from  that  di- 
rection. 

IXth  Word.  You  told  us,  last  summer,  to  strike  the  enemy  no 
more.  We  heard  your  voice.  We  shall  not  go  to  war  again  in 
that  quarter. 

Answer.  Remember  that  the  Maskoutenek  is  brother  to  the 
Oumeami.     Therefore  strike  neither  the  one  nor  the  other. 

12ti>  Word.  He  has  killed  some,  this  spring,  in  divers  ren- 
counters, but  as  you  bound  my  arms  I  allowed  myself  to  be 
beaten,  without  defending  myself. 

Answer.  That's  good ;  you  need  not  pursue  the  Oumeami 
who  struck  you ;  I  shall  send  him  word  not  to  commit  any  mor« 
acts  of  hostility. 

13^i>  Word.  Regarding  the  Illinois,  I  am  at  war  with  him  \ 
we  shall,  both  of  us,  die  fighting.        .->  ■  '    )  •  ^        .;: 

Answer.  Take  heed,  in  firing  at  the  Illinois,  not  to  strike  the 
French  whom  you  meet  on  your  path  and  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Fort  St.  Louis. 

14th  Word.  Restore  to  us  the  Missionaries  whom  you  have 
withdrawn  from  our  villages. 

Answer.  They  shall  not  be  taken  from  you  who  are  our  me- 
diators ;  and  when  the  Senecas  shall  have  commenced  to  give  me 
satisfaction,  they  shall  be  restored  to  them  as  well  as  to  the  other 
nations. 

15^11  and  last  Word.  Prevent  the  Christians  of  the  Satdt  and 
of  the  Mountain  coming  any  more  among  us,  to  seduce  our  peo- 
ple to  Montreal ;  let  them  cease  to  dismember  our  co'.mtry  as 
they  do  every  year.  \'^^u;^.  ,■-":-,,  av^v'  u:  ^  ..;"  ^  v^;';.'-  >  ,  •»  tu-^jst^v- 
,  Answer.  It  is  not  my  children  of  the  Sault  nor  of  the  Moun- 
tun  who  dismember  your  country ;  it  is  yourselves  who  dismember 
it  by  your  drunkenness  and  superstitions.  Besides,  there  is  full  lib- 
erty to  come  and  reside  among  us ;  no  person  is  retained  by  force. 

The  General  added  two  presents  to  the  above. 

By  the  first  he  said  :  You  see  the  consideration  which  I  have 


I 


f"  i.'i  '■':  tfi 

km 


m 


DK  LA  aULAS's  G»P£DITION 


i'.f.,^. 


a 


fer  the  request  you  have  made  me.  I  ask  you  in  return,  if  the 
Senecft,  Cayvga  or  any  other  commit  a  similar  insult  against  me, 
that  you  first  give  him  some  sense,  and  if  he  will  not  hear  you, 
tilat  you  abandon  him  as  one  disaffected. 

By  the  last  belt,  he  exhorted  them  to  listen  not  to  evil  sayings, 
and  told  them  to  conduct  Tegannehout  back  to  Seneca  and  to 
iBfona  these  of  tiis  above  conclusions. 


M.  DE  MEUILES  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[From  the  same.] 

My  Lord — I  thought  you  would  be  impatient  to  learn  the  suc> 
6688  and  result  of  the  war  the  General  had  undertaken  against 
the  Iroquois  which  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to  call 
a  part  of  the  people  of  this  country  together  and  make  all  neces' 
sary  preparation,  at  his  Miajesty's  expense,  for  this  expedition. 
The  troops  have  been  as  far  as  a  place  called  La  Famine,  thirty 
leagues  beyond  Fort  Frontenac.  The  army  consisted  of  nine 
hundred  French  and  three  hundred  Savages,  and  from  the  Nia- 
gara side  there  was  another  army  of  six  hundred  men,  one  third 
of  whom  were  French  and  the  remainder  Ottawas  and  HuJ'Ons, 
amounting  in  all  to  eighteen  hundred  men. 

What  Indians  there  were  evinced  the  best  disposition  to  fight 
the  Iroquois  to  the  death,  ^eur  de  la  Durantaye  who  broi^ht 
the  last  six  hundred  men  from  Missilimakinak,  has  informed  ui 
that  he  learned  from  a  Miami  Chief  that  more  than  a  thousand 
Illinois  were  coming  to  our  aid  on  learning  that  we  were  about  to 
fight  the  Iroquois,  to  such  a  degree  are  they  their  irreconcileable 
eaeales.  Certainly,  never  was  there  remarked  a  better  disposi- 
tion to  fight  and  conquer  them  and  purge  the  country  of  that  na- 
tion which  will  be  eternally  our  enemy.  All  the  French  breathed 
nothing  but  war,  and  though  they  saw  themselves  obliged  to 
abandon  their  families,  they  consoled  themselves  with  the  hope 
oi  liberating  them  by  one  victory  from  a  nation  so  odious  a* 
the  Iroquois,  at  whose  hands  they  constantly  dreaded  ambushes 
aBd_  diestrudtion.      But  the  General  did   not  think  proper  to 


push  ma 

Le  Moyr 

every  on( 

was  mad( 

ter  variou 

neral  con( 

I  take  the 

cretary. 

This  pe 

the  comms 

have  testifi 

for  the  Ge 

evincing  it 

ever  so  litl 

his  return, 

have  risen  i 

cess. 

The  said 
says  that  th 
swer,  being 
to  every  ex 
blame  on  m 
'Tis  certa 
Militia  whic 
perfect  goot 
for  a  fortnig 
surprizing  tl 
Famine  in  p 
by  swamps, 
in  his  army 
havfe  saved  a 
did  not  care, 
he  made  no 
his  negociati( 
said  Iroquois 
Montreal,  fo 
La  Famine, 


¥0  HVNORT  BAT. 


m 


push  matters  any  farther,  and  without  any  necessity  sent  Sietir 
Le  Moyne  to  the  said  Iroquois  to  treat  of  peace  at  a  time  when 
every  one  was  in  good  health,  and  when  all  necessary  provision 
was  made  of  food,  &c.  to  dare  every  enterprize ;  and  finally  af- 
ter various  comings  and  goings  on  one  side  and  the  other,  the  Oe> 
neral  concluded  peace  such  as  you  will  see  by  the  articles  which 
I  take  the  liberty  to  send  you  as  written  by  the  hand  of  his  Se- 
cretary. 

This  peace,  my  Lord,  has  astonished  all  the  Officers  who  had 
the  command  in  that  army  and  all  those  who  composed  it,  who 
have  testified  so  deep  a  displeasure  and  so  sovereign  a  contempt 
for  the  GeneraPs  person  that  they  could  not  prevent  themselves 
evincing  it  to  him.  I  assure  you,  my  Lord,  that  had  I  strayed 
ever  so  little  from  my  duty  and  not  exhibited  exteriorly,  since 
his  return,  the  respect  I  owe  his  character,  the  whole  world  would 
have  risen  against  him  and  would  have  been  guilty  of  some  ex- 
cess. 

'  The  said  General  excuses  himself  because  of  the  sick  and  even 
says  that  the  troops  lacked  food  j  to  which  I  feel  obliged  to  an- 
swer, being  certain  that  he  seeks  every  pretext  and  has  recourse 
to  every  expedient  to  exculpate  himself  and  perhaps  to  put  the 
blame  on  me. 

'Tis  certain  that  there  was  a  great  number  of  sick  among  the 
Militia  which  he  took  with  him  to  Fort  Frontenac,  who  were  in 
perfect  good  health  on  arriving  there,  but  having  encamped  them 
for  a  fortnight  in  prairies  between  the  woods  and^a  pond,  it  is  not 
surprizing  that  some  fell  sick.  Again  he  made  them  camp  at  La 
Famine  in  places  that  were  never  inhabited,  entirely  surrounded 
by  swamps,  which  contributed  still  considerably  to  the  sickness 
in  his  army ;  and  had  he  remained  there  longer  he  would  not 
havfe  saved  a  man.  This  has  caused  every  one  to  say  that  be 
did  not  care,  that  he  had  not  the  least  desire  to  make  war ;  that 
he  made  no  use  of  his  long  sojourns  except  employing  them  in 
his  negociations.  Had  he  seriously  wished  to  make  war  on  the 
said  Iroquois  he  would  not  have  remained  ten  to  twelve  days  at 
Montreal,  fourteen  or  fifteen  at  Fort  Frontenac  and  as  many  at 
La  Famine,  but  would  have  remained  merely  a  day  or  two,  and 


#<«    1 


1  % 


rf      I 


W-  ■;:;■ 


.5!    ■ 


■;i  •■■; 


^i4 


I  i  'M 


182 


DE  LA  BARRELS  EXPEDITION 


would  have  used  the  greatest  despatch  to  fight  the  Iroquois,  and 
not  uselessly  consumed  all  his  provisions ;  he  Avould  have,  indu- 
bitably surprised  the  said  Iroquois  who  did  not  expect  this  war, 
especially  as  the  greater  number  of  their  young  men  had  been  at 
war  in  the  beginning  of  the  spring. 

He  says  he  lacked  provisions ;  though  that  were  true,  he  would 
be  the  cause  arid  could  not  but  accuse  himself  of  imprudence, 
having  supplied  him,  generally,  with  whatever  he  required  of  me, 
of  which  the  whole  country  is  a  witness,  and  with  a  little  pre- 
caution or  rather  good  faith  he  would  have  had  every  thing  in 
abundance.  He  had  determined  not  to  |eave  until  the  15*'>  of 
August ;  he  departed  on  the  16'''  July.  That  did  not  prevent 
me  furnishing  all  that  he  required  of  me,  such  as  batteaux,  ca- 
noes, arms,  ammunition,  and  all  the  provision  he  desired.  This 
is  so  true  that  there  yet  remained  at  the  end  of  the  island  of  Mon- 
treal, at  a  place  called  La  Chine  thirty-five  thousand  weight  of 
flour  and  five  of  biscuit  which  he  found  on  his  return,  and  which 
he  had  requested  me  to  retain  for  him  at  Montreal.  Had  he  not 
halted  and  had  he  been  disposed  to  push  into  the  Iroquois  Coun- 
try, the  first  convoy  of  provisions  which  accompanied  him  had 
sufficed,  the  greater  number  of  the  militia,  unwilling  to  wait  for 
the  King's  supplies  having  laid  in  tbeir  own  private  stock,  the 
greater  part  of  which  they  brought  back  with  them,  which  all  the 
Captains  in  command  will  certify.  This  convoy  consisted  of 
eighteen  canoes  full  of  biscuit,  pork,  brandy  and  apparently  other 
things  which  I  do  not  precisely  know  having  been  loaded  at  Mont- 
real whilst  I  was  at  Quebec  where  I  issued  orders  for  the  provi- 
sions that  the  General  had  demanded  of  me  and  for  attending 
to  the  harvest  of  those  who  had  gone  to  the  war. 

If  it  had  been  the  General's  design  to  make  war,  he  should 
not  have  caused  the  cargoes  of  the  eighteen  canoes  I  have  men- 
tioned to  be  put  into  barks  thirty  leagues  from  Montreal  above 
the  Rapids,  instead  of  letting  the  voyage  be  continued  by  the 
canoemen  who  were  paid  to  go  to  Fort  Frontenac  and  who  had 
already  accomplished  the  roughest  half  of  the  road,  and  who, 
without  a  doubt,  would  have  arrived  in  three  days  at  the  Fort, 
which  was  represented  to  him  by  all  the  officers  who  stated  to 


him  th 

keep  th 

to  be  tri 

sisted  I] 

Some  ha 

laden  wi 

,     circumsti 

the  cano 

knowledg 

of  these  ( 

king's  ex 

pretending 

to  make  u! 

'^'"ng  is  ni 

der.     It  is 

he  has  cans 
''^hich  I  ha 
the  honour 
had  the  saic 
tain  time  an 
quois,  as  h 
hrave  man  a 
openly  that 
the  Fort,  ar 
*  portion  of 
convoys  havi 
always  waste 
After  the  s 
war,  he  sent 
trytoCoIone 
^r  against  t 
a»d,-  which  h 
the  said  Boui 
Dished  that  h 
having  insulte 
■hould  not  ha^ 
an  interest  in 


TO  HUNGRY  BAT. 


123 


him  that  the  barks  required  wind  which  being  contrary  would 
keep  them  more  than  three  weeks  from  arriving.  This  turned  out 
to  be  true.  Notwithstanding  all  these  reasons  he  absolutely  in- 
sisted that  all  the  said  provisions  should  be  put  in  the  barks. 
Some  have  assured  me  that  the  canoes  of  said  convoy  were  partly 
laden  with  merchandize,  and  not  being  very  desirous  to  let  the 
circumstance  be  known,  he  had  caused  the  said  barks  to  precede 
the  canoes  to  put  the  goods  secretly  into  them  and  keep  the 
knowledge  of  it  from  every  body.  By  these  means  he  made  use 
of  these  canoes  to  convey  these  merchandizes  to  the  Fort  at  the 
King's  expense,  which  he  has  always  practised  for  t'vo  years,  ever 
pretending  certain  necessity  to  transport  munitions  of  war,  and 
to  make  use,  by  this  means,  of  the  conveyances  for  which  the 
King  is  made  to  pay,  under  pretext  to  keep  the  Fort  in  good  or- 
der. It  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  quantity  of  Brandy  that 
he  has  caused  to  be  conveyed  thither  during  eighteen  months,  of 
which  I  have  had  most  positive  information,  and  of  which  I  had 
the  honour  to  advise  you  in  my  last.  Others  supposed  that  he 
had  the  said  provisions  put  on  board  those  barks  in  order  to  ob- 
tain time  and  by  this  address,  to  negotiate  a  peace  with  the  Iro- 
quois, as  he  had  sent  Sieur  Le  Moyne  to  them  who  is  a  very 
brave  man  and  who  despaired  of  all  these  negotiations,  stating 
openly  that  they  ought  to  be  whipt.  All  the  delays  at  Montreal, 
the  Fort,  and  at  La  Famine  caused  the  useless  consumption  of 
a  portion  of  the  supplies  which,  however,  did  not  fail ;  other 
convoys  having  been  received  from  time  to  time,  but  these  were 
always  wasted  without  any  thing  having  been  done. 

After  the  said  General  had  determined  in  his  own  mind  on  this 
war,  he  sent  the  man  nnmed  Bourbon,  an  inhabitant  of  this  coun- 
try to  Colonel  Dongan  to  advise  him  that  he  was  obliged  to  wage 
war  against  the  Iroquois,  requesting  him  not  to  afford  them  anj 
aid;  which  he  confided  to  me  eight  days  after  the  departure  of 
the  said  Bourbon.  This  obligetl  me  to  tell  him  that  I  was  asto- 
nished that  he  should  have  thus  proceeded  ;  that  the  Iroquois 
having  insulted  us  and  intending  to  fight  with  and  destroy  them,  I 
should  not  have  deemed  it  proper  to  inform  neighbours  who  have 
an  interest  in  our  destruction  j  and  that  he  afforded  thereby  an  op- 


M 


1S4 


DE  LA   BARRELS  EXPEDITION 


i, 


n 


portunity  toCol.  Dongan,who  is  an  Englishman,  and  consequent- 
ly our  born  enemy,  to  give  underhand  information  of  our  designs 
to  the  Iroquois,  and  convey  secretly  to  them  all  that  may  be  ne- 
cessary for  their  defence  against  us.  I  asked  him  if  he  did  not 
perceive  that  the  English  would  never  desire  our  advantage,  and 
that  they  would  contribute  all  in  their  power  to  destroy  us,  though 
at  peace  as  regards  France  j  that  they  would  always  be  jealous 
of  the  Fur  trade  prosecuted  by  us  in  this  Country,  which  would 
make  them  protect  the  Iroquois  always  against  us. 

This  Bourbon  negotiation  gave  Colonel  Dongan  occasion  to 
use  some  rhodomontade  as  the  General  has  informed  me ;  and 
this  assuredly  it  was  that  obliged  him,  having  this  information,  to 
send  an  Englishman,  who  is  in  the  habit  of  trading  among  the 
said  Indians,  to  plant  the  Duke  of  York's  arms  among  the  On- 
nontagu^s,  which  is  an  Iroquois  village,  wishing  by  that  act  to 
take  the  first  possession  of  the  Country.  We  have  not  heard 
talk  of  any  other  movement  on  the  English  side,  and  it  is  even 
certain  that  they  will  never  cause  us  any  dread  from  that  quarter 
and  that  they  could  not  prevent  us  to  achieve  that  conquest  this 
year,  had  the  General  been  willing  to  fight. 

You  can  hardly  believe,  my  Lord,  that  the  General  has,  alone, 
undertaken  the  war  without  having  consulted  any  person,  neither 
officers  of  the  army  nor  gentlemen,  nor  the  people  of  the  country 
who  are  the  most  interested,  nor  any  individual  whosoever  he 
might  be,  except  Sier  de  la  Chesnayne,  with  whom  he  acts  in 
concert  for  the  entire  destruction  and  ruin  of  the  country.  He 
has  again  made  peace  in  this  manner  without  any  communication 
with  any  of  the  officers  or  others  of  those  who  were  near  his 
person.  What  seems  a  wonder  in  the  country  is  that  one  indi- 
vidual, subject  of  his  Majesty  like  others,  should,  of  his  own  will, 
make  war  and  peace  without  having  consulted  or  demanded  the 
opinion  of  any  person.  His  Majesty  never  acted  thus.  He  has 
his  Council  of  War,  and  when  he  is  about  to  wage  it,  he  demands 
advice  of  those  of  his  council,  in  communicating  to  them  the 
reasons  which  he  may  have  to  do  so,  and  even  causes  the  publi- 
cation of  manifests  throughout  the  Kingdom,  wishing  to  commu- 
nicate to  his  people  the  justice  of  his  undertakings.     But  the 


General 
quois,  I 
who  wei 
preters. 
would  a 
to  make 
enemy. 

The  sa 
war  agair 
all  they  ai 
instead  of 
to  come  a 
proposed 
Jet  them  ts 
altogether 
merely  a  g, 
^  Grandi 
miserable  i 
manner,  wl 
the  honour 
you.     Thej 
abandons  th 
tablish  hims 
the  Iroquois 
Sieur  de  la 
General  tool 
whom  the  sa 
whither  he  s( 
is  still  there. 
When  he 
letter  eight  d{ 
its  intentions, 
our  allies,  anc 
ny  or  some  p 
tion.    I  consii 
the  General  q, 
without  taking 


TO  HUNGRY  DAY. 


130 


General  has  trcaicd  of  peace,  like  a  sovereign,  with  the  said  Iro- 
quois, having  employed  none  of  those  \\ho  were  nigh  him  and 
who  were  acquainted  with  the  Iroquois  tongue,  except  as  Inter- 
prfteis.  He  dare  not  consult  the  officers,  being  certain  that  they 
would  all  have  concluded  on  warj  and  but  little  was  necessary 
to  make  them  select  a  chief  from  among  themselves  to  attack  the 
enemy. 

The  said  General  proceeds  at  the  bead  of  a  small  force  to  makt 
war  against  the  Iroquois,  and  far  from  doing  that,  he  grant  them 
all  they  ask.  His  principul  design  was  to  attack  the  Seneo  i,but; 
instead  of  showing  him  any  civility,  they  did  not  even  condescend 
to  come  and  meet  lum,  and  gave  an  insolent  answer  to  those  who 
proposed  it  to  them.  If  people  had  any  thing  to  say  to  them, 
let  them  take  the  trouble  and  come  and  meet  them.  There  camo 
altogether  on  this  embassy  only  a  certain  sycophant  who  seeks 
merely  a  good  dinner,  and  a  real  buffoon  called  among  the  French  ' 
la  Grande  Gueuie  [Big  Throat,]  accompanied  by  eight  or  ten 
miserable  lellows  who  fooled  the  General  in  a  most  shameful 
manner,  which  you  will  perceive  by  the  articles  of  peace  I  hare 
the  honour  to  send  you,  and  which  I  doubt  not  he  also  will  send 
you.  They  will  assuredly  excite  your  pity.  You  will  see  he 
abandons  the  Illinois  among  whom  M.  de  la  Salle  is  about  to  ct" 
tablish  himself  and  who  are  the  cause  of  this  war,  inasmuch  ai 
the  Iroquois  attacked  them  even  in  Fort  St.  Louis  which  the  laid 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  erected  among  them,  and  of  which  the 
General  took  possession,  having  ousted  and  driven  awr y  ''iose 
whom  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  left  in  command  there,  and 
whither  he  sent  Sieur  de  Bangy  his  lieutenant  of  the  guards,  who 
is  still  there.  ■■•^■ 

When  he  concluded  this  peace  he  already  h::d  His  Majesty's 
letter  eight  days  in  his  possession,  but  so  far  from  conforming  to 
its  intentions,  he  consents  to  the  slaught*  r  of  the  Illinois  who  are 
our  allies,  and  where  His  Majesty  designed  to  plant  a  new  Colo- 
ny or  some  powerful  establishment  under  M.  de  la  Salle's  direc- 
tion. I  consider  it  also  my  duty  to  inform  your  Lordship  that 
the  General  quit  La  Famine  the  moment  the  peace  was  concluded 
without  taking  the  least  care  of  the  troops,  abandoning  them  at- 


I 


126 


DE  JJi  BAHRE'S  EXPEDITION 


Mr. 


I 


f  I' 


together  to  their  own  guidance,  forbidding  them  on  pain  of  death 
to  leave  the  place  until  a  long  time  after  him,  fearing  to  be  sur- 
prised by  the  Iroquois,  and  having  (so  to  say)  lost  his  wits,  caring 
little  what  became  of  the  army.  Certain  it  is  that  he  went  up  to 
the  Fort  without  taking  information  about  any  thing  and  returned 
in  the  same  manner. 

The  worst  of  this  affair  is  the  loss  of  the  trade  which  I  find  in- 
evitable, because  the  Outawas  and  other  Savages  who  came  to  our 
aid  will  hereafter  entertain  no  respect  for  us,  and  will  regard  us  as 
a  people  without  courage  and  without  resolution.  I  doubt  not,  my 
lord,  but  the  General  sends  you  a  letter  which  he  received  from 
Father  Lsjnberville,  Jesuit,  who  is  a  missionary  in  an  Iroquois 
village  at  Onnontagu^,  whence  those  ambassadors  came  with  whom 
peace  was  negotiated.  The  Father,  who  had  learned  the  Gene- 
ral^s  intentions  from  Sieur  Le  Moyne,  has  been  wise  and  sufficient- 
ly discreet,  anticipating  his  design,  to  write  to  him  in  accordance 
with  his  views,  and  to  ingeniously  solicit  that  which  must  flatter 
and  highly  please  him.  But  one  thing,  is  certain  that  all  the  Je- 
suits at  Quebec,  and  particularly  Father  Bechefer  have  openly 
stated  in  Quebec  for  six  weeks,  that  the  country  was  destroyed  if 
peace  were  concluded  ;  which  is  so  true,  that  having  communi- 
cated to  him  the  two  letters  I  wrote  to  the  General,  he  highly  ap- 
proved of  them  aad  advised  me  to  send  them  to  the  fort.  I  shall 
take  leave  to  send  you  copies  of  them,  requesting  you  very  re- 
spectfully, to  be  persuaded  that  I  speak  to  you  without  passion, 
and  that  I  state  nothing  to  you  but  what  is  most  true  and  reliable, 
and  because  I  feel  obliged  to  let  you  know  the  truth  as  regards  all 
things,  without  which  you  will  never  have  the  least  confidence  in 
SM.  ■* 

I  should  wish,  my  Lord,  to  avoid  explaining  myself  in  this 
manner,  fearing  you  might  infer  that  we  were,  the  General  and  I, 
greatly  disunited,  which  is  quite  contrary  to  the  manner  in  which 
we  live  together,  since  it  is  certain  that  we  never  had,  personally, 
the  least  difference  wishing  in  that  to  conform  myself  to  your 
wishes  and  His  Majesty's  orders,  aware  that  it  is  the  most  assured 
means  that  I  can  take  to  be  agreeable  to  you,  which  is  the  sole 
ambition  I  have  in  the  world,  and  to  prove  to  you  that  no  per- 


son can  ] 
than  I J  n 

This,  n 
what  has 
parture  oi 
Qii 


FATHER 


Sir,--A  ^ 
at  which  it 
Senecas   tha 
not  to  aid  ti 
or  some  otht 
confederated 
'ing  embroile 
Did  affairs 
thoughts  on 
when  he  will 
who  have  bet 
this  is  the  rea 
disposed  to 
an  infinitude  { 
not  whether 
peace,  I  wish 
draw,  if  possil 
that  I  deceive( 
and  other  nati( 
you  who  are  tl 
with  them. 

They  ackno\ 
account  of  theii 


.'    '!l 


TO  HUNGRY  BAT. 


127 


son  can  be  with  more  profound  respect  and  greater  devotedness 
than  I,  my  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  ob:  serv*. 
This,  my  Lord,  is  only  incidentally.     I  defer  informing  you  of 
what  has  occurred  in  this  country  during  this  year,  until  the  de- 
parture of  the  vessels.  .  '  r  ' 
Quebec,  the  lOth  Sber  1684. 

Demeulles. 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE,  MISSIONARY  AT  ONONDAGA,  TO 

M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

\W.'i        •  •  V   !,.;;':.         [Onondaga,]  July  10,  1684. 

Sir, — A  general  Assembly  of  all  the  Iroquois  will  be  held  here 
at  which  it  is  intended  to  unite  against  you,  and  to  inform  the 
Senecas  that  you  wish  to  persuade  the  four  Iroquois  Nations 
not  to  aid  them  in  case  of  war.  I  am  surprised  that  M.  Le  Moyne 
or  some  other  persons  have  not  told  you  that  all  the  villages  were 
confederated,  and  that  one  could  not  be  attacked  without  becom- 
ing embroiled  with  the  others. 

Did  affairs  permit,  I  should  have  much  wished  to  tell  you  my 
thoughts  on  many  things.  My  brother  will  inform  you  of  all 
when  he  will  have  the  honor  to  see  you.  The  On[non]tagu6B 
who  have  been  spoken  to,'  would  like  much  to  settle  matters ; 
this  is  the  reason  my  brother  goes  to  you,  whilst  I  still  keep  them 
disposed  to  give  you  satisfaction,  in  order  to  avoid  if  possible 
an  infinitude  of  evils  which  will  overtake  Canada,  and  as  I  know 
not  whether  you  desire  war  without  listening  to  proposals  for 
peace,  I  wish  to  understand  whether  it  is  not  fitter  that  I  with- 
draw, if  possible,  rather  than  give  occasion  to  the  Iroquois  to  say 
that  I  deceived  them,  by  propositions  for  peace.  The  Onontagu^s 
and  other  nations  say,  that  it  grieves  them  to  take  up  arms  against 
you  who  are  their  neighbour,  and  who  form  almost  one  country 
with  them. 

They  acknowledge  that  the  Senecas  are  proud  and  insolent  on 
account  of  their  great  number  of  warriors,  but  if  you  are  desirous 


i     > 


ft '*:a    ■ 


.>* 


|.i4  ,1  i, 

ly.',  ■ ' 


i-' 


I- : 


r*  ■■-*' 
i 


< 


1 


189 


DE  LA  barge's  expedition 


to  maintain  peace  by  some  satisfaction  which  they  will  induce  the 
Senecas  to  make  you,  it  will  be  very  acceptable,  so  as  not  to 
be  obliged  to  come  to  extremities  which  will  be  very  disastrous. 
If  war  occurs,  Sir,  all  those  who  have  houses  apart  from  fortified 
places  must  at  once  abandon  their  dwellings,  for  the  grain  and 
the  houses  will  be  burned,  and  many  will  otherwise  be  brought 
away  prisoners  to  be  cruelly  tormented  and  insulted.  I  always 
think  that  peace  ought  to  be  most  precious  to  you,  and  that  all 
the  advantages  that  can  be  held  out  ought  to  cause  you  to  shrink 
from  war.  A  delay  in  order  to  arrange  every  thing  more  at  lei- 
sure and  after  having  received  assistance  from  France,  would  ex- 
tricate you  from  much  embarrassment  which  will  follow  from  all 
sides.  Pardon  me  if  I  give  free  expression  to  my  thoughts ;  you 
will  not  at  least  disapprove  of  the  zeal  with  w*^''  I  am  with  much 
respect  and  submission 

Your  very  humble  and 
1  Very  Obedient  Servant 

'   «  i,        (Signed)  DeLamberville. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

11  July  1684. 

Sir, — A  troop  of  Senecas  on  their  way  to  buy  their  supplies 
tnd  munitions  of  powder,  lead,  and  arms  are  two  days  [distance] 
frcMn  here.  They  are  expected  in  order  to  talk  fully  of  affairs  and 
to  endeavour  for  the  preservation  peace  to  induce  them  to  give  you 
satisfaction.  I  believe  if  j  ou  are  really  desirous  to  come  to  an 
arrangement  in  which  an  effort  will  be  made  to  satisfy  you,  and 
wherein  will  be  prescribed  the  boundaries  of  war  and  trade,  you 
would  have  leisure  to  provide  with  less  trouble  and  embarrass- 
ment for  the  security  of  Canada,  either  by  erecting  forts  at  La 
Famine  or  towards  the  Senecas  under  the  pretext  of  establishing 
a  blacksmith,  or  at  La  Galette  according  as  you  think  proper. 

I  do  not  believe  that  you  will  derive  any  advantage  this  year 
from  war,  if  you  wage  it ;  for  not  only  will  almost  the  whole  of 
the  Iroquois  prosecute  the  war  in  Canada,  but  you  will  not  find 


the  Senet 
shut  then 
pare  ambi 
tion  to  thi 
Senecas,  t 
elude  to  I( 
Fopositior 
consent  of 
grain,  and 
and  old  me 

The  War 
«ble  being 
Wpod  and  n 
French  grai 
French  sett]< 
doned  and  t 
wise,  tl  ey  ^. 
»f  you  begin  i 
those  in  Cans 
Tihe  Iroquois 
^r,  for  he  V 
himself  up  ,„ 
are  uDder  the 
faiown  forests 
captured,  hav 
Merilande  and 
ges,  wholly  un 
"» this  country 
then  see  all  ar 
*h»ng  must  be  - 
can  not  believe 
would,  possiblj 
^ges  make  the 
they  say,  that  tl 
and  eaten  J  anc 
is  salt  on  accoui 
of  their  other  cii 


TC  iIV><ORT  BAT. 


129 


the  Senecas  in  their  villages,  in  which  they  give  out  they  will  not 
shut  themselves  up,  but  conceal  themselves,  in  the  grass  and  pre- 
pare ambuscades  every  where  for  you.  Regarding  your  declara- 
tion to  the  Iroquois  that  you  had  no  ill  will  except  c^ainst  the 
Senecas,  they  convoked  a  general  Diet  here  where  they  will  con- 
clude to  league  themselves  against  you,  if  you  will  not  accept  the 
propositions  of  peace  for  which  the  Onnontagu^  wishes  to  obtain  the 
consent  of  the  Seneca  who  has  already  placed  in  security  the  old 
grain,  and  made  a  retreat  in  the  woods  for  the  childreoi,  women 
and  old  men,  of  which  you  will  be  ignorant. 

The  Warriors  are  to  prowl  every  where,  killing  without  if  pos- 
sible being  killed.  If  their  Indian  corn  be  cut,  it  will  cost  much 
bipod  and  men — ^You  must  also  resolve  to  lose  the  iharvest  of  the 
French  grain  to  which  the  Iroquois  will  set  fire.  As  for  the 
French  settlements,  the  Iroquois  suppose  tibat  they  are  all  aban- 
doned and  that  the  people  have  retired  within  the  forts ;  other- 
wise, tley  would  be  a  prey  to  the  enemy.  It  is  the  opinion  that 
if  you  begin  the  war,  it  will  be  of  long  duration,  and  that  toleed 
those  in  Canada  you  will  have  to  bring  provisions  from  France. 
The  Iroquois  believes  that  he  will  destroy  the  Colony  in  ease  of 
war,  for  he  will  never  fight  by  rule  against  us  and  wiH  not  shut 
himself  up  in  any  fort  in  which  he  might  be  stormed.  Thus  diej 
are  uuder  the  impression  that,  no  person  daring  to  come  into  un- 
known forests  to  pursue  them,  they  can  neither  be  destroyed  nor 
captured,  having  a  vast  hunting  ground  in  their  rear,  towards 
Merilande  and  Virginia,  as  well  as  places  adjoining  their  villa- 
ges, wholly  unknown  to  the  French.  If  winter  were  not  so  cold 
in  this  country,  that  would  be  the  time  to  wage  war,  for  one  can 
then  see  all  around,  and  the  trail  cannot  be  concealed ;  but  every 
thing  must  be  carried — provisions,  arms,  powder,  and  lead.  You 
can  not  believe.  Sir,  with  what  joy  the  Senecas  learned  that  you 
would,  possibly,  determine  on  war  ;  and  from  the  report  the  sa- 
vages make  them  of  the  preparations  apparent  at  Kataroskouy, 
they  say,  that  the  French  have  a  great  desire  to  be  stript,  roasted 
and  eaten ;  and  that  they  will  see  if  their  flesh,  which  they  say 
is  salt  on  account  of  the  salt  they  make  use  of  be  as  good  as  that 
of  their  other  enemies  whom  they  devour. 
9 


130 


DE  LA  BARRELS  EXPEDITION 


im  s  ■';  ;  'i 


11 


I  .» 


t'':-:jps 


Jl  1:  : 

It 


H 


The  envoy  of  the  Governor  of  New  York  who  is  here  promises 
the  Iroquois  goods  at  a  considerable  reduction ;  7  a  8  lbs.  of  pow 
der  for  a  Beaver ;  as  much  lead  as  a  man  can  carry  for  a  Beaver, 
and  so  with  the  rest. 

Every  thing  considered,  Sir,  if  you  will  be  content  with  a  sat- 
isfaction which  we  will  endeavor  to  obtain  for  you  from  the  Se- 
necas,  you  will  prevent  great  evils  which  must  fall  on  Canada  in 
case  of  war ;  you  will  divert  from  it  famine  and  many  misfor- 
tunes, especially  will  you  avoid  much  confusion  and  great  suffer- 
ing to  the  French  who  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Iroquois, 
who,  as  you  are  aware,  exercise  the  most  cruel  and  shameful 
cruelties  towards  their  captives.  Independent  of  there  being  no 
profit  in  fighting  with  this  sort  of  banditti  whom  you,  assuredly, 
will  not  catch  and  who  will  catch  many  of  your  people  who  will 
be  surprised  in  every  quarter. 

The  man  called  Hannatakta  and  some  others  of  influence  told 
me  they  pitied  you.  These  are  their  words — they  besought  you  not 
to  force  them  to  wage  war  against  you ;  that  the  five  Nations  would 
be  obliged  to  unite  against  you  j  that  the  French  and  the  Iroquois 
being  so  near  the  one  to  the  other,  the  war  would  be  too  disas- 
trous to  you,  because,  say  they,  our  mode  of  fighting,  of  haras- 
sing, of  living,  of  surprizing  and  flying  to  the  woods  will  be  the 
ruin  of  the  French  who  are  accustomed  to  fight  against  towns 
capable  of  defence  or  against  armies  who  appear  in  the  plains ;  if 
there  be  misunderstanding  it  ought  to  be  settled.  All  the  Iro- 
quois are  persuaded  that  before  going  to  war  you  will  try  the 
ways  of  mildness  and  tell  the  Senecas  to  appease  your  anger  for 
what  they  have  plundered  j  that  if  you  begin  by  a  desire  to  wage 
war  and  will  not  act  as  a  father  towards  your  children,  they  have 
already  declared  beforehand  that  they  will  all  unite  against  you. 


...^ 


I 


;.:'  Hn  <r^  * 


MyL( 

who  pass 
be  persuai 
them,  not 
merchandi 
turn  away 
it)  especial 
bj  all  the  1 
necas,  I  ha 
faction  accc 
your  deputi) 
are  expected 
two  Lower  1 
The  Senec 
that  you  woi 
oW  grain,  pr 
security  of  tl 
whatever  thej 
in  great  numH 
determined  to] 
^iJl  not  shut 
trees,  and  in 
ble  injury,  if] 
ness^^sl,  to  I 
theirs,  except 
^^^yBsk,   cut 
must  satisfy  (hJ 
Further,  J,  ]] 
to  the  Senecas  f 
the  French  wh] 
should  follow 
arrange  the  diL 
and  this  is  what! 


TO  HUNGRY  BAT. 


131 


..A 


\  '       FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

July  13.  1684. 

My  Lord — I  have  the  honor  to  write  to  you  by  Father  Millet 
who  passes  here  in  retiring  from  among  the  Iroquois  who  cannot 
be  persuaded  that  you  have  determined  on  waging  war  against 
them,  not  having  demanded  any  satisfaction  of  them  for  the 
merchandize  of  the  Frenchmen  whom  the  Senecas  plundered.  To 
turn  away  the  scourge  of  war  and  the  miseries  which  must  follow 
it,  especially  among  the  French  who  will  find  themselves  attacked 
by  all  the  Iroquois  if  any  hostile  act  is  committed  against  the  Se- 
necas, I  have  strongly  urged  the  Onnontagues  to  give  you  satis- 
faction according  to  the  instructions  which  the  Christian  Iroquois, 
your  deputies  here,  had.  To-morrow  a  great  number  of  Senecas 
are  expected  with  several  Cayugas  and  the  Ambassadors  from  the 
two  Lower  Nations  to  talk  about  business. 

The  Senecas  consequent  on  the  declaration  you  made  to  them 
that  you  would  proceed  to  their  country,  have  concealed  their 
old  grain,  prepared  a  distant  retreat  in  the  wooden  fort  for  the 
security  of  their  old  men,  women  and  children,  and  conveyed 
whatever  they  have  of  value  out  of  their  villages.  The  Warriors 
in  great  number  have  heard  thi::  news  with  much  joy  j  they  are 
determined  to  fight,  not  in  their  forts  for  they  have  none,  and 
will  not  shut  themselves  up  any  where,  but  under  cover,  behind 
trees,  and  in  the  grass  where  they  will  try  to  do  you  considera- 
ble injury,  if  you  want  war.  The  Onnontagues — men  of  busi- 
ness— wish  to  arrange  matters,  especially  having  lost  nothing  of 
theirs,  except  only  some  goods.  Must  the  father  and  children, 
they  ask,  cut  each  others  throats  for  clothes  ?  The  children 
must  satisfy  the  father  to  whom  they  owe  honor  and  respect. 

Further,  I,  last  year,  guarantied  by  two  Wampum  belts — one 
to  the  Senecas  and  the  other  here — that  if  the  Iroquois  army  met 
the  French  who  were  towards  Illinois,  and  any  acts  of  hostility 
should  follow  on  one  side  or  the  other,  they  would  mutually 
arrange  the  difficulty  without  it  leading  to  any  consequences, 
and  this  is  what  we  are  endeavoring  to  persuade  the  Senecas  to 


i 


%. 


^Ilf 


il   ' 


,i.;^ 


f ^i"  ?  ^ 


mi 


i'^.^ 


4 


132 


DX  LA  BABRE'S  EXPEPITION 


\^  i 


do.  Father  Millet,  to  whom  I  communicated  all,  and  who  has 
just  passed,  will  tell  you  every  thing  and  how  apropos  it  would 
be  that  M.  le  Moine  should  come  here  to  fetch  those  Chiefs  and 
Warriors  who  will  most  willingly  meet  you  under  the  safe  con- 
duct which  you  will  give  them  through  M.  le  Moine  (who  can 
come  here  in  all  surety  and  without  any  fear)  to  be  conducte4  \Q 
your  rendezvous  near  Seneca  or  to  the  Fort,  in  order  to  9ett}e 
matters  in  a  friendly  manner. 

The  Iroquois  say  they  will  not  commit  any  act  of  hosj^Utjr 
against  you,  unless  you  commence  either  by  attacking  the  Senecas 
or  by  refusing  all  satisfaction,  for  they  remark^  i^  is  painful  to 
come  to  blows  with  their  Father.  They  all  say  that  their  rno^e 
of  warfare  will  be  disastrous  to  you,  but  that  the  respect  they 
entertain  towards  you,  and  which  we  insinuate  anxong  them, 
withholds  them  \intil  they  are  forced,  they  add,  to  W9.ge  a  sor- 
rowful war,  despite  themselves,  against  you.  They  wish,  6rst  of 
all,  they  say,  to  avoid  the  reproach  of  npt  having  kept  their 
word  which  they  gave.     I  told  M.  le  Moine  of  the  above. 

My  brother  expects  to  leave  with  yoi^r  deputies  to  cfurry  to  yqu 
the  result  of  the  Iroquois  Diet,  where  ti^  OnnontaguS  who  as- 
sumes to  be  a  moderator,  pretends  to  force  tlw  Senec«s  to  disa- 
vow what  two  of  their  captains  caused  their  waririors  ito  do,  and 
to  quieten  again  your  mind ;  that  is,  they  say,  by  some  satisfac- 
tion which  may  afford  you  an  honorable  pretext  to  pay  a  friendly 
visit  to  Eaniatarontagouat  [now,  Irondequot  il3ay]  apd  WQt  to  ap- 
pear there  as  an  enemy. 

I  forgot  to  inform  you  that  the  Iroquois  say  they  have  accepted 
the  satisfaction  they  received  for  the  death  of  their  captain,  Hana- 
henhax,  killed  by  the  Kiskakous,  and  that  it  would  seem  very 
strange  to  them  that  you  should  refuse  the  satisfaction,  they  wish 
to  induce  the  Senecas  to  give  you  for  the  pillaged  merchandize 
which,  in  their  estimation  is  next  to  nothing  compared  with  that 
important  [council]  fire  in  your  children's  cabin.  I  pray  God 
that  He  conduct  matters  for  His  glory  and  the  country's  good  and 
that  He  preserve  you  long,  which  is  the  wish,  my  Lord,  of 
Your  very  humble  &.  very  ob*  Serv*, 

J.  DS  LAMBiayiLLS. 


^■'f 


Sr— 1 
held  on  tj 
I  enclose 
what  they 
made  you 
and  Warri 
Belts  and  l 
These  ar 
I  know  not 
Cause  satisf 
fatigues,   th 
war,  and  pr 
necas  inforn 
you  more  si 
through  resp, 
^miamis,  U 
insist  on  it. 
good  peace. 
<J'ng  blood,  e 
would  have  b< 
The  Onnon 
meeting,  and 
the  Senecas  tol 
the  first  day  ofl 
and  the  plenip? 
gained  nothing] 
willingly  accepj 
and  they  had  ml 
that  the  chiefs  s 
obstinacy  of  the 
^ayugas  over  to, 
notwithstandingJ 
of  affairs  and  to] 


TO  BONOllT  Bit. 


133 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

18  Jttljr,  168«. 

Sir — ^The  Council  convoked  at  OnnontaguS  was,  at  length, 
held  on  the  16'>>  and  17^^  of  July.  You  will  see  by  the  memoir 
I  enclose  in  this  letter  what  you  said  to  the  Onnontagu^s  and 
what  they  reply  by  three  Belts.  Since  you  spoke,  or  I  have 
made  you  speak  to  the  Senecas  assembled  here  in  a  body,  Chiefs 
and  Warriors,  and  their  answer,  we  have  spoken  to  them  by  three 
Belts  and  they  have  answered  you  by  nine. 

These  are  twehe  Belts  which  your  ambassadors  take  to  you. 
I  know  not  if  you  will  accept  the  trifling  pains  we  have  taken  to 
Couse  satisfaction  to  be  given  you,  and  to  extricate  you  from  the 
fatigues,  the  embarrassments  and  consequences  of  a  disastrous 
war,  and  procure  at  the  same  time  freedom  of  trade  ;  for  the  Se- 
necas informed  me  at  night,  by  express,  that  they  would  give 
you  more  satisfaction  than  you  expected,  because  they  wished 
through  respect  for  you,  not  to  wage  war  any  more  against  the 
Oumiamis,  if  you  so  wish  it,  and  even  any  other  nation  if  you 
insist  on  it.  In  fine,  they  do  not  wage  war  save  but  to  secure  a 
good  peace.  They  return  without  striking  a  blow,  without  shed- 
ding blood,  etc.  The  Seneca  Iroquois  offer  you  more  than  you 
would  have  believed. 

The  Onnontagu^s  considered  their  honour  engaged  to  this 
meeting,  and  have  put  all  sorts  of  machinery  in  motion  to  induce 
the  Senecas  to  condescend  to  place  their  affairs  in  their  hands.  On 
the  first  day  of  the  Council  every  thing  was  almost  despaired  of, 
and  the  plenipotentiaries  all  excited  came  to  see  me,  saying  they 
gained  nothing  on  the  Senecas,  and  that  up  to  that  time  they  most 
willingly  accepted  war ;  that  they  rejected  the  presents  which  you 
and  they  had  made  them.  They  sent  me  ba'ck  a  collection  of  belts, 
that  the  chiefs  and  warriors  acted  with  great  zeal  in  combatting  tAe 
obstinacy  of  the  Senecas  so  that  having  gained  the  Oneidas  and 
Cayugas  over  to  to  their  side,  they  came  to  high  words.  Deputies, 
notwithstanding,  succeeded  one  another  to  sound  me  on  the  state 
of  Affairs  and  to  learn  the  true  cause  of  the  withdrawal  of  our  Mis- 


•1 


134 


DE  LA  BARRE  8  EXPEDITION 


sionaries.  Finally  I  told  them  that  the  real  cause  was,  that  the 
displeasure  which  they  perceived  you  felt,  and  which  they  also  en- 
tertained at  bemg  disparaged  by  the  Senecas,  had  caused  them  to 
withdraw  to  you,  until  they  should  have  satisfied  you.  At  length 
the  Onnontagu^s  persuaded  them  to  confide  in  them  and  to  place 
their  affairs  in  their  hands — ^that  if  you  did  not  accept  their  media- 
tion, they  should  unite  according  to  their  policy,  with  all  the  other 
Iroquois  against  you.  La  Grande  Gueule  and  his  triumvirate  have 
assuredly  signalized  themselves  in  this  rencounter.  My  brother, 
who  will  inform  you  of  every  thing,  will  relate  matters  more  in  de- 
tail. We,  however,  await  your  orders  which  you  will  please  con- 
vey to  us  by  M.  le  Moine  whom  the  Onnontagu^s  request  you  to 
send  instantly  to  them  at  Choueguen  [Oswego]  in  all  security  and 
without  the  least  fear. 


.;  FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

^  Onontagu6,  this  17th  August,  1684. 

My  Lord — ^Your  people  have  brought  my  brother  back  here 
with  the  greatest  possible  diligence,  having  been  wind  bound 
three  days,  at  one  island.  In  order  not  to  cause  you  any  delay, 
which  could  only  produce  a  useless  consumption  of  provisions 
by  your  army,  they  arrived  here  with  Sieur  le  Due  at  midnight 
and  having  passed  the  rest  of  the  night  in  conferring  together, 
we  had  the  Chiefs  and  Warriors  assembled  at  day  light  after  hav- 
ing obtained  information  from  La  Grande  Gueule  and  Gara- 
kontie. 

'  We  declared  our  intentions  in  the  presence  of  several  Senecas 
who  departed  the  same  day  to  return  to  their  country  where  they 
will  communicate  our  approach.  They  carry  one  of  your  belts 
to  reassure  those  who  are  alarmed  by  your  armament.  The  On- 
n^ntagu^^s  have  despatched  some  of  theirs  to  notify  the  Oneida,  the 
Mohawk  and  the  Cayuga  to  repair  to  Ochouegen  [Oswego]  to  salute 
you  and  to  reply  to  your  proposals.  They  wish  so  much  to  see 
M.  le  Moine  here  whom  you  promised  them  would  come,  that  it 
appears  that  nothing  could  be  done  should  he  not  arrive.     Also, 


as  you  a 
and  Gei 
prised  w 
cgen. 

I  gave 

I  do  not  ] 

vised  you 

of  protect 

villages,  a 

drunken  n 

remains  bi 

attached. ' 

J  gave  L 

to  him  the  l 

self  your  be 

you  this  hoc, 

the  Iroquois 

The  over 

good  as  to  t 

means  to  gai 

'>Ie  peace  wil 

uncertain  as 

Merchants  ms 

the  Iroquois  t 

very  prejudici 

lam 

Ml 


^^y  Lord— J 
masters  who  hd 
'•ave  promised 


TO  HUKOAT  BAT* 


ui 


135 


as  you  advised  them  not  to  be  troubled  at  the  sight  of  your  barks 
and  Gendarmes,  they  give  you  notice,  likewise,  not  to  be  sur- 
prised when  you  will  see  faces  painted  red  and  black  at  Ochou- 
egen,  ''  • 

I  gave  a  Cayuga  letters  for  you  some  eight  or  tPti  days  ago. 
I  do  not  know  if  he  will  have  delivered  them.  I  believe  I  ad- 
vised you  that  Colonel  Dongan  had  the  Duke  of  York's  placards 
of  protection  {des  sauvegardes)  affixed  to  the  three  upper  Iroquois 
villages,  and  that  he  styled  himself  Lord  of  the  Iroquob.  A 
drunken  man  here  tore  these  proclamations  down  and  nothing 
remains  but  the  post  to  which  the  Duke  of  York's  arms  were 
attached.    "■•.     'i.--w,^.  ;.•;,■:  :  i\^.'7>■^^( 

I  gave  La  Grande  Gueule  your  belt  under  hand,  and  remarked 
to  him  the  things  which  you  wish  him  to  effect.     He  calls  him- 
self your  best  friend  and  you  have  done  well  to  have  attached  to 
you  this  hocy  who  has  the  strongest  head  and  loudest  voice  among 
the  Iroquois. 

The  over  coats  {capots)  and  shirts  which  you  have  been  so 
good  as  to  send  to  be  used  on  occasions  are  a  most  efficacious 
means  to  gain  over,  or  to  preserve  public  opinion.     An  honora- 
ble peace  will  be  mora  advantageous  to  Canada  than  a  war  vry 
uncertain  as  to  its  success.     I  am  of  opinion,  whatever  Mess"  the 
Merchants  may  say,  that  you  do  them  a  good  turn  by  inducing 
the  Iroquois  to  give  you  satisfaction,  and  that  the  war  would  be 
very  prejudicial  to  them.  ......  .... 

I  am  with  all  sort  of  respect  and  submission,        '     '  '' 
My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

J.  DE  Lamberville,  Jesuit. 


'> 


Sif.  i^ 


h..' 


w  ■ 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 


Oimontagtt£,  thii  28th  of  August  1684. 
My  Lord — ^M.  le  Moine's  arrival  has  much  pleased  our  burgo- 
masters who  have  exhibited  towards  him  many  attentions,  and 
have  promised  to  terminate  matters  with  you  in  the  manner  you 


XM 


DE  LA  BAaas'S  EXPEDITIOM 


1^ 


ii 


7, 
1.1     * 


'■:\  ■>       i- 


denre.  The  Onnontagu^s  have  called  the  Deputies  of  each  Na- 
tion together  as  I  have  advised  you.  The  Cayugas  came  here  the 
first)  with  two  young  Tionnoutat<Ss  to  restore  them  to  you.  We 
expect  the  Senecas,  and  as  we  were  hoping  that  the  Oneidas  would 
arrive  to-day,  one  Arnaud,'  whom  Father  Bruyas  is  well  acquaint- 
ed  with,  came  here  on  horseback  from  Mr.  Dongan  to  tell  th« 
Iroquois  that  he  did  not  wish  them  to  talk  with  you  without  his 
permission,  being  complete  master  of  their  land  and  conduct 
towards  you ;  that  they  belonged  to  the  King  of  England  and  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  that  their  Council  fires  were  lighted  at  Albany 
and  that  he  absolutely  forbad  them  talking  with  you. 

Two  words  which  we  whispered  in  the  ears  of  your  pensioner, 
La  Grande  Gueule,  caused  us  to  see  at  once  how  unreasonable,  in 
his  opinion,  was  so  itrange  a  proceeding  as  that  of  Mr.  Dongan, 
afber  having  himself  exhorted  the  Iroquois  to  give  us  satisfaction 
in  order  to  avoid  a  disastrous  war  which  would  have  very  bad 
[consequences.  |  When  M.  le  Moine  and  I  shall  have  the  honour 
to  see  you,  we  shall  give  you  the  particulars  of  these  things,  and 
how  La  Grande  Gueule  came  to  high  words  against  this  Messenger, 
exhorting  all  the  warriors  and  chiefs  not  to  listen  to  the  proposals 
of  a  man  who  seemed  to  be  drunk,  so  opposed  to  all  reason  was 
what  he  uttered. 

We  being  two  or  three  days'  journey  from  here,  the  said  Mes- 
senger produced  three  Belts  of  Wampum.  The  first  and  second 
are  from  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  who  have  promised  Mr.  Don- 
gan that  they  should  not  go  to  meet  us ;  the  third  was  for.  the 
Onnontagu^s  to  exhort  them  to  give  their  wampum  belt  also,  as 
assurance  of  the  same  thing.  They  answered  by  La  Grande 
Gueule,  that  they  esteemed  themselves  too  highly  honored  by  your 
having  granted  them  the  embassy  of  M.  le  Moine  and  by  your 
having  placed  the  affairs  of  the  peace  in  their  hands,  to  commit 
so  cowardly  an  action  and  so  grave  a  fault  as  that  which  he  seemed 

'  Arnold  Cornelis*  Viele,  a  citizen  of  Albany,  who  acted  as  Interpreter  be> 
tw«enthe  Whites  and  Indians.  For  his  service  in  this  capacity  ho  had  already 
obtained  from  the  latter,  26<>>  Sept'.  1683,  a  tract  of  land  called  Wachkecrhoha, 
on  the  nurth  bank  of  the  Mohawk  above  Schenectady,  the  grant  of  which  is  is 
Alb:  Deed  Book  C,  199.— Tt. 


willing  1 

gu^scoi 

M.  leM 

gan  wis! 

if  he  wo 

to  learn  ] 

.  ning  not  t 

tirely  whi 

^<i^  wait  s( 

are,  and  k 

your  instn 

communici 

in  an  exce] 

ho  will  giv 

He  has  t 

Xo  inform  y 

tagud  depul 

patch  them 

If  not  he  wi] 

acted  his  pai 

gan's  messei 

way  you  regj 

Ws  voice  whj 

experienced 
honour  logi; 

The  Cavall 
to  speak  to  tf 
what  Tpganr 
over  to  his  oJ 
tions  of  Sieul 
wretched  belf 
than  what  hj 
niatters  peact 
dissatisfied  w3 
returned  very 
^-  le  Moine. 
Whatever 


TO  BUIfomV  BAT. 


137 


willing  they  should  perpetrate.  After  mMny  disputes,  the  Onnontt- 
gu^8  councilled  among  themselves,  and  concluded  to  enquire  of 
M.  le  Moine  if  he  would  not  wait  the  permission  which  Mr.  Don- 
gan  wished  the  Iroquois  to  have  from  him  to  talk  with  you,  and 
if  he  would  not  tarry  ten  days  more,  and  you  remain  at  the  Lake, 
to  l^earn  Mr.  Dongan's  final  will.  This  is  a  piece  of  Iroquois  cun- 
ning not  to  embroil  themselves  with  Mr.  Dongan,  and  to  follow  en- 
tirely what  M.  le  Moine  should  say,  whom  they  well  knew  would 
not  wait  so  long,  matters  having  advanced  to  the  point  at  which  they 
are,  and  knowing,  moreover,  that  delay  was  directly  contrary  to 
your  instructions.  The  Iroquis  requested  M.  le  Moine  himself  to 
communicate  their  opinion  to  the  Cavalier,  which  he  certainly  did 
in  an  excellent  manner,  and  which  you  will  be  glad  to  learn  when 
ho  will  give  an  account  of  his  negotiation. 

He  has  thought  proper  to  send  you  one  of  his  canoes  at  once 
to  inform  you  hereof,  and  to  assure  you  that  as  soon  as  the  Onnon- 
tagu6  deputies  shall  have  arrived  here,  he  will  endeavour  to  des* 
patch  them  hence  at  the  earliest  moment  to  conduct  them  to  you. 
If  not  he  will  leave  with  the  Senecas  who  are  here.  Tegannehout 
acted  his  part  very  well  and  harangued  strongly  against  Mr.  Don- 
gan's messenger  and  in  favour  of  Onnontio.  Good  cheer  and  the 
way  you  regaled  him  was  a  strengthening  medicine  which  sustained 
his  voice  when  it  might  perhaps  have  failed  in  another  who  had  not 
experienced  proofs  of  your  friendship  such  as  you  did  him  the 
honour  to  give  him.     He  will  return  with  M.  le  Moine. 

The  Cavalier  says  that  before  returning  to  his  Master,  he  wishes 
to  speak  to  the  Senecas  who  are  expected  here.  I  caress  some- 
what Tegannehout  in  order  that  he  may  win  those  of  his  Nation 
over  to  his  opinion  and  not  to  suffer  them  to  yield  to  the  solicita- 
tions of  Sieur  Arnaud  to  whom  the  Onnontagu6s  have  given  two 
wretched  belts  to  say  to  Mr.  Dongan  that  they  could  not  do  other 
than  what  he  himself  had  urged  them  to  do ;  to  w^it,  to  settle 
matters  peaceably  with  you,  and  to  soothe  his  spirit  if  he  were 
dissatisfied  with  them  for  not  going  to  Albany  whence  they  had 
returned  very  recently.  A  letter  is  sent  you  which  he  has  given  to 
M.  le  Moine.  , 

Whatever  Sieur  Arnaud  may  say,  we  have  not  neglected  to 


*■ 


•  '*'''i,| 


I  i 


m 


m  ■  t 
ii' 

[r 

1 1" 


138 


DK  LA   BARAK'!  EXPKDITIOII 


send  for  the  Oneida  deputies  whom  we  expect  to-morrow.    Mon- 
sieur le  Moine  will  use  the  greatest  possible  diligence  to  return 
to  yoU|  inasmuch  as  this  delay  is  not  very  agreable  to  him. 
,., :       I  am  always,  my  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

J.  DE  LaMBCRVILLB. 


:i  ■) 


I,!- 


I 


/I' 


IM  ■;  ■"^' 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

■.:;■    :\  '      '       -' . 

' ;  V  *  Onontafo^,  27  8«pt.  1684. 

.  My  Lord, — ^1  return  here  after  having  been  delayed  ten  days  in 
the  Lake  by  very  strong  head  winds.  A  day  before  the  Iroquois 
deputies  met  here,  the  Senecas  sent  Belts  to  the  Iroquois  villages 
to  declare  to  them  that  should  you  disembark  in  their  country,  they 
would  attack  you.  Six  or  seven  Mohegans  {Loups)  were  prepar- 
ing to  go  to  the  assistance  of  the  Iroquois,  as  the  Outaoutes  were 
aiding  the  French.  The  Seneca  scouts  have  been  as  far  as  Kaion- 
houagu^,  where  you  had  concluded  the  peace,  to  be  certain  of  the 
place  at  which  your  army  had  encamped.  The  Onnontagu^s  be- 
lieved for  several  days  that  they  had  killed  me.  Tegannehout's 
arrival  in  this  country  will  have  calmed  the  minds  in  communicat- 
ing your  peace  to  them.  No  news  have  as  yet  been  received  from 
the  Seneca.  Some  say  they  will  shortly  come  hither  to  confer  on 
important  matters.  If  any  one  come  from  the  For  there  I  shall 
inform  you  of  whatever  I  will  have  learned. 

Sieur  Arnaud,  Mr.  Dongan's  deputy,  has  not  re-appcared  here 
since  my  departure  from  Onnonta^,  though  he  had  assured  me  that 
he  should  return  in  ten  days.  'Tis  said  that  his  delay  is  caused  by 
not  having  found  his  master  at  Orange  (Albany),  and  tliat  he  has 
gone  to  Manath  to  inform  him  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Onnonta- 
gu6  and  of  your  arrival  at  Gainhouagu<?,  [Hungry  Bay.]  v  ^' 
'  I  had  the  honour  of  writing  to  you  from  the  Fort  whence  I  sent 
you  a  wampum  belt  from  the  Tionnontat^s.  I  gave  Sieur  Hanna- 
taksa  the  belt  of  Wampum  and  the  red  Calumet  in  your  name,  to 
whom  I  said  that  you  would  be  ever  obliged  to  him  if  he  would 
turn  his  arms  to  the  left  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  where  the  Illinois  are 


TO  nUNOKT  BAT. 


ISS 


mingled  with  the  Oumiamis,  so  as  to  give  no  cause  of  complaint. 

Uncertain  as  I  was  regarding  matters  on  the  side  of  the  Senecas, 
and  fearful  that  the  Senecas  would  create  confusion  on  arriving  here, 
I  made  some  presents  in  your  name  to  some  captains  who  could 
best  curb  their  insolence,  so  as  to  prevent  the  brewing  of  the 
storm. 

Your  man  of  business,  I  mean  La  Grande  Gueule,  is  not  con 
cerned  at  any  thing ;  he  is  a  venal  being  whom  you  do  well  to 
keep  in  pay.  I  assured  him  that  you  would  send  him  the  jerkin 
you  promised.  The  Cayugas  who  are  gone  to  war  to  the  borders 
of  Merinlande  and  Virginia  have  sent  home  some  of  their  warriors 
to  say  that  the  English  had  killed  three  of  their  men,  and  that  they 
having  taken  five  Englishmen  alive,  had  cut  their  throats  after  sub- 
jecting them  to  some  bad  treatment,  and  that  they  were  still  in  the 
English  country. 

Afler  having  spoken  to  you  of  others,  I  must  acquit  myself  of  a 
part  of  my  duty,  by  thanking  you  very  humbly  for  all  the  kind- 
nesses you  have  been  pleased  to  shower  on  me.  I  should  have 
wished  you,  in  addition  to  the  good  health  in  which  it  pleased  God 
to  preserve  you  in  the  midst  of  an  army  weakened  by  diseases, 
greater  satisfaction  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken  for  the  public 
good.  Individuals  assuredly  know  that  if  you  had  not  accepted 
peace,  which  is  very  favorable  since  no  one  has  been  killed  on 
either  side,  the  Colony  would  have  been  exposed  to  the  mercy  of 
the  Iroquois  who  would  pounce,  in  different  directions,  on  defence- 
less settlements,  the  people  of  which  they  would  carry  off  in  order 
to  pitilessly  bum  them.  I  pray  God,  who  knows  the  sincerity  of 
your  intentions,  to  be  your  reward  and  to  heap  His  blessings  on 
you  to  the  extent  of  the  wishes  of  him  who  is  entirely,  my  Lord 
Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

J.  DE  LaMBERVILLK. 

I  told  Colin  that  you  would  remember  him  and  his  comrade. 
The  Tionnontat^s  have  sent  to  thank  the  Onnontagucs  for  hav- 
ing, by  their  obliging  disposition,  gained  you  over  to  treat  for  peace, 
and  thus  preserve  the  lives  of  many,  and  that  they  were  attached 
to  Onnonthio.  Sieur  la  Grande  [Gueule]  has  pronounced  your  pane- 
gyric here,  and  professes  to  keep  the  promise  he  made  you,  to  cause 


v-^' 


:i 


K 


\ 


140 


DE  LA  B&RReTs  JBXPEDITIOM 


the  articles  of  peace  to  be  observed.  Some  furs  are  to  be  collected 
tMs  fall.  He  is  treating  on  this  subject  with  Hannagoge  and  Ga- 
nakonti^.    There  is  no  news  yet  from  the  Senecas. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 


^■'•# 


■J 

I:! 


N 


Oimonta|^«,  this  9th  Octoh.  1684. 

My  Lord, — ^The  message  you  sent  here  by  three  canoemen  from 
Montreal  shows  you  to  be  in  reality  a  man  of  your  word.  Sieur 
Grande  Gueule  has  been  informed  by  express,  who  is  gone  to  find 
him  at  his  fishery  eight  leagues  from  here,  that  you  have  written. 
I  shall  cause  him  when  he  returns  particularly  to  recollect  his  pro- 
mise to  you  to  have  satisfaction  given  you.  I  have  spoken  in  his 
absence  both  privately  and  publicly,  to  influential  persons  and  ob> 
tained  promises  from  the  chiefs  and  warriors  that  they  would  send 
two  strings  of  wampum  to  the  Senecas  in  three  days  to  put  them 
in  mind  of  the  word  which  the  leader  of  those  who  pillaged  the 
French  canoes  had  himself  brought  here,  from  those  of  his  own 
nation,  that  they  had  accepted  all  you  had  concluded  at  La  Famines. 
I  told  them  what  you  had  concluded  and  had  ordered  me  to  acquaint 
them  with.  The  report  about  the  thousand  Illinois  is  a  mere  ru- 
mor vnthout  any  foundation,  and  M.  duLut  told  me  at  Katarakoui) 
that  he  did  not  believe  the  truth  of  this  news  j  besides  there  cannot 
be  any  apprehension  that  they  could  have  dared  to  undertake  any 
thing,  having  met  neither  Frenchmen  nor  Outaouas.  All  that  they 
could  make  a  demonstration  against  have  more  fuzileers  than  they. 

A  party  of  40  warriors  will  leave  here  in  six  days  to  attack  the 
niinois  whom  they  may  find  among  the  Chaouennons.  I  have 
presented  the  Captain  a  shirt  in  your  name,  to  exhort  the  Senecas 
through  whom  he  will  pass,  to  keep  their  word  with  you.  He  has 
assured  me  that  he  will  not  lead  his  troop  towards  the  quarter  you 
forbad  him.  I  notified  him  as  well  as  the  others  that  you  had  de- 
spatcheil  a  canoe  to  inform  the  Oumiamies  and  the  Maskenses  that 
you  had  included  them  in  the  peace,  and  that  they  could  remain 
secure  at  tlie  place  where  they  had  been  before  they  were  at  war 
with  the  Iroquois.    The  Senecas  shall  be  equally  notified  of  this  in  a 


TO  HUNGRY  S^T. 


141 


few  days.  You  may  rest  assured,  my  Lord,  that  I  sh^tll  spare  no 
pains  to  have  that  satisfaction  given  you  v^hich  you  expect  irom  the 
Iroquois.  The  frenchmen  who  came  here  told  me  thait  whilst  y^ 
were  at  La  Famine  a  false  alarm  reached  Montrie^l  that  t|hc  Iroq^o^ 
were  coming ;  that  there  was  nothing  but  horror,  flight  and  weep- 
ing at  Montreal.  What  would  so  many  poor  people  have  done  in 
tlieir  settlements  if  merely  six  hundred  Iroquois  had  made  an  ixrupr- 
tion  into  the  country  in  the  condition  in  w}|ich  it  is.  You  fofi^  j^ 
better  opinion  than  one  hundred  manufacturers  of  rhodomontadtas 
who  were  not  acquainted  with  the  Lr o(}i;iois,  fmd  who  reflect  not  that 
the  count;ry,  such  as  it  is,  is  not  in  a  coi;idition  to  defend  itself.  Had  I 
the  honor  to  converse  with  you  longer  than  your  little  leisure  allowed 
me,  I  should  hqive  convinced  you  that  you  could  not  have  advaiiQied 
to  Paniaforontogouat  [IrondeijuOLt  bay]  without  having  been  irf.terly 
defeated  ii^  the  state  your  army  vras  in — whjch  was  rather  an  hospi- 
tal that  a  camp.  To  attack  people  within  their  entrenchments  and 
fight  bt^ditti  in  the  bush  will  require  one  thousand  ixien  more  tb^n 
you  ^ave.  Then  you  can  accomplish  nothing  without  having  a 
number  of  disciplined  savages.  I  gavp  you  already  my  though^ 
and  believe  I  told  you  the  truth,  and  that  you  deserved  the  title  of 
*'  Liberator  of  the  Country"  by  making  peace  at  a  conjunct^re 
when  you  would  have  beheld  the  ruin  of  the  country  without  pre- 
venting it.  The  Senecas  had  double  pallisades  stroi^ger  than  the 
pickets  of  the  fort  and  the  first  could  not  have  beeji  forced  without 
great  loss.  T^eir  plan  was  to  Jceep  oply  300  n^en  ipside,  and  with 
1?00  ojthers  perpetually  harass  you.  All  the  Iroquois  were  to  coir 
IcQt  together  and  fire  only  at  the  legs  of  your  people  to  master 
them,  and  burn  them  at  their  leisure  ;  ancj  after  having  cut  them 
off  by  a  hundred  ambuscades  among  the  foliage  and  grass,  pursue 
you  in  your  retreat  even  to  Montreal  to  spread  desolation  through- 
out its  vicinity  also ;  and  they  had  prepared  for  that  purpose 
a  quantity  of  canoes  of  eighteen  men  each  which  they  kept  coji- 
cealed.  But  let  us  all  speak  of  this  war  to  thank  God  that  He  has 
preserved  our  Governor  in  the  midst  of  so  much  sickness,  and  that 
He  had  compassion  on  Canada  from  which  He  turned  away  the 
scourge  of  war  which  would  have  laid  it  entirely  desolate. 

The  English  of  Merinlande  who  had  killed  three  Iroquois,  and 


•  ■■;;   mfi.  ■■i- 


I  ^f:i    *^>. 


flsf. 


■  «, 


142 


DE  LA  BABJKe's   EXPSCIT^ON 


h'« 


of  whom  the  English  Iroquois  had  killed  five,  are  about  to  have 
di£Scultien  with  that  belligerent  nation  which  has  already  killed 
more  than  twenty-nine  of  their  men,  and  has  been  threatened 
with  war  should  it  continue  to  insult  them.  We  shall  see  what 
the  English  of  that  quarter  will  do. 

Oarakontie  returned  to  day  from  Orange,  where  he  told  by  a 
belt  of  Wampum  how  you  had  given  peace  to  the  public ;  also 
how  Colonel  Dongan  had  urged  the  Iroquois  to  secure  it  by  the 
satisfaction  which  he  advised  them  to  give  you.  M.  Dongan  left 
Orange  when  those  who  brought  the  Duke  of  York's  Safeguards 
came  to  this  place ;  it  is  supposed  that  Arnaud's  visit  here  to  pre- 
vent the  Iroquois  going  to  see  you  and  to  get  them  to  hold  a 
Council  at  Orange,  was  an  intrigue  of  the  Orange  merchants  who 
feared  that  their  trade  would  be  diminished  by  a  conference  held 
with  you  with  arms  in  your  hands ;  for  M.  Dongan  had  probably 
departed  from  Orange  when  Arnaud  left  to  come  here.  W^at  the 
Iroquois  know  is,  after  having  heard  M.  Dongan  who  exhorted 
them  to  an  arrangement  with  you,  it  was  in  no  wise  probable 
that  on  the  eve  of  a  negotiation,  he  should  have  forbidden  them 
to  visit  you  without  his  permission.  ,     , 

A  man  named  La  Croix,  in  Indian  Tegaiatannhara,  who  an- 
swered Oarakontie  on  behalf  of  the  Dutch,  said  that  had  you  not 
made  peace,  knowing  that  the  Safeguards  of  England  were  on 
the  Iroquois,  800  Englishmen  and  1200  Mohegans,  {Loups)  who 
are  between  Merinland  and  New  York,  entirely  distinct  from  the 
Cannongageh-ronnons  whom  you  have  with  you,  were  all  ready 
to  march  at  the  first  word  to  aid  the  Iroquois.  This  man  La 
Croix  passes  with  the  Iroquois  for  a  great  liar ;  he,  possibly  may 
have  advanced  this  of  his  own  accord,  as  well  as  many  other 
things  he  has  stated,  which  M.  Dongan  perhaps  would  not 
approve,  were  he  acquainted  with  them. 

I  thank  you  most  humbly  for  having  furnished  an  opportu- 
nity for  the  transportation  to  us  of  a  part  of  our  necessaries.     It 
is  a  continuance  of  your  kindness  towards  us  and  towards  me  in 
particular,  who  am  sincerely  and  with  much  respect,  My  Lord, 
Your  very  humble  &  very  obedient  Servant, 

De  Lamberville. 


I  shall 
turns  hex 
since. 


FROA 


Sir— Th 
instead  of 
Barre,  Goi 

the  late  Kii 

Iroquois  tre 

against  the 

planted  in  t 

subject  to  J 

French,  wit 

His  Majes 

of  England  j 

Governor  to 

and  to  obser 

is  selected  b 


TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


143 


I  shall  give  La  Grande  Oueule  your  jerkin  as  soon  as  he  re- 
turns here.  I  had  the  honor  to  write  to  you  by  Colin  ten  days 
since. 


FROM  THE  MINISTER  TO  M.  BARILLON,  FRENCH 
AMBASSADOR  AT  LONDON 

'  [Pari!  Doc.  III.] 

Versailles,  10  March,  1685. 

Sir — The  King  has  learned  that  the  Governor  of  New  York, 
instead  of  maintaining  good  correspondence  with  Sieur  de  la 
Barre,  Governor  of  Canada,  in  conformity  with  the  orders  of 
the  late  King  of  England,  has  done  what  he  could  to  prevent  the 
Iroquois  treating  with  him  ;  that  he  offered  them  troops  to  serve 
against  the  French,  and  that  he  caused  standards  (flags)  to  be 
planted  in  their  villages,  though  these  nations  had  been  always 
subject  to  France  since  their  country  was  discovered  by  the 
French,  without  the  English  objecting  thereto. 

His  Majesty  desires  you  to  present  his  complaints  to  the  King 
of  England  and  to  demand  of  him  precise  orders  to  oblige  this 
Governor  to  confine  himself  within  the  limits  of  his  government, 
and  to  observe  different  conduct  towards  Sieur  Denonville,  who 
is  selected  by  His  Majesty  to  succeed  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Baire. 


I 


'ir 


H 


J\ 


»i 


'     •.    *-s 


•?  Hf' 


"I.; 


I. 


10 


GOV.  DONGAN'S  IIEPORT 


ON  TBB 


10 


'■' 

■  '  ■* 

1 

m-:; 

me?. 


w  I 


s>ffi 


'4v  * 


*„ 


VI. 


^raiijnte  of  y!tm-fm\u 


TO  THE  COR 


My  Lore 

sent  to  met 

cou.'d  to  m 

wherein  I  a 

not  but  you 

answer  to  s( 

I  have  yet  ; 

them  as  I  an 

jor  Lo'ps  I } 

In 

Courts  of         Th 
Juatico.       1 

Assen 

1.     The  C 

Council  in  th 

may  be  broug 

2.     The  A 

peace,  Sheriffj 

naote  parts  of 

Court  of  Assi 

ment  of  this  ] 

held  once  evei 

such  matters  a 

bers  of  which  i 

of  this  provin 

county  whereir 

Terminer  has 

court 


V  /■ 


GOV.  DONGAN'S  REPORT 

TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  TRADE  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK,  DATED 

22d  FEBRUARY,  1687. 

[Lond.  Doo.  v.] 

My  Lords — I  have  received  the  heads  of  inquiry  your  Lo'P* 
sent  to  mee  and  indeed  I  have  been  r.s  industrious  as  possibly  I 
could  to  make  myself  capable  of  giving  you  satisfaction.  And 
wherein  I  am  short  of  answering  your  Lo'P"  expectation  I  question 
not  but  youl  pardon  it  when  you  consider  that  to  give  a  distinct 
answer  to  several  of  your  queries  must  require  a  longer  time  than 
I  have  yet  had  since  their  arrival  here.  However  to  such  of 
them  as  I  am  at  present  capable  to  make  an  answer,  I  herein  give 
yo'  Lo'P«  I  hope  the  satisfaction  required  whirh  are  as  follow 

In  answer  to  the  first  of  your  Lo'^ps  Qtierys 
Courts  of      The  Courts  of  Justice  are  most  established  by  Act  of 
"""'"•    Assembly  and  they  are 

1.  The  Court  of  Chancery  consisting  of  the  Governor  and 
Council  in  the  Supreme  court  of  this  province  to  which  appeals 
may  be  brought  from  any  other  court 

2.  The  Assembly  finding  the  inconvenience  of  bringing  of  y« 
peace,  Sheriffs,  Constables  @  other  p'sons  concerned  from  the  re- 
mote parts  of  this  government  to  New  York  did  instead  of  the 
Court  of  Assizes  which  was  yearly  held  for  the  whole  Govern- 
ment of  this  province  erect  a  Court  of  Oyer  ano  Terminer  to  be 
held  once  every  year  within  each  County  for  the  determining  of 
such  matters  as  should  arise  within  thera  respectively,  the  mem- 
bers of  which  Court  were  appointed  to  bee  one  of  the  two  judges 
of  this  province  assisted  by  three  justices  of  the  peace  of  that 
county  wher'iin  such  court  is  held.  Which  Court  of  Oyer  & 
Terminer  has  likewise  power  to  hea».  appeals  from  any  inferior 
court 


148 


GOV.  dongan's  report  on 


If.    if 


s  "m-  > 


3.  There  is  likewise  in  New  York  @  Albany  a  Court  of  Mayor 
@  Aldermen  held  once  in  every  fortnight  from  whence  their  can 
be  noe  appeal  unless  the  cause  of  action  bee  above  the  value  of 
Twenty  Pounds,  who  have  likewise  priviledges  to  make  such  by- 
laws for  y«  regulation  of  their  own  affairs  as  they  think  fitt,  soe 
as  the  same  be  approved  of  by  y«  Gov'  @  Council. 

Their  Mayor,  Recorders,  town-clerks  @  Sheriffs  are  appointed 
by  the  Governor 

4.  There  is  likewise  in  every  County  twice  in  every  year  (ex- 
cept in  new  York  where  its  four  times  @  in  Albany  where  its 
thrice)  Courts  of  Sessions  held  by  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  for 
the  resp'ive  county s  as  in  Engld. 

5.  In  every  Town  wt"  y^  Government  there  are  3  Commis- 
sioners appointed  to  hear  and  determine  all  matters  of  difference 
not  exceeding  the  value  of  five  pounds  which  shill  happen  with- 
in the  respective  towns. 

6.  Besides  these,  my  Lords,  I  finding  that  many  great  incon- 
vienences  daily  hapned  in  the  managem'  of  his  Ma'*  particular 
concerns  within  this  province  relating  to  his  Lands,  Rents,  Rights, 
Profits  @  Revenues  by  reason  of  the  great  distance  betwixt  the 
Cursory  settled  Courts  @  of  the  long  delay  which  thereon  conse- 
quently ensued  besides  the  great  hazard  of  venturing  the  matter 
on  country  Jurors  who  over  @  above  that  they  are  generally  ig- 
norant enough  @  for  the  most  part  linked  together  by  affinity 
are  too  much  swayed  by  their  particular  humors  @  interests,  I 
thought  fit  in  Feb.  last  by  @  with  y«  advice  @  consent  of  y"  Coun- 
cil to  settle  and  establish  a  Court  which  we  call  the  court  of  Judi- 
cature [Exchequer]  to  bee  held  before  y*'  GoV  @  Council  for 
the  time  being  or  before  such  @  soe  many  as  the  Gov""  should  for 
that  purpost^  authorize,  comissionat  @  appoint  on  the  first  Monday 
in  every  month  at  New  York,  which  Court  hath  full  power  and 
authority  to  hear,  try  @.  determine  suits  matters  @  variances  aris- 
ing betwixi  his  Ma'y  @  y^  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Province  con- 
cerning the  said  lands,  rents,  rights,  profits  @  revenues 

In  answer  to  the  Second. 
LawBin        The  Laws  in  force  are  y"  Laws  called  his  Royal  High- 
nesses Laws  and  the  acts  of  the  General  Assembly  the 


most  of 
send  ovei 

In  this 
hundred  h 
bee  able  ] 
roaster  sha 

At  New 
roerly  agair 

breast-work 
Harbor  on  i 
by  the  soum 
tar  pieces,  tl 
shells  @Gra 
the  face  of  t\ 
C'ourlin  has  b 
tar  @  all  the 
™y  coming  h« 
And  the  mc 
yet  continue  i 
as  the  mills  ca 
I  am  forcec 
@  have  spoke 
And  the  brej 
its  likewise  nee 
quarters  had  fo 
to  maintain  @  tl 
a  new  roof  to  be 
arch  of  the  Gat 
tbrc't  every  day 
to  bee  making  r( 
The  ground  th 
tains  in  quantity 
have  instead  of 
hsting 

Thd  this  Fortif 


THE  PKOVmCE  OF  NEW-YOKK 

-d  over  b, „,.  Sprag  to  who.     r^Z'"'::®  '"  ''''  '  ''^^^ 

In  answer  to  tkTl7''''^''P^''''' 
In  this  Govern'"  t  thp  ^"^  [°  ^^e  TAird 

hundred  ho.e  besides  ZZ^X  '""^'"'  '-""  ®  "■- 
t"  able  to  give  a  m„.e  partfcZL  "«''°"' <"' "Web  I  ,ha,, 
-aster  shall  „ake  his  returr  """'  "'""'  "»  Muster- 

At  New  York  the^"°''T '"  "" -^''"''* 
-I,  against  the  Cd^s  o;'d*"lt::n°"  k"'™' ''"''' ^- 
breast-work  well  @  pleasantly  I'lZ  f  '"[""  *'"'  ^»''»»«  => 
Harbor  on  a  point  Jj.  ^v  HndlnrR         ""'  ''"'"'«  "^  '1" 
by  the  sound  on  the  other,    I,  la  tL^""-  °''."''  ">»^  ^'-"^  "«'' 
tar  pieces,  thirty  Barils  of  P„w,W  fiV  .^"T"  °''""''  '*»  Mor- 
shell8@Gra„ad„s small  armsT  I     ?°"''"''  ''^"  »°»eBomb. 
the  face  of  the  North  bS„   and  1'  """'  ™'  ^'''»''«'. 

Collin  has  been  done  @  r"  ieb"  ,t  b"  ''°""'.  "'  *"^«°-  «*  « 
tar  @  all  the  rest  of  the  Fort  I„d  1  ^  ""^  "'*  !-'■»«  ®  Mor- 
■»y  coming  here.  '^ ""''  ®  '""gb-oasl  with  lime  since 

And  the  most  of  the  Guns  I  h«r.A  a- 
yet  continue  to  bee  soe  wWch  I  b^    '''™»''»*«' ®  ^"""e  of  them 
»»  the  mills  can  sawe  *°P'  '»  •■""  '»0"«ted  soe  soon 

I  am  forced  to  renew  all  tb-  p  •. 
®  have  spoke  for  new  plnttrfhT'^  """  "■"'■»*  «-k 

a  new  roof  to  bee  upon  it,  as  alsoeiinll^^  '/'"'•  ^'^''^^'^  '^'^-^ 
arch  of  the  Gate  I  have  been  forrtt^  TV"  """  """"S''  «■» 
forc't  every  day  bv  reason  JV  ''"*  *  ^""^  »""  it,    I  am 

'»^ee  --fin/repYr:rsttttrrslr'""^"  ^  «»* 

The  ground  that  the  Fort  sf„n,l.         t?       "*  "  ""J'  "W"- 
tains  in  quantity  about  tw,  »  "/s  or'^b  ®  f  ""'""S^'"  i'-n- 
;:--adofPalisadoesprai:tr^;-S*^^^^ 

-Tb*  .his  For.i«catio„  bee  inconsiderable,  ye.  I  could  Wish  the 


I      i 


■ 


;fe»f 


150 


GOV.  DONGAN*S  REPORT  OW 


R ;  '^' 


m 


King  had  scverall  of  them  in  these  parts,  the  people  growing 
every  day  more  numerous  @  they  generaly  of  a  turbulent  dis- 
position 

In  this  Country  tli  re  is  a  woman  yet  alive  from  whose  Loyns 
there  are  upwards  of  three  hundred  d')  sixtj  persons  now  livi'ig 
The  men  that  are  here  have  generally  lusty  slrt  ng  bodies 
At  Albany  there  is  a  Fort  mude  of  pine  trees  fifteen  foot  high 
@  foot  over  with  Batterys  and  conveniences  made  for  men  to 
walk  about,  where  are  nine  guns,  small  arms  for  forty  men  four 
Barils  of  powder  with  great  and  small  Shott  in  proportion,  The 
Timber  @  Boards  being  rotten  were  renewed  this  year.  In  my 
opinion  it  were  better  that  fort  were  built  up  of  Stone  @  Lime 
which  will  not  be  double  the  charge  of  this  years  repair  which 
yet  will  not  last  above  6  or  7  years  before  it  will  require  the  like 
again  whereas  on  the  contrary  were  it  built  of  Lime  St  Stone  it 
may  bee  far  more  easily  maintained.  And  truly  its  very  necessary 
to  have  a  Fort  there,  it  being  a  frontier  place  both  to  the  Indians 
@  jBFreach 

At  Pemaquid  there  is  another  Fort  built  after  the 

i'eiTiaquid  •    t,  ■,  •      i  i 

Fort  awl      same   manner  as    I   am    informed    a   particular   des- 

Coniiecticut.  _  ... 

cription  whereof  I  am  not  capable  of  giving  having  ne- 
ver been  there  however  its  a  great  charge  to  this  Govermn* 
without  being  any  thing  of  advantage  to  it,  having  officers  there 
with  twenty  men  always  in  pay.  And  which  makes  it  yet  more 
chargeable,  I  am  forced  to  send  from  time  to  time  provisions  @ 
stores  thither  altho'  its  near  four  hundred  miles  from  this  place 
If  his  Ma*y  were  pleased  that  I  might  drinv  of  the  men  and  arms 
from  that  place  with  the  guns  being  of  light  carriage  @  that  I 
might  have  leave  to  put  them  further  into  the  country  I  would 
place  them  where  I  will  give  your  Lo^p  an  ace*  hereafter 

And  then  if  his  Maty  were  further  pleased  to  annex  that  place 
to  Boston,  being  very  convenient  for  them  in  regard  to  its  vici- 
nity affording  great  store  of  Fishery  @  Islands  fit  for  that  pur- 
pose lying  all  along  to  the  eastward  of  them — And  in  lieu  of  that 
to  add  to  this  Government  Connecticut  @  Rhode  Island,  Connec- 
ticut being  so  conveniently  situate  in  its  adjacing  to  us  and  soe 
inconvenient  for  the  peo'^^e  of  Boston  by  reason  of  its  being  up- 


wards of 

necticut  { 

value  tha 

the  river  i 

bee  not  a 

make  any 

Long  Islai 

the  greates 

place  :  An 

&  Peltry. 

ThisGr 
which  his  ] 
King,  and 
these  peoph 
vermt  of  Be 
Ires  directed 

£a«i  and 
West  Jeney. 

Sl 

disembogues 
wise  the  advi 
there  out  of  i 
great  many  o 
annexed  to  tl 
Last  year  t 
sure  that  that 
sey  consume  ( 
rest  of  their 
without  payin 
bility  of  preve 
And  as  for  ; 
carried  thither 
soe  as  they  car 
better  afford  th 
wards  or  outw; 
An  other  in 
<loes  is  that  pri 
and  take  what 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  K£W-YORK. 


161 


wards  of  two  hunilrt'd  miles  distance  from  thence,  Besidis  Con- 
necticut as  it  now  is  takes  away  from  us  almost  all  the  land  of 
value  that  lies  adjoyneing  to  Hudsons  River  («  the  best  part  of 
the  river  itself,  Besides  as  wee  found  by  experience  if  that  place 
bee  not  annexed  to  that  Government  it  will  bte  impossible  to 
make  any  thing  considerable  of  his  Maty*  customs  (<i)  revenues  in 
Long  Island  they  carry  away  with'entiing  all  our  oylcs  which  is 
the  greatest  part  of  what  wee  have  to  make  returns  of  from  this 
place  :  And  from  Albany  and  that  way  up  the  riv  ur  Beaver 
&  Peltry. 

This  G  ^vernment  too  has  an  undoubted  right  to  it  by  charter 
which  liis  late  Ma*y  of  Blessed  Memory  granted  to  our  present 
King,  and  indeed  if  the  form  of  the  Government  bee  altered 
these  people  will  rather  choose  to  come  under  this  than  that  Go- 
verm*  of  Boston  as  y  Lo'P"  will  p'ccive  by  their  present  Gov" 
Ires  directed  to  me 

Emi  and  •^'^^  ^s  ^^^  ^^s*  Jersey  it  being  situate  on  the  other 

we»t  Jersey,  gj^jg  q|-  jjudsons  rivcr  @  bctwccn  us  where  the  river 
disembogues  itself  into  the  sea  paying  noe  custom  @  having  like- 
wise the  advantage  of  having  better  land  (fi)  most  of  the  settlers 
there  out  of  this  Govermn*.  Wee  are  like  to  bee  deserted  by  a 
great  many  of  our  merchants  whoe  intend  to  settle  there  if  not 
annexed  to  this  Government — 

Last  year  two  or  three  ships  came  in  there  with  goods  @  I  am 
sure  that  that  Country  cannot,  noe  not  with  the  help  of  West  Jer- 
sey consume  one  thousand  £b  in  goods  in  two  years  soe  that  the 
rest  of  their  goods  must  have  been  run  into  this  Government 
without  paying  his  Maty^  customs  and  indeed  theres  noe  possi- 
bility of  preventing  it. 

And  as  for  Beaver  @  Peltry  its  impossible  to  hinder  its  being 
carried  thither,  the  Indians  value  not  the  length  of  their  journey 
soe  as  they  can  come  to  a  good  market,  which  those  people  can 
better  afford  them  than  wee  they  paying  noe  custom  or  excise  in- 
wards or  outwards. 

An  other  inconveniency  by  the  Governments  remaining  as  it 
does  is  that  privateers  and  others  can  come  within  Sandy  Hook 
and  take  what  Provisions  @  goods  they  please  from  that  side. 


\  . 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


I^|2j8    |2.5 
i«    111112.0 


1.8 


[1.25   ||U 

^ 

^ 

6"     - 

► 

Pl-^^ 


<l^ 


/ 


f 


/: 


';' 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


,1^>T^^ 


# 


I*'f,p1 


ftl, 


1 


152 


GOV.  dongan's  report  om 


Alsoe  very  often  shipps  bound  to  this  place  break  bulk  there  @ 
run  their  goods  into  that  Colony  \rith  intent  afterwards  to  import 
the  same  privately  @  at  more  leisure  into  this  Province  notwith- 
standing their  oath,  they  salving  themselves  with  this  evasion 
that  that  place  is  not  in  thisGovermS  To  day  an  Interloper  land- 
ed five  tun  @  one  half  of  teeth  there,  to  prevent  all  which  incon- 
veniences @  for  the  securing  of  this  place  from  enemys)  I  desire 
to  have  an  order  to  make  up  a  small  Fort  with  twelve  guns  "pon 
Sandy-Hook  the  channell  there  being  soe  near  the  shore  that  noe 
vessel  can  goe  in  nor  out  but  shec  must  come  soe  neare  the  Point 
that  from  on  board  one  might  toss  a  buiscuit  cake  on  shore 

If  the  Proprietors  would  rightly  consider  it  they  would  fitad  it 
their  own  interest  that  that  place  should  bee  annexed  to  this  Go' 
verment  for  they  are  at  a  greater  charge  for  maintaining  tbe  pre- 
sent Goverm*  than  the  whole  profits  of  the  Province  (which  is 
by  quit  rents)  will  amount  unto ;  for  they  are  at  the  whole  charge 
the  Country  allowing  nothing  towards  its  support  soe  that  had 
they  not  the  charge  of  the  Goverm^  they  might  put  that  money 
into  their  own  pockets  j'-^w 

And  indeed  to  make  Amboy  a  port  will  be  no  less  ineonTenient 
for  the  reasons  afore  mentioned  neighboring  colonys  bleing  not 
come  to  that  P'fection  but  that  one  fort  may  sufficiently  serve 
us  all 

Dajwto  Wg  j^  tjj^g  Government  look  upon  that  bay  that  runs 
H«S?  into  t^e  Sea  at  Sandy  Hook  to  be  Hudsons  River  therfore 
there  being  a  clause  in  my  instructions  directing  mee  that  I  cause 
all  vessels  that  come  into  Hudson's  River  to  enter  at  New  York 
I  desire  to  know  whether  his  Mat7  intends  thereby  those  vessels 
that  come  within  Sandy-Hook,  the  people  of  Eaist-Jersey  pre- 
tending a  right  to  the  river  soe  farr  as  their  province  extends 
which  is  eighteen  miles  up  the  river  to  the  northward  of  this 
place 

West  Jersey  remaining  as  it  does  will  be  no  less  inconvenient 
to  this  Goverm*  for  the  same  reasons  as  East  Jersey,  they  both 
making  but  one  neck  of  land  ®  that  so  near  sitiuate  to  us  that  its 
more  for  their  convenience  to  have  commerce  here  than  any 
where  else,  @  under  those  circumstances  that  if  there  were  a  wan 


THE  PROVIKCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


153 


either  with  Christians  or  Indians  they  would  not  bee  able  to  de- 
fend themselves  without  the  assistance  of  this  Goverm*. 

To  bee  short,  there  is  an  absolute  necessity  those  provinces 
and  that  of  Connecticut  be  annexed 

The  three  lower  Countys  of  Pennsylvania  have  been  a  depen- 
dency on  this  place  @  a  great  many  of  the  inhabitants  person^ 
that  removed  thither  from  this  Goverm*  and  I  doc  not  believe  it 
was  his  Maty*  intention  to  annex  it  to  Pennsylvania,  nor  to  have 
it  subject  to  the  same  laws  it  being  the  King's  own  land,  the  do- 
ing whereof  by  mr  Pen  there  has  been  of  great  detriment  to  thi6 
place  in  hindriiig  the  Tobacco  to  come  hither  as  formerly,  for' 
then  there  came  two  shipps  for  one  that  comes  now  ;  Beaver  @> 
Peltry  taking  up  but  small  Stowage  in  shipps 

;And  indeed  it  were  in  my  opinion  very  necessary  for  the  ad- 
vantage of  this  place  @  increase  of  his  Mat^*  revenue^  that  it 
were  soe  ordered  that  the  Tobacco  of  these  countrys  may  bee 
imported  hither  without  paying  there  the  duty  of  one  penhy  p' 
pound  and  then  wee  should  not  bee  at  such  streights  for  returns^ 
their  trade  would  much  increase,  and  this  place  become  a  maga- 
zin  for  the  Neighboring  provinces,  @  care  taken  that  the  Tobacco 
bee  duly  returned  to  England  whereas  now  a  great  part  of  it  goes 
another  way  @  soe  its  very  necessary  that  the  Collector  of  this 
place  should  be  Collector  of  that  River  for  the  enumerated  com- 
modity s,  And  wee  will  have  such  regard  to  the  advantage  of  this 
port  that  we'el  suffer  noe  fraud  to  bee  committed  th^re  nor  noe 
Tobacco  to  be  exported  but  what  goes  either  directly  for  England 
or  this  place. 

Besides  wee  find  the  contrary  to  bee  Very  inconvenient  in  this 
that  whereas  formerly  the  damnified  Tobacco  which  cam)e  from 
thence  not  fit  for  England  wee  made  up  in  rolls  aiid  sent  y*  same 
up  the  River  to  the  Indians  who  in  Exchange  gave  in  Beaver  @ 
Peltry,  for  want  whereof  his  Maty*  revenue  here  is  much  im*" 
paired  inasmuch  as  the  Indians  are  therefore  forct  either  to  Plant 
the  tobacco  themselves  or  to  goe  where  they  can  be  furnished 
with  it  ©there  carry  their  beavof®  peltry  (they  being  of  that' 
temper  that  they  iiad  rather  want  clothes  than  TobaCeo)by  which 
Meanes  his  Maty*  revenue  sustains  a  double  loss,  otte  in  the  ten 


i    }      r'» 


r  I 


164 


GOT.  DONGAn's  report  ON 


pe'  cent  such  tobacco  pays  custom  up  the  river  @  the  other  in 
the  custom  of  such  Beaver  @  peltry  as  the  same  would  produce 

Further  if  Pennsylvania  bee  continued  as  by  charter  running 
five  degrees  to  the  westward  it  will  take  in  the  most  of  the  five 
nations  that  lye  to  the  westward  of  Albany  @  the  whole  Beaver  @ 
Peltry  trade  of  that  place  the  consequence  whereof  will  be  the 
depopulation  of  this  Qoverm^  for  the  people  must  follow  the 
trade.  Those  Indians  and  the  people  of  this  Ooverm*  have  been 
in  continued  peace  @  amity  one  with  another  these  fifty  years 
And  those  Indians  about  forty  years  agoe  did  annex  their  lands  to 
this  Governm^  ®  have  ever  since  constantly  renewed  the  same 
with  every  Governor  that  has  been  here  both  in  the  time  of  the 
Dutch  @  the  English  ®  in  particular  to  myself  who  have  given 
them  largely  in  consideration  of  their  lands  And  I  am  certainly 
informed  that  they  have  declared  they  will  go  @  live  on  y^  other 
side  of  the  lake  than  be  under  any  other  Goverm*  on  this  than 
ours,  Endeavors  have  been  used  (tho  to  noe  purpose)  to  p'suade 
some  of  our  Traders  who  speak  the  language  to  goe  and  live  upon 
the  Susquehanna  river  tho  I  cannot  yet  find  out  by  whom  this  has 
been  made. 

The  five  Indian  nations  are  the  most  warlike  people  in  Ameri- 
ca, @  are  a  bulwark  between  us  @  the  French  @  all  other  In- 
dians they  goe  as  far  as  the  South  Sea  the  North  West  passage 
@  Florida  to  warr.  New  England  in  their  last  warr  with  the 
Indians  had  been  ruined  had  not  S'  Edmund  Andros  sent  some  of 
those  nations  to  their  assistance,  and  indeed  they  are  soe  conside- 
rable that  all  the  Indians  in  these  parts  of  America  are  tributary 
to  them.  I  suffer  no  Christians  to  converse  with  them  any  where 
but  at  Albany  @  that  not  without  my  license 

Since  I  came  here  the  people  of  Boston  have  sent  them  presents 
in  acknouledgement  of  their* favor  @  friendship.  @  I  was  forc't 
to  goe  with  my  Lord  Effingham  to  bury  his  hatchet  and  theirs 
which  is  their  way  of  making  a  peace 

I  have  sent  herewith  what  the  nations  that  conquered 
""ownt        *^®  Susquehannas  desired  of  the  King  in  my  Lord  Ef- 
fingham's presence  and  I  believe  it  to  be  of  dangerous 
consequence  if  denyed 


.    WJ 


THB  niOTIirCE  OF  KEW-YOBX. 


166 


This  Governm*  has  always  been  and  still  is  at  a  great  cha^e 
to  keep  them  peaceable  ®  annexed  to  this  government  which  is 
of  that  moment  that  upon  any  occasion  I  can  have  three  or  four 
thousand  of  their  men  at  a  call. 

I  cannot  believe  that  ever  it  was  the  King's  intention  to  grant 

away  soe  considerable  a  part  of  this  gov/ernment  which  has  been 

iTuni,  a  ^  '®"S  appropriated  to  it  @  even  the  people  think  it 

for  the  Beaver  gg  a  part  of  themselves  @  would  be  much  troubled  at 

Trade.  * 

a  separation  from  soe  good  @  ancient  neighbours  that 
at  first  of  their  own  free  wills  became  soe  and  have  ever  since 
continued  with  such  constancy  to  desire  and  maintain  a  mutual 
friendship  and  correspondence  If  therefore  his  Ma^r  were  pleased 
to  have  a  line  run  from  41^  and  40  m  in  Delaware  River  to  the 
Falls  upon  the  Susquehanna  and  to  let  Mr.  Pen  keep  all  below 
that  it  would  be  sufficient  for  him  the  bounds  below  it  being  con- 
jectured to  contain  more  than  all  England  besides  the  louer  Coun- 
tys  whicH  is  near  upon  100  miles  from  the  Cape  up  the  river ; 
and  in  bredth  more  than  30  miles  as  is  generally  beleeved 

To  preserve  the  Beaver  ®  Peltry  trade  for  this  ®  Albany  and 
to  be  an  encouragement  to  our  Beaver  hunters  I  desire  I  may  have 
order  to  erect  a  Campayne  Fort  upon  Delaware  River  in  41^  40 
m  ;  another  upon  the  Susquehanna  where  his  Mat7  shall  think  fit 
Mr.  Penns  bounds  shall  terminate.  And  another  at  Oneigra 
near  the  great  lake  in  the  way  where  our  people  goe  a  Beaver 
hunting  or  trading  or  any  where  else  where  I  shall  think  conve- 
nient it  being  very  necessary  for  the  support  of  Trade,  maintain- 
ing a  correspondence  with  the  further  Indians,  @  in  securing  our 
right  in  the  country  the  French  making  a  pretence  as  far  as  the 
Bay  of  Mexico,  for  which  they  have  no  other  argument  than  that 
they  have  had  possession  this  twenty  years  by  their  fathers  living 
so  long  among  the  Indians  they  have  fathers  still  among  the  five 
nations  aforementioned  viz.  the  Maquaes,  Sinicaes,  Cayouges, 
Oneides,  and  Onondagues  @  have  converted  many  of  them  to  the 
Christian  Faith  ®  doe  their  utmost  to  draw  them  to  Canada,  to 
which  place  there  are  already  6  or  700  retired  and  more  like  to 
doe,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  this  Goverm*  if  not  prevented.  I 
have  done  my  endeavours  @  have  gone  so  far  in  it  that  I  have 


!   ! 


k  , 


i  ■'  '1 


'  i  ^ 


f''  *!" 


mi 


106. 


GOT.  DOKGAN's  report  OV 


i    • 


indUnifrom  prevailed  with  the  Indians  to  consent  to  come  back 
CMkdB.  ^^^^^  Canada  on  condition  that  I  procure  for  them  a 
piece  of  land  called  Serachtague  lying  upon  Hudson's  Rirer  about 
40  miles  above  Albany  @  there  furnish  them  with  priests 

Thereupon  and  upon  a  petition  of  the  people  of  Albany  to  mee 
setting  forth  the  reasonableness  and  conveniency  of  granting  to 
the  Indians  there  requests  I  have  procured  the  land  for  them, 
altho  it  has  been  formerly  patented  to  people  at  Albany  @  have 
promised  the  Indians  that  they  shall  have  priests  and  that  I  will 
build  them  a  church  @  have  assured  the  people  of  Albany  that  I 
would  address  to  his  Maty  as  to  your  Lo'P*  that  care  may  bee 
taken  to  send  over  by  the  first  five  or  six  it  being  a  matter  of 
grf^at  consequence.   . 

These  Indians  have  about  10  or  12  castles  (as  they  term  them) 
(§1,  those  at  a  great  distance  one  from  another,  soe  that  there  is 
an  absolute  necessity  of  having  soe  many  priests,  that  there  bee 
three  always  travelling  from  castle  to  castle,  @  the  rest  to  live 
with  those  that  are  Christians,  Dy  that  means  the  French  Priests 
vifill  be  obliged  to  retire  to  Canada,  whereby  the  French  will  be 
divested  of  their  pretence  to  y«  Country  @  then  wee  shall  enjoy 
that  trade  without  any  fear  cf  being  diverted, 

I  find  a  very  small  matter  will  seruejthe  French  for  a  pretence 
of.  right.  About  30  years  ago  6  or  700  of  them  taking  advantage 
oC  the  Indians  being  abroad  soe  farr  as  Cape  Florida  at  warr 
came  down  @  burnt  a  castle  of  the  Maquaes  wherein  there  were 
noQie  but  old  men  women  @  children  which  the  rest  of  the  Indians 
hearing  pursued  the  French  to  a  place  called  Sconectade  about  20 
miles  above  Albany  where  they  had  every  man  been  cut  off  had 
not  one  Corlarr  (a  Dutchman  so  beloved  of  the  Indians  that  in 
mmQry  of  him  they  call  all  Governors  by  that  name)  interposed 

I](owever  from  that  time  they  have  fancied  to  themselves  that 
they  have  a  right  to  the  country  so  farr  as  that  place 

The  great  difference  between  us  is  about  the  Beaver  trade  and 
in  truth  they  have  the  advantage  of  us  in  it  @  that  by  noe  other 
meanes  than  by  their  industry  in  making  discoveries  in  the  coun- 
try before  us 

Before  my  coming  hither  noe  man  of  our  Governm^  ever  went 


-P, 


THB  PROTINOE  OF  NEW-YOBX. 


167 


beyond  the  Sinicaes  country,  Last  year  some  of  our  people  went 
a  trading  among  the  farr  Indians  called  the  Ottowais  inhabiting 
about  three  months  journey  to  the  West  @  W.  N.  W.  of  Albany 
from  whence  they  brought  a  good  many  Beavers.  They  found 
their  people  more  inclined  to  trade  with  them  than  the  French 
the  French  not  being  able  to  protect  them  from  the  arms  of  our 
Indians,  with  whom  they  have  had  a  continued  warr,  soe  that 
our  Indians  brought  away  this  very  last  year,  a  great  many  pri- 
soners, 

Last  week  I  sent  for  some  of  our  Indians  to  New  York  where 
when  they  came  I  obtained  a  promise  from  them  that  some  of 
themselves  would  goe  along  with  such  of  our  people  as  goe  from 
Albtoy  &  Esopus  to  there  far  nations  ®  carry  with  them  the  cap- 
tives they  haue  prisoners  in  order  to  the  restoring  them  to  their 
liberty  @  bury  their  hatchetts  with  those  of  their  enemys  by  which 
means  a  path  may  be  opened  for  these  farr  Indians  to  come  with 
safety  to  trade  at  Albany,  and  our  people  goe  thither  without  any 
let  or  disturbance 

I  hear  the  French  have  built  a  Wooden  Fort  or  two  in  the 
Way  thither  @  that  there  are  two  officers  with  men  in  them  to 
obstruct  our  passage,  I  am  sending  a  Scotch  Oent  called  M<:Gre- 
ger  (that  served  formerly  in  France)  along  with  our  people,  hee 
has  orders  not  to  disturb  or  meddle  with  the  French  and  I  hope 
they  will  not  meddle  with  him,  ^ver  since  my  coming  hither  it 
has  been  no  small  trouble  to  keep  the  Sinicaes  from  making  warr 
upon  the  French,  Monsieur  De  la  Bair  was  very  hot  upon  it  ® 
brought  a  great  many  men  to  a  place  called  Cadaraque  lying  on 
the  lake  with  intent  to  fall  on  the  Indians,  who  hearing  of  it 
came  to  me  for  leave  to  enter  Canade  with  fire  @  sword,  which  I 
reftised  to  permit  but  immediately  I  wro*  to  La  Barr  @  let  him 
know  that  those  Indians  were  his  Mat7>  of  Great  Britain's  sub- 
jects @  that  he  must  not  molest  them  @  that  if  the  Indians  had 
done  the  Govemm^  of  Canada  any  injury,  upon  his  making  the 
same  appear,  I  would  cause  that  hee  should  have  satisfaction  as 
also  I  sent  the  arms  of  his  Royal  Highness  now  his  Majesty  to  bee 
put  up  in  each  castle  as  far  as  Oneigra  which  was  accordingly 


k-/ 


k 


W^'\ 


V 


(■     / 


•.-a.yai: 


158 


GOV.  DONGAn'f  REPORT  ON 


,x^ 


i   k 


done,  @  thereupon  De  la  Barr  retired  without  doing  any  thing 
after  having  been  at  a  vast  expense  and  all  to  no  purpose 

The  new  Governor  Mods'  de  Nonville  has  written  xnee  that  hee 
desires  to  have  a  very  good  correspondence  with  this  Goverm'  @ 
I  hope  hee  will  bee  as  good  as  his  word,  notwithstanding  he  put 
a  great  deal  of  provisions  into  @  keeps  four  or  five  hundred  men 
in  Cadaraque 

Last  spring  he  sent  one  De  la  Croa  with  fifty  soldiers  @  one 
hundred  young  men  of  Canada  to  the  North  West  passage  where 
as  I  am  certainly  informed  from  Canada  they  have  taken  three 
forts.  About  two  years  since  there  came  a  thousand  men  from 
France  to  Canada  with  the  new  Gov'  @  three  hundred  came 
the  year  after.  But  the  most  part  of  them  as  I  hear  are  since 
dead  the  country  proving  too  cold  for  them.  Wee  need  not 
/ieare  them  soe  long  as  the  Indians  continue  to  bee  our  friends  @ 
the  less  if  wee  can  prevail  with  the  Indians  that  are  Christians 
to  come  from  them  to  us,  they  being  generally  the  youngest  @ 
«ustiest  men. 

The  nnm-     ^^^  7^^^  there  was  a  list  brought  into  the  new  Gov'  of 
FMnoh  in  17000  French  Inhabitants  in  Canada,  men  women  ® 


Vm 


children  of  which  3000  fit  to  bear  arms 

It  will  be  very  necessary  for  us  to  encourage  our  young  men 
to  goe  a  Beaver  Hunting  as  the  French  doe 

I  send  a  Map  by  Mr  Spragg  whereby  your  LoP*  may  see  the 
several  Goverm*'  &c  how  they  lye  where  the  Beaver  hunting  is 
@  where  it  will  bee  necessary  to  erect  our  Country  Forts  for  the 
securing  of  beaver  trade  ®  keeping  the  Indians  in  community 
with  us 

Alsoe  it  points  out  where  theres  a  great  river  discovered  by  one 
L^uKsal  a  Frenchman  from  Canada  who  thereupon  went  into  France 
®  and  as  its  reported  brought  two  or  three  vessfJs  with  people 
to  settle  there  which  (if  true)  will  prove  not  only  very  inconve- 
nient to  us  but  to  the  Spanish  alsoe  (the  river  running  all  along 
from  our  lakes  by  the  back  of  Virginia  @  Carolina  into  the  Bay 
Mexico)  @  its  beleeved  Ndva  Mexico  can  not  bee  far  from  the 
mountains  adjoining  to  it  that  place  being  in  36d  North  Latitude 
'tf  your  LoP*  thought  it  fit  I  could  send  a  sloop  or  two  from  this 
place  to  discover  that  river 


Mirhbon  ^ 

CoDiiecJ 

may  have 

In  it  the 

or  removec 

They  ha 

Indies  Bost 

They  hai 

belonging  t 

The  coun 

bors  @  two 

harbor  for  a 

As  for  their 

The  Correi 

cable  @  good 

offices  of  Fri 

endeared  the 

part  of  this  ( 

to  come  unde 

afore  mention 

been  a  part  c 

not  soe  easy  n 

united  to  us 


What 
anoMfto 


Iti 


is 


What  are       p„ 
the  boan.        '  Or  , 
dariei  ton-  t  ,„« 

Stode  ft  -L  refer 
*o         Will  see 
The  land  of  | 
cept  the  land 
into  the  count! 
quantities  very  f 
What  was  go 


'f^ 


/  ll 


THE  PROriNCE  OF  NS\V-TOBK. 


159 


'! 


of  our 

Mifhbon 


In  anttoer  to  the  Fifth 
This  query  is  for  the  most  part  answered  in  the  prece- 
dent what  is  not  answered  followeth  here 

Connecticut  according  to  the  nearest  conjecture  I  can  make 
may  have  about  3000  men  able  to  bear  arms 

In  it  there  are  but  few  Indians  having  been  generally  destroyed 
or  removed  into  this  government  in  the  time  of  the  last  warrs 

They  have  but  a  small  trade,  what  they  have  is  to  the  West- 
Indies  Boston  and  this  place. 

They  have  not  above  a  Ketch  or  two  and  about  6  or  7  sloops 
belonging  to  the  place. 

The  country  is  very  good  accommodated  with  several  good  har- 
bors @  two  considerable  rivers  New  London  is  ®  very  good 
harbor  for  shipping  where  they  may  ride  secure  from  all  winds' 
As  for  their  timber  its  the  same  as  ours  here 

To  the  Sisth 

The  Correspondence  wee  hold  with  our  neighbors  is  very  ami- 
cable @  good  wee  on  all  occasions  doing  to  each  other  all  the 
offices  of  Friendship  @  Service  wee  can  :  which  has  soe  much 
endeared  them  to  us  that  they  desire  nothing  more  than  to  be  a 
part  of  this  Goverm*  those  of  Connecticut  choosing  farr  rather 
to  come  under  this  Goverm^  than  that  of  Boston  for  the  reasons 
afore  mentioned  and  the  Jerseys  wishing  the  like  as  having  once 
been  a  part  of  us.  And  seeing  that  in  this  separation  they  are 
not  soe  easy  nor  safe,  as  they  might  expect  to  bee,  were  they  re- 
united to  us 

To  the  Seventh 
^!^  *«      It  is  answered  in  the  answer  to  the  Fourth 

aimes  so 

To  the  Eighth 
^SiMk     ^^^  *^®  longitude  latitude  and  contents  of  this  Goverm* 
ritodS**"!  '®^®'  y®'  ^°^'  t®  *^®  afore- mentioned  Map  wherein  you 
Stimda     ^j]j  ggg  jjj  ^jjj^^  narrow  bounds  we  are  cooped  up 

The  land  of  this  Goverment  is  generally  barren  rocky  land  ex- 
cept the  land  wee  have  right  to  on  the  Susquehanna  river  @  up 
into  the  country  amongst  our  Indians  where  there  are  great 
quantities  very  good  , 

What  was  good  ®  did  lye  convenient  and  near  the  sea  for  y* 


I'd  '  I 

J:':'; 

1  I'  •>       . 


\  i 


leo 


GOV.  donqam's  bkfokt  ox 


,( 


^1  ^    Si 


Xi 


most  part  is  taken  from  us  by  Connecticut  East  and  West  Jersey 
What  is  left  is  pretty  well  settled,  as  your  L^P*  will  perceive 
by  the  list  of  patents  Mr.  Sprag  has  with  him 

When  I  came  to  the  Goverment,  I  found  very  little  quit-rent 
reserved  to  his  Ma^x  bowever  I  have  got  the  people  with  their 
pwn  consent  to  the  payment  of  a  certainty  as  yo'  Lop*  may  per- 
ceive by  the  afore  mentioned  list  of  patents.  Such  as  pay  noe 
quit-rents  I  bring  into  the  aforementioned  court  for  his  Maty* 
rents  @  revenues  where  in  a  short  time  they  are  easily  induced 
to  doe  it,  @  I  hope  his  Ma^y  will  have  considerable  revenue  by  it 

To  the  Mnth 

What  are      Tb^  princy)al  towns  within  the  Goverm*  are  New  York 
^  w^  Albany  @  Kingston  at  Esopus    All  the  rest  are  country 

villages  the  buildings  in  New- York  @  Albany  are  gene- 
rally of  stone  @  brick.  In  the  country  the  houses  are  mostly 
new  built,  having  two  or  three  rooms  on  a  floor  The  Dutch  are 
great  improvers  of  land  New  York  @  Albany  live  wholly  upon 
trade  with  the  Indians  England  and  the  West  Indies.  The  re- 
turns for  England  are  generally  Beaver  Peltry  Oile  @  Tobacco 
when  we  can  have  it.  To  the  West  Indies  we  send  Flower,  Bread 
Pease  pork  @  sometimes  horses ;  the  return  from  thence  for  the 
most  part  is  rumm  which  pays  the  King  a  considerable  esccise  ® 
some  molasses  which  serves  the  people  to  make  drink  @  pays  noe 
custom 

There  are  about  nine  of  ten  three  mast  vessels  of  about 

80  or  100  tons  burthen  two  or  three  ketches  @  Barks  of 
about  40  Tun  :  and  about  twenty  sloops  of  about  twenty  or  five 
®  twenty  Tunn  belonging  to  the  Goverm*  All  of  which  trade 
for  England  Holland  @  the  West  Indies  except  six  or  seven 
sloops  that  use  the  river  trade  to  Albany  @  that  way 

The  Tenth  is  answered  in  the  answers  to  liie  four  ® 
twentieth 

To  the  Eleventh 

A  thousand  ships  may  ride  here  safe  from  winds  ® 
weather,  I  send  herewith  to  your  LodP  a  Mi^  from  the 
coming  in  of  Sf^y  Hook  to  the  northermost  end  of  this  Island 


Ships* 


Htiwmuy 
parish  e« 
FNoinU  fc« 


Whstriv^q 
narbonor 
rooda  *o 


TUB  PBOTIMOB  OV  BEW-TOBX* 


161 


wlMre'iB  the  Soundings  are  markt  by  which  yovil  pt^oeire  the 
coining  in  ®  conveniency  of  this  harbor 

Quit  along  the  north  side  of  Long-Island  are  very  good  hu^ 
bors  @  roads  but  on  the  south  side  nonu  at  all 

To  the  Twelfth 
What  com*.       What  account  I  can  at  present  give  of  this  is  for  the 
^'  **        most  part  contained  in  my  answer  to  the  fourth  of  your 
LoP*  Queries 

To  the  Thirtemth 
^2Tk«hu  Both  our  neighbors  and  wee  have  conveniency  sufB- 
■Miwi^*o  cient  either  for  transporting  timber  or  building  And  for 
tryal  if  your  LodP  think  fit)  I  will  send  over  boards  of  what  di- 
mensions you  please  the  three  inch  planks  I  have  for  the  Batteries 
coat  me  fifteen  shillings  the  humlred  foot 

To  the  Fourteenth 
J|[fcj*»  srii     I  can  give  y«  Lo     noe  account  at  present  but  by  the 

next  I  may.  I  will  make  a  diligent  enquiry  about  it® 
when  I  have  got  any  thing  worthy  of  your  LoP*  knowledge  I 
will  acquaint  you  with  it 

To  the  Fifteenth 
ee^hu'^l     Concerning  the  number  of  the  Inhabitants  merchant 

English  ®  Forreigners,  Servants  Slaves  @  how  many 
able  to  bear  arms  it  is  not  possible  to  give  an  exact  account  but 
in  order  to  my  being  certainly  informed  I  have  issued  forth  seve- 
ral warrants  to  the  Sheriffs  within  this  goverment  requiring  them 
to  make  an  inquiry  thereof  ®  to  return  the  sane  to  mee  on  which 
returns  I  shall  not  fail  to  give  your  LodP'  the  account  required 

To  the  Sixteenth 
aPSn!^^  I  believe  for  these  7  years  last  past,  there  has  not 
o^p^VpJlw  come  over  into  this  province  twenty  English  Scotch  or 
iSTiTwrAo  "  Irish  familys.  But  on  the  contrary  on  Long  Island  the 
people  encrease  soc  fast  that  they  complain  for  want  of  land  ® 
many  remove  from  thence  into  the  neighboring  province.  But 
of  French  there  have  since  my  coming  here  several  familys  come 
both  from  St.  Christophers  &  England  @  a  great  many  more  are 
expected  as  alsoe  from  Holland  are  come  several  Dutch  familys 
which  is  another  great  argument  of  the  necessity  of  adding  to 
11 


•'  •■  i 


'«■•'! 


1   ! 


M 


OOr.  DOHOAIl'l  WLWOKt  OR 


this  Ooverm>  the  neighbouring  English  Colonys,  thnt  a  moreeqiml 
ballance  m«y  bee  krpt  here  between  his  Maty*  natural!  bom  sub- 
jects and  foreigners  'which  latter  are  the  most  prevailing  part  of 
this  Government 

I  send  herewith  a  petition  of  the  new  come  naturalized  French 

For  Antwtr  to  the  Seventeenth  If  Eighteenth 

irambw^f**  ^  ™***^  ^^^^^  y^"'  ^°''  *°  ™y  "**^  ^y  which  time  I 
ci»iM«mD(ti  doubt  not  but  to  be  able  to  give  y*  desired  account 
2;^^''^^^  having  to  that  end  issued  forth  the  like  warrant  to  the 


Sheriff  as  aforesaid 

To  the  Mneteenih 


Wtai< 
flgniAo 


«r(MMi»St     -^^  concerning  y*  vessels  belonging  to  this  place  it  is 
*"  already  answered  in  the  answer  to  y'  LoP'  ninth  Querie 

®  for  others  they  are  but  few  which  are  either  from  England 
New  England  or  the  West  Indies 

To  the  Taentieth 
lOtMtnM.    What  obstructions  do  you  find  to  the  improvement 
of  trade  &c 

Jlns.  a  great  obstruction  to  our  trade  is  the  hindring  the  im- 
porting Tobacco  from  the  three  lower  Countys  in  Delaware  as  I 
have  already  given  your  LoP'  an  account  in  answer  to  the  fifth 
of  your  queries 

It  is  likewise  a  great  hindrance  to  our  trade  here  ®  an  incon- 
veniency  to  the  ships  that  come  out  of  England  and  the  fishery 
that  his  Maty  keeps  not  an  officer  at  Newfoundland  for  formerly 
there  went  every  year  Sloops  with  provisions  thither  ®  gave  the 
provisions  in  exchange  for  their  fish  who  again  sold  them  to  the 
Shipps  for  Bills  of  Exchange  to  England  which  made  good  re- 
turns from  this  place  procuring  back  from  England  English  goods 
which  paid  his  Maty  custom  there 

For  the  regulation  of  our  trade  we  have  made  several  rules 
among  ourselves,  the  chief  of  which  is  that  noe  goods  of  the 
product  of  Europe  or  West  Indies  bee  imported  into  this  province 
unless  it  were  directly  from  England  or  such  part  of  the  We^t 
Indies  where  such  commoditys  were  produced^  without  paying 
as  a  custom  to  his  Matr  10  pr  cent 


WftM  «4tm. 

iMa*  or  iiif 
prnvem«nM 
May  b«  ffiiinad 
la  your  irada 

To 

\VhM  raiw 
•lid  tluin 

.      ,  cient  I  sha 
The  Rev 
upon  his  M 
lembly  pay 
For  ever 
imported  inl 
money  of  tli 
For  everj 
Sherry  @  al 
money  aforei 
Upon  all  0 
pendencys  th 
for  every  hue 
hereafter  spec 
Salt,  Brid 
wool  Ginger, 
•    bacco  bullion 
Upon  all  m 
fela,  Strouds, 
White  Ozenbi 

Cotton,  Red  K 

goods  the  sum 

hundred  poun 

any  vessel  sloe 

Upon  every 

,.  Upon  every 

For  every  G 

For  every  G 

bee  carried  up 

aforesaid 

And  likewise 


THK  raOTIMCK  OF  MCW-TOmS. 


163 


wkM  •«i»«ii.  ^°  '**  *"**  °^^  Twentieth 

i!^v«m«iiu'       "^^i*  quertc  is  sufficiently  answered  in  the  foregoing 

SVo^-'rl*"  answer. 

To  the  two  and  Twentieth  concerning  the  Revenue 

^^duiyi**  ^  *^*^^  K'^*  y^^^  ^**'"  ^  *x8ct  an  answer  to  this 
*"  querie  as  its  possible  for  me,  and  wherein  I  am  defi- 

cient I  shall  acquaint  your  LoP*  with  the  true  causes  of  it 

The  Revenue  except  that  of  the  Quit-Rents  has  been  settled 
upon  his  Mutr  then  his  Royal  Highness  @  his  heirs  by  act  of  Ai- 
lembly  payable  in  manner  following  viz* 

For  every  Gallon  of  Rum  Brandy  @  distilled  liquors  to  bee 
imported  into  the  province  @  its  dependencys  fou  pence  currant 
money  of  the  province 

For  every  pipe  of  Madera,  Fyal  St  George  Canary  Malaga 
Sherry  ®  all  sweet  wines  the  summ  of  forty  shillings  currtJit 
money  aforesaid 

Upon  all  other  merchandizes  imported  into  the  province  ®  de- 
pendencys the  summ  of  forty  shillings  currant  money  aforesaid 
for  every  hundred  pounds  valued  at  the  prime  cost  except  those 
hereafter  specified  viz* 

Salt,  Brick,  Pan-tyles,  Coals,  Fixh,  Sugar  Molasses,  Cotton- 
wool Ginger,  Logwood,  brasalette,  fiustyk  west-India  hydes,  To- 
bacco bullion  ®  Plate 

Upon  all  merchandize  commonly  called  Indian  Goods  as  Duf- 
fels, Strouds,  Blankelts,  plains,  half-thicks,  Woolen  StokinSi 
White  Ozenbriggs,  kettles,  hatchets,  hoes,  Red  Lead,  vermilion, 
Cotton, Red  Kersey, Knives, Indian  Haberdashery®  other  Indian 
goods  the  summ  of  ten  pounds  currant  money  aforesaid  for  every 
hundred  pounds  value  prime  cost  carried  up  Hudsons  river  in 
any  vessel  sloops  boats  or  canoes  or  any  other  way 

Upon  every  baril  of  powder  twelve  shillings 

Upon  every  lb.  weight  of  lead  six  shillings 

For  every  Gun  or  Gun-Baril  with  a  lock  six  shillings 

For  every  Gall',  of  Rum,  Brandy  or  distilld  Liquors  that  shall 
bee  carried  up  Hudsons  river  aforesaid  four  pence  currant  money 
aforesaid 

And  likewise  by  the  said  act  is  settled  upon  his  Matr,  his  heirs 


>        'Tl 


I 


164 


QOW.  DONGAN'S  BEPORT  OIT 


Fir.  ^ 


m\- 


^'i 


1 


s 
'if. 


* 


m  1/ 


^v/< 


K 


@  successors  an  excise  upon  all  liquors  (beer  and  cyder  excepted) 
retailed  under  five  gallons  the  sum  of  t%relve  pence  currant  money, 
aforesaid  within  y"  city  @  county  of  New  York  per  gallon  as  alsoe 
the  excise  of  twelve  pence  currant  money  aforesaid  upon  each 
gallon  of  liquor  CHrrled  up  Hudsons  river.  And  also  an  excise  of 
twelve  pence  on  liquors  retailed  throughout  the  whole  province 
®  Dependencies  (beer  and  cyder  only  excepted) 

As  alsoe  the  custom  @  duty  upon  every  beaver  skin  commonly 
called  a  whole  Beaver,  nine  pence 

And  that  all  other  furs  @  peltry  bee  valued  accordingly  that  is 
for  two  half  beavers  nine  pence  for  four  lappa  nine  pence  three 
drillings  one  shilling'sixpence  ten  ratoons  ninepence  four  foxes 
ninepence,  four  fishers  ninepence,  five  catts  ninepence,  four  @ 
twenty  mees-catts  ninepence,  ten  mailers  nine  pence,  twenty-four 
pounds  of  Moose  @  Deer  Skin  ninepence-  And  all  other  Peltry 
to  be  valued  equivalent  to  the  whole  beaver  exported  out  of  this 
Province  (bull  @  cowhides  excepted) 

And  alsoe  that  all  Indian  traders  throughout  the  whole  province 
@  dependencies  doe  pay  for  the  value  of  each  hundred  pounds 
prime  cost  they  traffick  with  the  Indians  for,  ten  pounds  money 
aforesaid 

And  for  all  Beer  @  Sider  retailed  throughout  the  Province  ® 
dependencies  six  shillings  per  baril,  and  for  each  baril  of  beer  or 
sidcr  that  is  sold  to  the  Indians  six  shillings  as  if  retailed 
Qnit  Renu  As  for  the  Quit  Rents  at  my  arrival  they  were  very 
inconsiderable  most  made  b^  S'  Edmond  Andros,  the  greatest 
part  whereof  in  Delaware  River  the  most  part  of  the  patents 
granted  by  my  predecessors  were  without  any  reservation  of  any 
Quit-Rents  or  acknowledgment  to  his  Ma*y  or  very  inconsidera- 
ble such  as  several  of  S'  Edmond  Andros's  grants  to  great  town- 
ships reserving  the  Quit-rent  of  our  Land  only  @  were  but  con- 
firmations of  former  grants  @  Indian  purchases.  These  people 
have  renewed  their  Patents  under  a  greater  Quit-Rent  as  will  ap- 
pear by  the  list  sent  herewith  most  of  these  patents  granted  by 
mee  were  confirmations  alsoe 

The  methods  that  I  took  for  the  obliging  them  to  this  was  find- 
ing several  tracts  of  land  in  their  townships  not  purchased  of  the 


Indians  i 

to  submi 

disposed 

The  pc 

ment  of  h 

are  Mr  L\ 

Highness, 

out  of  En^ 

three  yean 

Ban  (on 

ment  of  ti 
make  any  j 
ness  wherel 
curned  hee 
sheriffs  or  . 
And  alsoe  w 
business  thei 
Receiver,  wi 
hee  sho^  re( 
«ich  moneys 
Clerk  of  the 
a  competent 
At  Esopus 
lecter  @  rec< 
accounted  wil 
forct  to  send  i 
accts  who  wl 
confused  acct| 
with  a  great 
'for  his  Matxi 
house  so  that 
years  ®  on  h^ 

Since  that 
Pawling  sherij 

As  for  the 
l*0P«  will  see 
And  for  thel 


m'\ 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-TOBK. 


165 


Indians  and  soe  at  his  Maty*  (Hsposal.  They  were,  willing  rather 
to  submit  to  a  greater  Quit  Rent  than  have  that  unpurchased  land 
disposed  of  to  others  than  themselves 

The  persons  that  have  had  the  collection  receipt  @  manage- 
ment of  his  Maty'«  revenue  for  these  three  years  past  @  upwards 
are  Mr  Lucas  Santcn  by  commission  from  hisMa^y  then  his  Royal 
Highness,  Collecter  @  Receiver.  John  Smith  one  that  he  brought 
out  of  England  was  his  deputy  book-keeper  @  surveyor  for  about 
three  years  @  crit  John  Harlow  a  servant  of  his,  waiter  @  searcher 
Switon  I  gave  order  to  Mr  Santon  that  for  the  good  manage- 

ment of  this  small  revenue  to  y^  best  advantage  hee  should  not 
make  any  journey  into  the  country  on  pretence  of  the  King's  busi- 
ness whereby  to  put  him  to  charge,  but  that  when  any  thing  oc- 
curred hee  should  acquaint  mee  with  it  that  I  might  order  the 
sheriffs  or  Jutices  of  the  Peace  of  the  Place  to  take  care  of  it. 
And  alsoe  went  up  to  Albany  myself  on  purpose  to  settle  his  Maty" 
business  there  where  I  made  one  Robert  Livingstone  Collecter® 
Receiver,  with  order  to  ace*  w*""  @  pay  into  Mr  Santer  w*  money 
hee  sho^  receive  for  which  he  was  to  have  1"  per  Pound  of  all 
such  moneys  as  should  pass  through  his  hands,  ®  alsoe  made  him 
Clerk  of  the  Town  that  both  places  together  might  afford  him 
a  competent  maintenance 

At  Esopus  one  Thomas  Garton  was  by  Mr  Santon  made  col- 
lecter <(^  receiver  who  as  I  find  by  Mr  Saotons  account  had  not 
accounted  with  him  for  these  three  years  past.  Upon  wch  I  was 
forct  to  send  an  order  of  Council  for  his  coming  hither  with  his 
accts  who  when  hee  came  gave  in  a  scrole  of  paper  containing  a 
confused  acct  of  about  JE200.  pretending  that  his  accts  together 
with  a  great  deal  of  com  @  Peltry  by  him  collected  @  received 
'for  his  Maty"  customs  excise  @  Quit-Rents  were  burnt  in  his 
house  so  that  all  the  council  @  I  could  get  from  him  for  three 
years  @  on  half  past  was  a  bond  of  JE200. 

Since  that  I  have  set  the  Excise  of  that  country  alone  to  Mr 
Pawling  sheriff  for  £1 10. 

As  for  the  county  of  Richmond  I  have  noe  acct  thereof,  as  your 
LoP"  will  see  by  the  audit. 

And  for  the  county  of  West  Chester  one  ColKns  is  Collecter® 


! 


P  'v«I 


I' r 


f   ',   I 


1'^       !• 


V  , 


t.    )  ■ 


166 


GOV.  domoam's  bepoht  on 


I  j 

$4,- 


]'<  j ,?  ''S 


■J ' 


Receiver  there,  whoe  (as  your  Lop"  may  likewise  see  by  the  au- 
dit) has  not  givtn  any  account— only  this  Mr  Santen  tells  me  (hat 
in  Scpt"^  last  hee  took  two  bonds  for  money  payable  in  March 
next  which  I  look  upon  to  bee  nothing,  @  all  the  Revenue  of  that 
County  lost  the  man  having  hardly  bread  to  put  in  his  mouth 

The  first  year  there  was  £52  offered  for  the  Excise  of  Long 
Island,  but  I  thought  it  unreasonable  it  being  the  best  peopled 
place  in  this  Goverm^  @  wherein  theres  great  consumption  of 
Rumm  @  and  therefore  I  gave  commission  to  Mr  Nicolls  @  Mr 
Vaughton  to  gather  it  with  whom  I  made  this  agreement  that  out 
of  it  they  should  have  forty  pounds,  ®  that  they  should  account 
with  Mr  Santon  for  the' remainder. 

Since  that  for  these  two  years  past  one  Henry  Fillkin  has  been 
Collector  @  for  his  pains  has  a  salary  of  £30  per  ann.  What 
returns  he  makes  I  referr  to  the  audit  most  part  of  the  people 
of  that  Island  especially  towards  the  East  end  are  of  the  same 
stamp  with  those  of  New-England,  refractory  @  very  loath  to 
have  any  commerce  with  this  place  to  the  great  detrm^  of  his 
Maty  revenue  @  ruin  of  our  merchants;  To  prevent  which  the 
aforementioned  act  of  Assembly  imposing  10  pr  cent  upon  all 
such  goods  as  should  be  imported  from  any  colony  where  such 
goods  were  not  produced  passed,  which  was  intended  chiefly  to 
hinder  their  carrying  their  oyle  to  Boston  ®  bringing  goods  from 
thence  into  this  Goverm* 

They  thought  it  a  hardship  to  be  obliged  as  formerly  to  come 
to  this  citty  to  enter  ®  clear  ®  on  their  application  were  allowed 
to  have  a  port  where  I  made  Mr  Arnold  Collector  @  Receiver, 
with  order  to  be  accomptable  to  Mr  Santen — What  returns  he 
has  given  I  likewise  referr  to  the  audit 

I  allowed  him  for  3  years  @  half  past  but  JESS  with  which  hee 
was  well  satisfied  having  had  some  Pquisits  by  Entrys  @  clearing 
there  Notwithstanding  the  desire  of  theirs  was  readily  granted 
they  refused  to  take  our  merchants  money  or  goods  @  carried 
away  their  Oyle  private  to  Boston  @  brought  back  goods  from 
thence  as  formerly.  Therefore  with  the  advice  of  the  Council  I 
made  an  onier  that  all  people  before  they  goe  there  shall  enter  @ 
clear  here  and  also  I  have  bought  a  Bark  that  cruscth  there  with 


J! ,- 


TBB  numncB  or  vbw-yobk.' 


167  f 


a  master,  two  seamen  a  sergeant  ®  six  soldiers  from  the  Garrison 
for  which  the  soldiers  are  allowed  no  more  than  their  pay  except 
a  little  provision  more  than  their  former  allowance,  the  master  ®  ,, 
two  seamen  I  have  listed  in  the  Company  alsoe  @  allow  then, 
something  more  than  soldiers  pay 

As  for  the  Dukes  county  ®  county  of  Cornwall  I  refer  to  y*  „ 
audit.     What  acct  Mr  Santen  gives  @  Judge  Palmer  whom  I  sent 
thither  last  spring  @  has  made  his  returns  to  Mr  Santen  among 
which  theres  an  account  of  the  seizure  of  wines  and  oyl  made  in, 
the  county  of  Cornwall 

The  first  year  I  left  every  thing  to  the  care  of  Mr  Santon  ^  ; 
what  officers  hee  thought  fit  to  put  in,  but  afterwards  finding « 
things  ill  managed  I  spake  to  Mr  Santon  several  times,  advising 
him  as  a  friend  to  look  better  to  the  trust  reposed  in  him 

What  returns  hee  has  made  mee  for  my  kindness  I  will  pass  by,  ^ 
<^  say  noe  more  of  them  than  I  am  obliged  to  doe  for  my  owq  , 
vindication  having  nothing  of  ill  will  against  him 

After  the  expiration  of  the  year  I  desired  him  to  bring  in.  his . 
accounts  that  they  might  bee  audited  which  hee  promised  me  from  | 
time  to  time  but  in  t»uch  manner  as  was  not  fit  for  him  for  always , 
when  I  spoke  to  him  of  moneys  ®  accompt  he  flew  into  a  pas- 
sion 

Upon  which  I  ordered  him  that  since  hee  had  no  better  goyer- . 
ment  of  himself  he  should  refrain  from  coming  into  my  company 
Q^  after  I  frequently  sent  to  him  by  the  Sec]^  for  hiff  accompts 
who  likewise  met  with  the  same  dilatory  answers.  ^  Upon  which 
I  had  him  brovight  before  the  council  3  or  4  times  where  he  waf 
often  ordered  to  bring  in  his  accts  but  all  to  noe  purpose  for  up-;, 
wards  of  a  year  together  as  y'  Lop*  may  see  by  the  time  of  the 
audit  @  by  the  several  orders  of  council  herewith  sent  , 

At  last  when  his  accts  came  I  shewed  them  to  the  council  who 
were  mightily  surprised  that  for  eighteen  @  upwards  the  Revenue 
should  amount  but  to  £3000  @  odd  pounds  upon  which  J  had 
them  audited  and  thereby  it  was  found  that  a  great  many  frauds 
had  been  done  to  the  King  as  your  LoP"  may  see  by  the  said 
audit  @  the  charge  brought  in  ®  proved  against  Mr  Santon 

Then  I  desired  him  to  put  John  Smith  from  the  ojQEice  of  surveypc 


_;f' 


mBM^i 

wm^ 

JI^B'ibRj'   '. 

■.-■'  ■•'f>' 

y\ 

'^if-v 

I'-t 

'\f' 

",   ■  '^   ■  •'■ 

l^';" 

I 

a" 


r-  ! 


if' '  ■ 

i 
( 


i  1 


im 


gov.  xxmoAii'a  bkfobt  or 


•nd  out  of  the  custom  house  having  the  charity  for  mr  Santon 
to  believe  that  that  man  has  cheated  him  as  well  as  the  King  (I 
having  had  while  in  England  this  ill  character  of  him  from  S' 
Benj"  Bathurst  that  for  his  misbehavior  he  had  been  turned  out 
of  a  good  employment)  But  bee  never  wo'^  comply  with  it  not' 
withstanding  several  orders  of  councill  to  that  affect  until  I  put 
in  on  Thomas  Coker  to  bee  surveyor,  upon  which  Smith  being 
concerned  at  losing  his  surveyors  place,  grew  very  insolent  and 
put  Mr  Santon  upon  worse  measures  as  is  believed,  for  which  @ 
other  misdemeanors  as  y'  LoP"  may  pceave  by  the  Minutes  of 
Council  sent  over  by  Mr  Sprag  he  was  turned  wholly  out  of  the 
Custom  House 

In  Hatlow  (Serv*  to  Mr  Santon)  that  was  waiter  and  searcher 
he  sent  into  England  as  I  am  informed  to  the  commissioners  of 
thee  custom  house  for  a  commission  to  be  collector  for  the  enu- 
merated comoditys  here,  @  would  force  so  much  for  his  going 
@  coming  as  y'  Lop*  may  see  charged  in  his  acct  brought  in  to 
the  audit  ®  likewise  has  brought  in  a  note  of  his  for  four  and 
twenty  pounds  odd  money  for  going  to  the  east  end  of  Long  Is- 
land in  which  he  did  not  spend  fourteen  days  time 

The  Auditor  finding  noe  cheque  upon  the  collector  his  book- 
keeper being  Surveyor  called  upon  this  Hatlow  for  his  warrants 
who  answered  that  bee  had  none  or  that  if  ever  hee  had  any  bee 
had  left  them  in  England 

Upon  which  I  put  in  one  Larken  in  his  stead  who  upon  an  or- 
der in  Council  set  up  in  the  Custom  House  commanding  noe  goods 
to  goe  off  without  a  warrant  refusing  to  lett  some  goods  bee  ex- 
ported on  the  verbal  order  of  Mr  Santon  only  was  by  him  turned 
out  of  that  place  as  your  Lop*  will  see  by  the  aforementioned 
charge  @  the  proofs  thereto 

After  the  audit  of  his  first  accts  the  others  were  demanded  and 
with  the  same  difficulty  as  the  former  obtained  as  j'  LoP'  may 
perceive  by  the  said  minutes  of  Council  particularly  the  order  for 
payment  every  Saturday  which  was  occasioned  thus  The  Council 
considering  how  dilatory  Mr  Santon  was  @  with  what  difficulty 
he  would  be  brought  to  account  being  satisfied  that  Mr  Santon 
was  then  behindhand  in  his  paym*"  ®  that  in  process  of  time  he 


,      mig] 
meni 
hee  £ 
prece 
mond 
occasi 
dience 
tookn 
As  a 
have  a] 
ready  f 
for  his 
twomoi 
iending 
his  accor 
to  leave ; 
of  the  Jei 
compts  h( 
audited  a« 
nntii  I  sht 
whom  my 
"^possible 
Seeing  s 
*o  be  who 
•^"ty  @  he( 
'^al  orders  < 
have  herew 
in  such  maj 

thereof  here 
»wer  @  ya 

™ade  their  r 

^op"  sees  bj 

therein  ahh( 

«e»"v»  to  his 

^or  him  @  ad] 

acct (hat  by 

^tter  carriagl 


""  """"rat  or  HEw-TOM.  ,„ 

night  bee  yet  more  me  f„,  .k 
^      ment  of  his  M,.,.  „ven„e  they  orEf  ^  f  ^""'"'  ™'*^- 
bee  should  acet  wiih  @  payil  !     ^  *™  ""'  '"'■'^  &'"«!», 
preceeding  „eek  which  „rameth7,  T  "'  "'  ''"'  '*"'^«'  "■« 
-ond  Aodros  with  C«p,1^e?t  .hf  r  n  "*'  """  "^S'  *«- 
«ccas.oa  .ho'  this  had  oot  the  L  eff^  "      ^'"  ""'"'  ""= '»« 
A^ce,  for  as  hee  did  wi.h  JutZfV       *  ^"'*°»  <««''«- 
took  «„e  notice  of  i,  °"'"  ""'"»  '"«'  did  with  (his  hee 

^  alsoe  there  wms  »-«„i 
<»-  an  his  accts  f™l  .r^r^CrJ --."'"ng  him  .. 
ready  for  Mr  Sprag  t„  carry  „^^  ^J^,T\lV'  *•"  "'  ^""^ 
fc',1."  passage  i„  a  shipVll   h"  1  ?  *'""""' "S"*' 

^o  months  pas,.    But  ih  alUWst  tTd  ""  ""'  """""^  "■«« 
tending  that  by  a  letter  fton,  my  W^ %       """  """"P'*''"'^  ^«-- 
lus  accomps  were  not  to  be  aodfted  h      T""  '"'  ""«  »"»««■« 
'0  leave  a  duplicate  with  mel  ?  """  *"«  "«»  »"'?  <*liBed 

0^  tie  letter  rg,^  te  ir^^lJ^f  ,"«=  Council  upon  ^ 
•'•'"P's  home  but  that  neveXC    t  "r  "^  '«"'  ""  - 

«.d,ted  according  to  former  in^c^L'l'  "'^'''"^  '°  "-e  them 
""hi  I  should  have  ordera  to  tT  T  ®  '°*  '"  """"nue  to  doe 
whom  my  Lord  Treas„^"  n  v  ^"^"^  '^™'°  **'  B'^U-wayt  " 
-Po'sible  for  me  totZlXS"  "'""  "  "'"^  ""'^'^ 

duty  @  hee  continuing  1,  „  Tf  .  "^  "'  ^™'™  «'«'='•»■««  hi. 
»■  orders  of  Councirfotim  t:^' .!  "T""'"'"'  '°  ""=  ^  " 
kave  herewith  was  drawn  up  gl  t  him  .  T.*'"'"''  ^'  ^f 
»  such  manner  as  your  LnT  n  '''""'"  '""'  »"sw„ed 

"-ereof  herewith  sent     Un„?/  •  ""  7  '''"-'  °'  "-e  copy 
-"  @  y  proofs  there"\re::r!i;  """="  ^""^^  """  ■"■ 
made  their  report  (o  mee  un.lrTh.  TT  """''  "'"^  '='"""=»        . 
top-  sees  by  ,ho  copy  there"  "hfct"        .''  '"  """""^  ^'  y" 
"kerein  ahho'  ,hey  pUi":  :J'  '  f?  'T'  ''"'"-  '>"™i". 
•erv  to  his  Mat,  in  rh^e  m„„' IJm  '  ?,"  •■"  ''^'"  ""  ""^-"f-I 
for  h,m  ®  adyised  him  to  eiyet?      .        """"""■'  >"='  »  «nl 
«ct  that  by  the  audi,  he  Jas  f Id  k?  i";"''  '"'"°""'=  <>'  "» 

^'er  carriage  for  the  rutr^VCh  J^X   »'•    ^"''.  '"'"  "" 

^¥unee  did  I  promised  to  pasa 


%  w 


i)^ 


I  i 


t' 


«I70 


GOV.  DOKGA^'f  RBPORT  OV 


w 


■»> 


l!  ■ 

4  , 


?  . 


by  all  former  faults  @  make  noe  complaint  against  bim;  I  not 
only  told  him  this  myself  but  from  time  to  time  sent  messages  to 
him  to  this  effect  sometimes  by  such  of  the  council  as  were  his 
particular  friends  sometimes  by  the  ministers  @  often  by  the  Se- 
cratary  but  all  to  noe  purpose  hee  still  continued  obstinate 

And  what  returns  hee  made  mee  to  these  several  instances  of 
my  kindness  I  shall  not  now  trouble  your  Lop*  with 

Nevertheless  I  forbare  doing  any  thing  further  against  hiiu  till 
the  expiration  of  the  second  audit  proposing  that  then  when  I 
could  know  the  whole  amount  of  his  debt  I  would  at  once  doe  my 
best  to  secure  the  Kings  concerns  from  sustaining  any  loss  by 
him 

At  last  hee  brought  in  a  book  without  being  signed  and  said  he 
could  not  lieve  them  neither,  they  being  to  bee  sent  over  to  Mr 
Blathwayt  Whereupon  we  were  forct  to  give  him  3  weeks  longer 
to  get  them  copied  @  then  with  great  adoe  he  signed  them  @ 
brought  in  with  them  an  acct  called  a  general  acct|  an  acct  so  ex- 
travagant that  your  LoP"  have  hardly  seen  thee  like  '^>^ 

Then  I  pressing  the  auditors  to  make  an  end  they  desired  that 
they  might  have  his  papers  to  compare  with  those  books  @  ao* 
comps  he  had  delivered  in,  which  by  order  of  council  hee  was 
required  to  deliver  to  them.  But  hee  refusing  as  appears  by  the 
testimony  of  3  of  the  auditors  herewith  sent,  It  was  ordered  that 
his  said  papers  should  bee  seized  @  he  suspended  from  the  8^  oi- 
fice  of  collector  @  receiver  till  his  Maty"  pleasure  should  be 
known  thereon  @  hee  taken  into  the  Sheriffs  custody  and  there 
remain  till  hee  should  give  in  such  security  as  in  the  said  orders 
is  expressed  as  relation  to  the  said  orders  had,  may  more  at  laige 
appear  ?" » 

Upon  search  of  the  Pap's  relating  to  his  Mat7'  revienue  I  found 
a  charge  drawn  against  myself  with  letters  to  his  Mat7  Lord 
T'sear  Lord  Chancelor  @  several  other  gentlemen  stuft  with  com- 
plaints against  me  and  other  p'sons  which  are  wholly  false 

Indeed  its  true  the  poor  gentleman  since  his  coming, here  haft 
been  troubled  with  3  or  4  hypocondriack  fitts,  hee  was  in  one  of 
Ihf  m  whtn  his  Ma^y  nomination  of  the  Council  came  over  upon 
which  they  all  thought  it  not  convenient  to  have  bim  sworn  it 


THE  P&OVIMCE  or  NXW-YOBK. 


171 


least  ?'  that  time  as  your  Lopp*  will  see  by  the  minutes  of  coun- 
cill 

And  my  Lords  to  bee  short  I  must  cay  this  of  him  hes  a  man 
wholly  unfit  for  business  especially  this  wherein  hee  has  noe  more 
skill  than  a  child,  Soe  that  for  the  executing  of  it  hee  must  have 
his  whole  depend&nce  on  another.  I  am  sure  it'  I  had  not  taken 
more  care  of  the  Revenue  than  .hee  did  since  I  found  his  failure  it 
had  been  more  embezled  than  it  is  for  though  hee  received  the 
money  I  was  obliged  to  continual  watching  to  guard  against  luf 
carelessness  @  neglects 

And  truly  what  hee  takes  very  ill  what  there  is  neither,  prent- 
dent  nor  establishment  for 

In  his  commission  hee  hasallowedhimJC200p' annum  the  same 
adlowance  that  Dyer  had  in  the  time  of  S'  Edmond  Andros,  xmT 
which  j£100  was  for  the  Surveyor  Comptroller  @  Wai,ter  there- 
fore I  finding  no  new  establishment  allow  him  no  more  than  Pycgr 
had  for  him  @  his  officers  Salary  it  beiag  tlie  sentiment  of  the 
Council  that  I  could  not  alter  the  former  practicewith  which  they 
were  well  acquainted  But  he  gives  himself  a  far  laiger  alldw^ 
ance  hee  will  have  it  that  his  salary  is  sterling;  @  to  make  it  so 
of  this  country  money  he  charges  three  @  thirty  P'  cent  advance 
@  one  hundred  pound  more  for  his  two  under  officers,  Beadcs 
this  Mr  Smith  being  his  Deputy-Surveyor  @  Book-^keeper^.  hee 
would 'have  allowance  to  him  of  £bO  p^^  ann  as  his  deputy  j£40  P* 
ann  as  his  accomptant  J£30  P'  ann  for  his  transcribing  ;hi^  boolfs 
JC20  P'  annum  P^^  his  diet  besides  his  salary  for  Surveyor,  For 
John  Harlow  hee  would  have  allowed  JC30  P'  ann  as  waiter, 
je48  Pr  ann  as  being  employed  by. him  in  the  Kings  service  where 
or  how  noe  man  Knows  JS20  p^  aim  for  his  Diet  and  jCI62.  and 
two  voyages  made  into  England  with  despatches  for  his  MatT  all 
this  ®  a  great  deal  more  such  for  his  officers  iipi  the  country,  @ 
the  like  your  Lop*  will  see  in  his  last  general  acc^  a  copy  whereof 
is  herewith  sent, 

Notwithstanding  hee  charges  the  King  soe  largely  for  lus  offi- 
cers salaries,  to  some  of  them  hee  has  paid  nothing  tat  all,  inso- 
much as  they  are  making  very  great  clamor  for  their  money y  (^ 
not  getting  it  from  him  expect  it  from  the  King 


i.J 


>^;-    't 


1  1  1 


, 


'■  n 


■:1:-' 


V  t 


'1 


if 


ITS 


GOT.  OOMGAm's  BCPOBT  Oil 


i-' 


i%     . 


i 


Of  his  own  head  hce  bought  a  little  rotten  tool  of  a  sloop  on 
pretence  for  his  MatJ*  service,  which  as  your  LoP*  may  see  by 
their  audit,  has  stood  the  King  in  near  j£700  ®  now  cannot  be 
sold  for  thirty  soe  must  either  bee  laid  up  or  burnt 

In  his  instructions  @  by  several  orders  from  me  @  the  council 
he  was  expressly  forbid  to  trust  out  his  Mat)"  revenue  notwith- 
standing I  was  forc't  to  take  notes  from  him  to  the  value  of  j£800. 
besides  a  great  many  more  which  hee  pretends  still  to  bee  stand- 
ing out  as  your  Loi*  will  perceive  by  the  audit 

Hee  has  likewise  been  negligent  in  taking  the  bonds  required 
by  the  laws  of  the  Goverment  from  the  masters  of  ships  one  ill 
consequence  whereof  has  been  the  New  York  Pink  has  carried  off 
several  Elephants  teeth  without  entry,  @  the  bond  being  inquired 
for  there  was  none  taken.  How  hee  has  behaved  himself  touching 
an  Interloper  that  came  in  hither  I  have  already  given  S'  Benj. 
Bathurst  an  account,  and  as  for  the  debts  for  him  pretended  to 
too  the  auditors  upon  enquiry  the  most  of  them  are  found  to  bee 
received  by  him.  and  I  beleive  of  thee  rest,  the  twentieth  part 
will  never  be  had,  they  are  soe  ill 

And  besides  notwithstanding  his  confused  way  of  accounting 
%  being  without  a  cheque  upon  him  as  aforesaid,  he  is  found  by 
his  own  accounts  brought  into  the  audit  to  bee  £1768.  15  shil- 
lings threepence  and  \^^*  of  a  penny  in  debt  to  the  King  as  your 
LoP*  may  see  by  the  said  audit  which  (as  is  to  bee  feared)  is  all 
gone  besides  his  salary  and  pquisits,  on  which  h6  might  have 
lived  very  handsomely 

Hee  (as  hee  hath  all  along  done)  does  to  all  persons  he  con- 
verseth  with  speak  scurrilously  @  abusively  of  me  @  y^  Council 
which  considering  his  circumstances  we  let  pass  without  taking 
any  notice  of  , 

Hee  is  likewise  very  troublesome  to  the  present  management 
of  his  Maty  customs 

I  desire  that  as  soon  as  may  bee  I  may  know  what  his  Mat7' 
pleasure  is  should  bee  done  with  him,  what  ace*  I  have  here  given 
y  LoPP"  of  him  is  as  moderate  as  may  bee  farr  short  of  what  I 
might  have  represented  ®  yet  have  spoken  nothing  but  the  truth. 
What  I  have  done  has  not  been  out  of  malice,  for  I  beare  non* 


to  him  r 
service  ( 
LoPP«  an 
this  affaii 
Thus  I 
Revenue 
in  a  great 
I  shall  th 
what  chai 
to  mee  @ 
Itsavei 
some  time 
garrisons 
tioned,  @ 
@  this  abo 
to  purchasi 
upon  Huds 
Indians.     ] 
south  side  t 
Indians  foi 
Assembly  a 
the  Lord  B 
Pen,  comm 
Connecticul 
this  @  East 
tho'  that  la 
appear  by  i 
by  the  very 
got  Mr  Sanl 
In  the  me 
mate  of  the 
thereof  here 
yearly  for  tl 
not  at  presc 
LoP«  there 
persons  oblij 
@  the  judges 


TBB  rBOTIRCI  or  VBW-TOBK. 


173 


to  him  rather  pittyj  but  purely  with  an  intent  to  doe  his  Ma*T 
lervice  ®  to  secure  his  interest,  as  I  doubt  not  will  appear  to  y' 
LoPP'  and  if  I  bee  to  bee  blamed  for  any  thing  in  the  Series  of 
this  affair  its  for  too  much  forbearance 

Thus  my  Lords  I  have  given  you  as  good  an  account  of  the 
Revenue  received,  @  by  whom  as  I  can,  as  alsoe  how  the  same 
in  a  great  part  of  it  has  been  mismanaged  and  by  what  meanes 
I  shall  therefore  now  proceed  to  give  your  Lopp^  an  estimate  of 
what  charge  the  maintenance  of  this  Goverm*  has  been  hitherto 
to  mee  ®  what  will  bee  requisite  for  its  further  support 

Its  a  very  hard  thing  upon  mee  that  coming  over  hither  in  trouble- 
some times,  finding  noe  revenue  established  @  yet  having  three 
garrisons  to  look  after  @  the  forts  in  the  condition  before  men- 
tioned, @  finding  such  contest  between  the  Governm^  of  Canada 
®  this  about  the  Beaver  Trade  the  Inland  Country  @  the  IndianSy 
to  purchase,  as  I  was  obliged  by  my  instructions,  sixty  odd  miles, 
upon  Hudsons  River  17  or  18  into  the  land  in  one  place  from  the 
Indians.  In  another  place  up  the  River  16  miles  And  on  the 
south  side  of  Long-Island  twelve  miles  to  give  a  great  deal  to  the 
Indians  for  Susquehanna  River  to  bee  at  great  expences  on  the 
Assembly  at  their  first  sitting  when  they  gave  the  revenue  ®  on 
the  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham  when  here  with  his  train  Governor 
Pen,  commisioners  from  Boston  @  other  colonies,  the  Gov'  of 
Connecticut  East  ®  West  Jersey,  the  running  the  line  between 
this  @  East  Jersey  and  the  like  between  Connecticut  and  this, 
tho'  that  last  not  yet  finished  besides  the  establishment  as  will 
appear  by  my  books  when  audited  ®  sent  over,  which  shall  be 
by  the  very  first  conveniency,  @  had  been  long  ere  now,  had  I 
got  Mr  Santens  sooner  done 

In  the  meantime  y'  LoP*  may  bee  capable  of  making  an  esti- 
mate of  the  constant  charge  of  the  Goverm*  by  the  calculation 
thereof  herewith  sent  in  which  you  see  that  there  is  set  down 
yearly  for  the  Council  Judges  @  Attorney  General  which  tho' 
not  at  present  allowed  in  my  opinion  with  submission  to  your 
LoP«  there  is  a  necessity  there  should.  The  Councilors  being 
persons  obliged  to  a  constant  attendance  from  their  own  business 
®  the  judges  Such  as  devote  themselves  wholly  to  that  service  ® 


174 


GOV.  domgan'^b  repoht  om 


f  m 


i 


''i 


'0 

I 


^ 


whose  present  salary  is  see  small  to  support  theui  (g)  their 
familys  in  that  station  as  is  set  forth  in  their  petition  which  I  have 
herewitli  sent  to  his  Matx  for  his  consideration^  neither  can  the 
Attorney-generals  small  perquisites  bee  able  to  maintain  him  in 
going  thro  his  Matr*  concerns,  which  takes  up  his  whole  time, 
without  the  addition  of  such  salary  as  his  Matr  shall  think  fitt  to 
allow 

Your  Loi**  taking  all  this  into  y'  consideration,  cannot  but 
think  his  Mat/  must  be  in  debt,  which  however  would  not  have 
been  very  much  had  Mr  Santen  done  his  duty 

What  revenue  there  is  is  with  the  ease  (§)  satisfaction  of  the 
people  ®  paid  without  grumbling,  tho'  as  much  as  modesty  can 
bee  put  upon  them 

Soe  that  if  Connecticut  bee  not  added  to  the  Goverm*  it  can 
be  hardly  able  to  support  itself.  But  if  it  bee  added,  thee  reve- 
nue will  bee  sufficient  to  keep  the  King  wholly  out  of  debt 

Mr  Santen  taxes  me  with  covetousness  in  not  allowing  suffi- 
diently  to  the  officers  employed.  Niggardly  I  have  not  been,  but 
the  revenue  being  soe  small  (S)  having  soe  great  a  charge,  I  en- 
deavored \o  bee  as  good  a  husband  for  the  King  as  T  could  I'm 
sure  better  than  I  ever  was  for  myself.  And  truly  I  have  been 
put  soe  to  it  to  make  things  doe  that  what  small  pquisits  I  got, 
I  have  disburst,  @  not  only  soe,  but  have  been  forc't  to  engage 
my  credit  soe  far  as  t'would  goe  @  that  not  sparing  to  pawn  my 
plate  for  money  to  carry  on  the  Kings  affairs  @  now  I  have  sent 
some  of  it  home  by  Mr  Sprag  to  reimburse  Sr  Ben  Bathurst  what 
hee  has  paid  for  mee,  @  to  provide  clothes  for  the  soldiers  @ 
some  things  for  my  own  use 

Anawer  to  Now  My  Lords  before  I  proceed  to  answer  the  rest 
SuS^il.*"  of  your  queries  I  will  take  occasion  here  to  give  your 
'*^'  "•  LoP"  satisfaction  as  to  those  articles  Mr  Santer  has  been 
pleased  to  draw  up  against  mee,  a  copie  whereof  I  herewith  send 
for  y  LoPP*  perusal  the  scope  of  which  being  to  charge  me  with 
mismanagement  of  his  MatJ*  affairs,  I  thought  noe  place  more 
proper  for  my  making  appear  the  falsity  of  his  accusation  than 
here,  wherein  I  have  been  soe  long  treating  of  the  mismanage- 
ment of  the  revenue  in  which  thia  man  himself  had  soe  large  a 


ibare,  i 
proofs  I 

^s  to  t 

Forn 
tide  is  t 
taken  be 

TotheSi 
This  i{ 
helles  te 
communii 
dispositio 
never  cap 
of  the  to\ 
he  was  a 
course 
To  the  T] 
Whereir 
privateers 
with  any  b 
f^or  a  shari 
of  what  w 
of  Law  or 
the  Gov"  ( 
token  in  thi 
make  incun 
they  should 
myself  to  t 
obligation  a 
TotheYi 
;  .Hee  does 
CQpartnershi 
been  a  volui 
nJng  to  bee 
come  along 
man  @  out 


l!  I     I 


THX  PIOTIKCB  or  MKW-YOBK. 


179 


•barcy  which  answers  follow  distinctly   with  relation   to  such 
proofs  as  are  herewith  sent  necessary  for  my  vindication 

ifis  to  the  FIRST  Article — cmicerning  a  copartnership  in  a  J)rad$ 

to  France  ffc 
For  my  justification  ®  making  appear  the  falsehood  of  this  ar- 
ticle is  the  testimony  of  Mr  John  Sprag  ®  Mr  Gabriel  Minvielle 
taken  before  Mr  Swinton  clerk  of  the  Council  hereunto  annexed 

To  the  Second  concerning  a  partnership  in  trade  to  Newfoundland 
This  is  noe  less  true  than  the  other  as  appears  by  M>tjor  Brok- 
helles  testimony  &c  @  truly  had  I  any  such  design  I  had  not 
communicated  with  the  Kings  collector  especially  to  a  man  of  his 
disposition  Oil  subject  to  soe  many  follies  @  infirmitys  that  he  was 
never  capable  of  concealing  his  own  secrets  from  the  very  rabble 
of  the  town,  ®  always  made  the  debates  of  the  Council  (while 
he  was  a  member  of  it)  the  subject  matter  of  his  Tavern  dis- 
course 

To  the  Third  concerning  my  going  sharer  with  the  Privateers 
Wherein  hee  does  mee  the  honcr  to  join  mee  in  partnership  with 
privateers  I  dont  believe  that  Frederick  Flipson  ever  went  sharer 
with  any  body  in  a  shi[f  @  I  am  sure  Beekman  never  had  a  vessel 
r.or  a  share  in  a  vessel  In  his  life  Had  I  harl  2  or  3  men^s  shares 
of  what  was  got  upon  the  wreck  I  think  it  had  been  noe  breach 
of  Law  or  my  instructions  it  being  customary  in  such  cases  for 
the  Gov"  of  plantations  to  have  it.  But  Mr  Santen  too  was  mis- 
taken in  this  they  did  not  clear  for  the  wreck  @  least  they  should 
make  incursion  upon  the  Spaniards  I  took  security  from  them  that 
they  should  not,  in  short  for  my  justification  on  this  point  I  refer 
myself  to  the  testimonies  of  Frederic  Flipson  ®  Beakman  ®  the 
obligation  aforesaid  herewith  sent 

To  the  FpuRTH  Copartnership  with  Mr  AntUlfor  Jamaica. 
:  Hee  does  me  wrong  I  never  was  concerned  with  Mr  Antill  in 
cqpartnership  ,  One  Vaughton  half  brother  to  Mr  Sprag  that  had 
been  a  volunteer  2  or  three  years  on  board  Capt"  Temple,®  hap- 
ning  to  bee  in  London  when  £  came  away  offered  his  service  to 
come  along  with  mee,  whom  finding  a  pretty  ingenious  young 
man  ®  out  of  ewiployment   I   promised    to   help  lum  with  p 


A'- 


I 


!    i  ! 


■  I 


jj* 


;:«,' 


!»t'v 


1TB 


OOT.  OOHOAV't  EBIOBT  OB 


wsn 


fk:4 


m 


;  n 


mf 


I' 


*!...;■ 


H  '  Ut 


«^i 


little  mony.  when  hee  stood  in  need  of  it  for  to  put  him  into  some 
way.  Whereupon  not  long  after  this  Antill  purposed  if  he  could 
get  money  from  his  brother  or  any  other  to  purchase  the  half  of  t 
little  ship  tl  jn  tu  bee  sold  hee  would  purchase  the  other  @  that 
Vaughton  should  goe  master  of  her  upon  which  hee  came  to  mee 
into  the  country  where  I  then  was  ®  ucquainted  mee  with  y*  pro- 
posal @)  desired  my  assistMUce  to  enable  him  to  comply  with  it. 
I  demanded  what  security  hee  could  give  mee,  hee  proposed  to 
make  over  his  share  in  the  vessel  for  it.  Upon  which  in  kind- 
ness to  him  I  let  him  have  the  money  @  took  the  vessel  in  secu- 
rity  for  it  ®  by  him  sent  as  a  venture  ten  Barils  of  Oyle  of  a  drift 
Whale  that  came  to  my  share,  (g)  thirteen  half  Barils  of  Flower,  to 
purchase  Sugar  Molasses  Sweetmeats  Oranges  and  other  necessar- 
ries  for  use  in  my  family.  And  this  (as  Mr.  Santen  knows  as 
well  a»  I  @  most  of  the  town)  was  all  the  concerns  I  ever  had 
with  Antil 

To  the  FIFTH  concemtng  the  Dogger 

This  Mr  Beekman  having  a  Sloop  went  from  this  place  to  Nevis 
@  Sr  William  Stapleton  hearing  of  a  Dutch  privateer  gave  him 
a  commission  to  goe  afler  him,  which  hee  did  @  took  a  great 
ugly  vessel  y^  dutch  have  for  fishing  with  one  deck  ®  went  back 
with '  her  to  Nevis.  Whereupon  S^  Vf"^  in  reward  of  his  good 
service  gave  him  the  Kings  (§)  his  own  share  in  her  soe  hee  brought 
her  hither  where  shee  being  a  Dutch  built  ®  and  the  man  having 
a  mind  to  sell  her,  had  her  condemned  at  a  Court  of  Admiralty. 
Upon  which  I  forgave  him  the  Kings  share  which  by  apprizement 
amounted  to  as  doth  appear  by  Mr  Beekman's  testimony 

To  the  PixTH  concerning  Heathcot^s  Sloop. 

Mr.  Santen  does  me  wrong  in  this  for  upon  the  word  of  a 
Christian,  I  know  not  at  this  minute  who  were  the  apprizers  they 
having  been  appointed  by  the  Court  where  the  sloop  ®  goods 
were  condemned,  @  they  too  upon  their  oaths.  Neither  had  I 
any  a'lvantage  by  that  vessel  as  Mr  Santen  knows  tho'  hee  had  by 
making  George  Hcathcot  pay  him  ninty  pound  @  charges  which 
was  more  than  the  third  part  of  the  condemnation  came  too  soe 
that  1  hope  this  is  not  the  voyage  hee  charges  the  King  with  soe 
much  for,  tho'  it  is  the  only  remarkable  one  hee  ever  made  ® 
yet  but  ten  miles  distant  from  this  place 


To  the 

MyLo 
(belOpr 

to  say  tha 

to  the  bei 

here  hee  : 

admitted  to 

bly  @  my  ( 

nution  of  h 

member  wh 

ral  orders  li 

Mr  Sante 
Gentleman  i 
"any  others 
notice  thereo 
of  the  value 
one  of  the  of 
fell  a  quarrel 
Vaughton  ab( 
along  with  h; 
where  when  t 
dell  who  bein 
struggling  8ti 
in  prison  wh 
■^erwards  th 
plication  of  _ 
others  hee  waj 
cii  his  goods 
which  being 
rity  to  Riddeil] 
pounds  withojL 

To  the  NINTH  c\ 

^r  Santen 
Council,  all 
for  all  rents, 
not  doe  to  ms 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NCW-YOaK. 


ir 


To  the  SEVENTH  concerning  my  Lord  ^eill  Campbells  goods 

My  Lord  Neill  Campbell  its  true  desired  my  bill  of  store  for 
the  10  F'  cent  Mrhich  I  did  grant,  but  Mr  Santen  does  mee  wrong 
to  say  that  I  ordered  they  should  bee  entered  without  examination 
to  the  best  of  my  remembrance  there  was  noe  such  thing  :  but 
here  hee  forgets  what  hee  has  done  himself  what  goods  hee  has 
admitted  to  entry  without  examination  contrary  to  Act  of  Assem- 
bly @  my  order  as  appears  by  his  own  books  to  the  great  dimi- 
nution of  his  Ma^y*  revenue  in  this  Province  :  neither  does  he  re- 
member what  bills  of  store  hee  has  granted  notwithstanding  seve- 
ral orders  to  the  contrary 

To  the  EIGHTH  concerning  one  Riddell 

Mr  Santen  does  mee  wrong  in  this,  One  Mr  Riddell  a  poor 
Gentleman  that  brought  into  this  city  without  entry  (as  a  great 
many  others  have  done  without  Mr  Santen  or  his  officers  taking 
notice  thereof)  a  small  parcel  of  linen  afterwards  appraised  to  be 
of  the  value  of  3  or  6  pounds,  And  after  that  this  Riddell  ® 
one  of  the  officers  of  the  Custom  House  drinking  drunk  together, 
fell  a  quarrelling,  on  which  the  Officer  went  out  @  meeting  with 
Vaughton  about  one  or  two  in  the  morning,  compelled  him  to  goe 
along  with  him  to  seize  uncostomed  goods  at  Riddell's  lodging, 
where  when  they  came  they  broke  open  the  door  upon  this  Rid- 
dell who  being  still  drunk  endeavoured  to  keep  them  out  ®  in  the 
struggling  stabbed  Mr  Vaughton.  Whereupon  he  was  secured 
in  prison  where  hee  lay  a  long  time  till  Vaughton  recovered. 
Afterwards  the  poor  man  being  in  a  starving  condition  on  the  ap- 
plication of  Mr  Vaughton  @  himself  ®  Mr  Sprag  ®  several 
others  hee  was  set  at  liberty,  and  on  a  petition  of  his  to  the  Coun- 
cil his  goods  were  ordered  to  bee  released,  hee  paying  all  charges 
which  being  more  than  the  value  of  the  goods  Mr  Sprag  in  cha- 
rity to  Riddell  paid  the  Surgeons  their  demands  which  was  ten 
pounds  without  taking  any  thing  from  him 
To  the  NINTH  concerning  Capt  Santen^s  warrants  to  the  Sheriffs  i^c 

Mr  Santen  knows  himself  that  from  time  to  time  by  order  of 
Council,  all  the  Sheriffs  have  been  obliged  to  account  with  him 
for  all  rents,  Quit  rents  ®  arrearages  of  rent  &c  yet  this  would 
not  doe  to  make  himself  seem  great,  hee  would  needs  issue  forth 

12 


firsi 

11 

**.  nir.     *  1 

/      1 

*»   7"        1 

4   . 

1 

^   ■'!>. 

1'   ' 

i 

A' 

'i 

*         *j 

'I 

*   if^ 

' 

! 

•   .1 


I  i 


\     I 


\ 

if>>) 

1; 

Ni:t 


178 


GOV.  DONG  AN  S  REPORT  ON 


his  own  warrants,  which  poor  man  was  done  in  one  of  his  fitts  (4 
indeed  they  met  with  such  reception  as  they  deserved,  the  she- 
riis  took  noe  other  notice  of  them  than  to  send  them  to  mee 
Whereupon  I  being  somewhat  surprised  at  his  manner  of  procee- 
dure  called  him  before  the  Council  where  (being  asked  how  he 
came  to  issue  forth  such  warrants)  his  answer  was  that  to  his 
knouledge  the  Lord  Treasurer  did  soe  in  England,  But  here  I 
would  ask  Capt  Santen  why  he  hath  not  given  a  better  account 
of  Such  Quit  rents  &c  as  have  passed  through  his  hands 
To  the  Tenth  concerning  my  covetousness  as  he  is  pleased  to  term  it 

Here  (if  Mr  Santen  speaks  true  in  saying  I  have  been  covetous) 
It  was  in  the  management  of  this  small  revenue  to  the  best  advan- 
tage,® had  Mr  Santen  been  as  just  as  I  have  been  careful,  the  King 
had  not  been  in  debt,  as  I  had  more  in  my  pocket  than  now  I  have 

It  may  be  true  when  I  called  for  the  King's  money  @  accompts 
from  Mr  Santen  @  I  met  with  unbecoming  returns  I  might  use 
some  passionat  expressions 

And  as  for  my  pinching  Officers  if  hee  means  himself  it  was 
because  he  took  it  very  ill  that  I  would  not  allow  him  7  or  800 
pounds  extravagant  expenses,  As  for  Frau.  Barber  I  never  spoke 
a  word  to  him  of  salary  in  my  life  @  and  leave  it  to  the  audit' 
what  acct  hee  gives  of  the  ilevenue  of  that  County  for  three  yean 
&  on  half 

To  the  Eleventh  concerning  the  excise  of  Long  Island  4rc 

What  Mr.  Santen  says  concerning  the  offer  of  JS52  for  iiie  ex- 
cise p'  a  year  may  bee  true  I  thought  it  very  unreasonable  that  the 
excise  of  three  Countys  should  be  farmed  for  soe  little,  therefore 
I  fixed  upon  Mr.  Vaughton  @  Mr.  Nicolls  looking  upon  them  to 
bee  honest  men  @  agreed  with  them  for  j£20  P  P'  @  what  thev 
could  make  over  @  above  they  should  deliver  to  Mr.  Santen 
That  Dan.  Whitehead  offered  mee  three  pounds  for  my  license  it 
is  false,  or  that  I  had  JCIO,  from  Nicolls  @  Vaughton  is  likewise 
false  as  doth  appear  by  Mr  Nicolls  testimony  @  would  by  that 
of  Mr  Vaughton  were  hee  here  Neither  had  I  even  any  mony  for 
licenses  since  I  came  into  this  Government  except  from  Albany 
@  this  place  JC24,  but  on  the  contrary  gave  it  all  to  the  colleotors 
of  the  respective  countys  for  their  encouragement 


■^;i 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


179 


^:';t  " 


To  the  TWELFE  concerning  Mr  Pretty  S,'C 
Mr.  Pretty  is  Sheriflf  of  that  County  ©having  a  great  deal  of 
other  concerns  upon  his  hands  for  the  King  @  countreys  service, 
that  being  a  frontier  County  to  Canada,  soe  that  hee  could  not 
possibly  attend  the  Surveyors  place  I  put  in  William  Shaw  who 
had  that  place  before  in  the  time  of  S'  Edmond  Andros  @  as 
Mayor  Brockhelles  informs  us  behaved  himself  faithfully  therein. 
And  as  to  his  allegation  in  his  memoranduma  that  Shaw  war  put 
in  for  satisfaction  for  two  or  three  years  pay  due  to  him,  it  is 
wholly  untrue  as  does  appear  by  the  testimony  of  Mayor  Baxter, 
Mr  Coker,  @  by  the  receipt  under  Shaws  own  hand 
To  the  Thirteenth  concerning  the  deprivaticn  of  the  Officers  Sfc 
This  John  Smith  is  a  man  that  if  hee  were  as  honest  as  hee  is 
able  the  King  had  had  more  justice  done  him  @  Mr.  Santen  more 
moftey  in  his  pocket.  What  account  S'  Ben  Bathurst  gave  mee 
of  him  I  have  already  acquainted  y'  Lopp*  with,  @  for  what  rea- 
sons hee  was  turned  out  of  the  Custom  House  is  herein  before 
given  to  your  LoP*.  '  i  '    -  '         •'    * 

To  the  Fourteenth  concerning  the  Pasture  of  Albany  ffc 
As  for  this  of  the  Pasture,  he  is  mistaken,  it  was  never  yet  in 
the  King's  hands,  but  hee  that  was  the  commander  took  some 
profits  of  it,  which  was  a  great  grievance  to  the  people  it  h&ving 
been  patented  by  governor  Nicolls  to  several  people  @  by  them 
built  upon  whose  buildings  have  been  since  carried  away  by  the 
overflowing  of  the  river.  It  does  not  contain  above  fifteen  or  six- 
teen acres.  I  doubt  not  but  I  shall  make  it  appear  that  I  have 
done  nothing  in  this  to  his  Maty  prejudice  I  conceive  I  have  done 
the  King  very  good  service  in  Albany.  The  town  of  Albany  lyes 
within  the  Ranslaers  Colony,  and  to  say  truth  the  Ranslaers  had 
the  right  to  it  for  it  was  they  settled  the  place,  @  upon  a  petition 
of  one  of  them  to  our  present  King  about  Albany  the  petitioner 
wiis  referred  to  his  Matr*  council  at  law  who  upon  a  perusal  of 
the  Ranslaers  papers  made  their  return  that  it  was  their  opinion 
that  it  did  belong  to  them  Upon  which  there  was  an  order  sent 
over  to  S'  Edmund  Andros  that  the  Ranslaers  should  be  put  in 
possession  of  Albany,  @  that  every  house  should  pay  some  two 
beavers,  some  more  some  less  according  to  their  dimensions  p' 


I  I 


\. 


1  I 


i]  j. 


180 


GOV.  00^ CAN'S  REPORT  ON 


1 1 ;  . 


r» 


I 


annum,  for  thirty  years,  @  afterwards  the  Ranslaers  to  put  wliat 
rent  upon  them  they  could  agree  for — What  reason  S'  Edmond 
Andros  has  given  for  not  putting  these  orders  in  execution  I  know 
nol 

The  Ranslaers  came  @  brought  me  the  same  orders  which  1 
thought  not  convenient  to  execute  judgeing  it  not  for  his  Maty* 
interest  that  the  second  town  of  the  Goverment  @  which  brings 
his  Maty  soe  great  a  Revenue  should  bee  in  the  hands  of  any  parti- 
cular men  The  town  of  itself  is  upon  a  barren  sandy  spot  of  land, 
®  the  inhabitants  live  wholly  upon  trade  with  the  Indians.  By 
the  meanes  of  Mr  James  Graham  Judge  Palmer  @  Mr  Cortlandt 
that  have  gr^at  influence  on  that  people  I  got  the  Ranslears  to  re- 
lease their  pretence  to  the  town  @  sixteen  miles  into  the  country 
for  commons  to  the  King  with  liberty  to  cut  firewood  within  the 
Colony  for  one  @  twenty  years.  After  I  had  obtained  this  release 
of  the  Ranslaers  I  passed  the  patent  for  Albany  wherein  was  in- 
cluded the  afore  mentioned  pasture,  to  which  the  people  appre- 
hended they  had  so  good  a  right  that  they  expressed  themselves 
discontented  at  my  reserving  a  small  spot  of  it'  for  a  garden  for 
the  use  of  the  Garrison 

That  the  people  of  Albany  has  given  me  JC700.  is  untrue  I  am 
but  promised  JE300,  which  is  not  near  my  P'quisits,  viz,  ten  shil- 
lings for  every  house  @  the  like  for  every  hundred  acres  patented 
by  me,  established  by  a  committee  appointed  by  the  Assembly 
for  the  establishing  of  all  fees,  where  Cap*  Santen  may  remembei 
himself  was  chairman,  Alsoe  what  they  have  given  to  those  othei 
Gentlemen  I  know  nothing  of  it  @  upon  my  word  in  Gen^  I  have 
not  got  the  fourth  part  of  my  Pquisits,  chusing  rather  to  wan' 
them  than  take  from  the  poor  people  that  cannot  spare  it 
To  the  Fifteenth  concerning  a  farm  at  East  Jersey  belonging  tt 

his  Mati  fyc 

Mr  Santen  might  have  given  a  better  account  of  this  if  his 
malice  had  suffered  him  The  Farm  at  East  Jersey  paid  dSlO,  p' 
annum  to  his  Maty  @  at  a  Rack-rent,  the  proprietors  of  East 
Jersey  putting  us  to  more  trouble  than  the  value  of  it,  they  con- 
stantly disturbing  the  Tenants  on  pretence  that  his  MatT  had 
granted  that  to  them,  soe  that  I  conclude  it  would  be  more 


inconve 
mer  ha\ 
Governc 
the  sumi 
forgive  i 
title,  I  g 
3 
Mr  Sai 
concerns, 
petitionee 
meers  @  ] 
before  het 
summoned 
not  bee  gr 
that  it  was 
Hempstead 
Secry«  offio 
the  Survey( 
the  Inhabit! 
turning  this 
was  passed 
hee  adjoins 
the  Hempsfc 
otherwise,  f 
into  possess! 
to  commenci 
pended,  Pea 
ivail  him,  si 
being  frighte 
such  thing  ft 
nagement  of 
the  lands  beii 
its  noe  pasturi 
a  plain  of  up 
stick  upon  it  ( 
'think  himself 
give  him  £2Q( 


14  ■.  ^"^  X    l«f^ 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  ^EW-YORK. 


181 


inconvenient  to  keep  it  than  to  part  with  it.  Therefore  Judge  Pal- 
mer having  an  interest  in  East-Jersey  @  an  influence  with  the 
Governor  there,  on  his  giving  mee  his  obligation  to  pay  as  a  fine 
the  summ  of  X60.  to  the  King  in  case  hee  should  not  think  fit  to 
forgive  it  @  the  rent  of  twenty  shillings  p'  ann.  @  to  defend  the 
title,  I  gave  him  a  lea..e  of  the  Reversion  of  it 

To  the  SixTKEHTH  concerning  Rockaway  JSTeck  8^c  ,J 

Mr  Santen  poor  man  neither  understands  his  own  nor  others 
concerns,  hee  was  one  of  the  Council  himself  when  Cap*  Palmer 
petitioned  for  licence  to  purchase  this  land,  lying  without  the 
meers  @  bounds  of  Hempsted  @  when  the  same  was  granted,  @ 
before  hee  had  his  patent  granted,  the  people  of  Hempstead  were 
summoned  to  appear  to  show  cause,  if  they  had  any  why  it  should 
not  bee  granted.  Thereupon  one  person  came  to  mee  @  told  meci 
that  it  was  his  land  @  that  it  was  within  the  meers  @  bounds  of 
Hempstead  on  which  I  ordered  him  to  put  a  Caveat  into  the 
Secry*  office  against  the  passing  of  Judge  Palmers  patent,  and  then 
the  Surveyor  went  to  survey  the  lands  accompanied  by  some  of 
the  Inhabitants  o^  Hempsted,  to  show  him  their  bounds  who  re- 
turning this  lands  to  bee  without  their  meers  @  bounds  the  patent 
was  passed  in  which  Capt"  Palmer  is  expressly  bounded  where 
hee  adjoins  to  Hempsted  by  their  line.  And,  wherein  hee  sayB 
the  Hempsted  people  were  frighted  to  let  their  Suits  fall,  its  quite 
otherwise,  for  this  Pearsall,  upon  the  granting  of  this  Patent  got 
into  possession  of  this  land,  inasmuch  as  Judge  Palmer  was  forcet 
to  commence  suits  against  him  Where  after  it  had  sometime  de- 
pended, Pearsall  finding  that  to  insist  on  his  pretence  would  not 
avail  him,  suffered  judgement  to  goe  against  him,  and  as  for  his 
being  frighted  into  it  by  Capt"  Palmers  being  Judge,  there's  noe 
such  thing  for  on  purpose  he  withdrew  himself  @  left  the  ma- 
nagement of  that  Court  to  his  Collegue  Judge  Nicolib  and  as  for 
the  lands  being  the  only  pasture  of  the  town  its  wholly  false  for 
its  noe  pasture  at  all,  being  all  woodland,  and  tliat  town  having 
a  plain  of  upwards  of  40,000  acres  of  good  pasture  without  a 
stick  upon  it  @  as  for  its  value  I  beleive  Judge  Palmer  would 
'think  himself  obliged  to  Cap*  Santen  or  any  others  that  would 
give  hira  JE200.  for  it. 


m; 


'8  }   \ 


\%  ■> 


182 


GOV.  oongan's  report  on 


To  the  Seventeenth  concerning  Mr  Chrahams  insinuation 

Mr  Santen  is  in  the  right  that  Mr  Graham  is  Attorney-general  @ 
supervisor  of  all  Patents  @  soe  made  upon  Mr  Rudyard's  going 
from  this  place  to  Tarbadoes  @  is  a  person  understanding  in  the 
law,  it  being  his  whole  business  Wherefore  I  thought  it  not  fit  to 
pass  any  patents  without  his  perusal  least  I  might  doe  prejudice  to 
the  King.  Its  likewise  true  that  I  have  called  in  former  patents 
@  still  continue  to  doe  so,  that  I  might  see  by  what  Tenure  they 
hold  their  lands,  which  I  find  generally  to  be  by  none,  they  pay- 
ing noe  acknowledgement  to  the  King,  Whereupon  being  con- 
vinced of  that  defect  by  the  resolution  of  y*  Judges  the  people 
for  their  own  <ase  @  quiet  @  that  of  their  posterity  which  other- 
wise might  have  fallen  under  the  lash  of  succeeding  GovernoFS, 
without  the  least  murmuring  have  renewed  their  patents  with  a 
reservation  of  a  certain  Quit-Rent  to  the  King  to  the  noe  small 
advancement  of  his  Revenue,  @  this  done  with  general  satisfac- 
tion @  of  which  none  will  in  the  least  complain  but  on  the  con- 
trary express  themselves  thankful  for  it 

Mr  Santen  sure  when  hee  wrote  this  article  ag|inst  mee  did  not 
consider  the  obligation  that  was  upon  us  both  to  advance  the  Kings 
interest  in  our  several  stations,  far  less  how  inconsistent  it  was 
with  his  office  to  bee  the  only  pson  aggreived  at  the  advancement 
of  his  Mat7*  revenue,  when  the  people  themselves  that  are  con- 
cerned are  not  only  satisfied  but  pleased  with  it 

Again  hee  forgets  that  hee  was  a  member  of  the  Council  when 
they  gave  it  for  their  opinion  that  those  former  patents  were  in- 
sufficient @  and  were  then  dayly  consenting  to  the  passing  of  new 
ones.  As  for  sums  of  mony  exacted  I  own  I  have  received  J£200 
from  Ranslaer,  but  its  nothing  to  what  my  perquisits  would  have 
amounted  to  according  to  the  aforementioned  regulation  bee  hav- 
ing a  vast  tract  of  Iwd  '  V     ' 

From  Hempted  I  rec^  one  hundred  pound  by  forty  ®  that  in 
Cattle  which  is  far  less  than  my  pquisits  they  having  upwards  of 
100.000  acres,  I  own  alsoe  I  have  received  J£300  from  the  citty 
of  N«w  York,  @  have  granted  them  nothing  more  than  what 
they  had  from  my  predecessors^  @  is  now  before  his  MaU  for  a 
confirmation 


Theh 

is  the  I 

taken  frc 

what  use 

their  selli 

And  as  ft 

•       I  was  nei 

could  not 

never  amo 

said 

Anfwerto 
£■1*  Santen* 
Mcni'diung      a 

complain  a 
mentioned 
perfected, 
bave  to  say 

Cobbyi  Ship 

Kings  share 
which  was  1 
as  appears  I 

Merrim  honio 

rent  as  Capt 
to  drop  dow 
n^Fum  At 
showed  him 
that  his  Royi 
both  the  fam 
tbis  place 

Ooker'*  Bona* 

80  considerab 

it)  therefore  ] 

to  Capt  Santc 

credit    There 

12  or  15  poi 

King  in  Capt 

p'son  in  town 

Cokers  is  noi 


THE  PBOTINCE  OF  NEW-TOBX. 


183 


The  land  that  Mr  Santen  complains  of  to  bee  such  a  grievance, 
is  the  Dock  which  the  town  at  their  own  proper  charge  have 
taken  from  the  sea,  @  dayly  are  at  vast  expense  to  maintain,  & 
what  use  they  make  of  it  is  not  my  business  to  inquire,  but  as  to 
their  selling  to  the  value  of  JE1500  for  my  use  is  wholly  false, 
And  as  for  those  other  sums  of  50,  30  @  20  pound,  its  not  soe. 
I  was  never  covetous  to  take  from  the  poor  people  what  they 
could  not  well  spare,  the  Secratary  is  my  witness,  but  if  I  had  it 
never  amounted  to  my  pquisits,  according  to  the  regulation  afore- 
said 

Auwer  to  Besidcs  the  charge  herein  before  answered  were  found 
Mem*diuni  several  memorandums  of  what  Mr  Santen  intended  to 
complain  against  me.  Among  which  there  being  some  things  not 
mentioned  in  the  said  charge,  the  same  as  I  presume  not  being 
perfected,  I  presume  furthur  to  trouble  your  LoP*  with  what  I 
have  to  say  therein  in  my  vindication 

cobbyi  shjp  I  am  sorry  Mr  Sant^en  has  not  a  better  memory.  The 
Kings  share  of  Cobbys  Ship  came  by  apprizement  to  £19  7*  6^ 
which  was  by  Judge  Palmer  paid  into  Capt"  Santens  own  hands 
as  appears  by  the  testimony  of  Capt  Palmer 
Merrim  honso  As  to  Mr  Merritts  house  it  does  not  pay  soe  much 
rent  as  Capt  Santen  pretends  @  is  too  quite  out  of  repaire,  ready 
to  drop  down  .  •   m  .  . 

The  Farm  And  as  to  the  Farm  hee  might  have  remembered  that  I 
showed  him  a  letter  from  S'  B  Bathurst  wherein  was  intimated 
that  his  Royal  Highness  now  his  Maty  was  pleased  I  should  hare 
both  the  farm  ®  the  house  during  the  time  of  my  government  of 
this  place 

ooker't  Hoiw  For  Coker's  house  I  am  glad  Capt°  Santen  has  found 
so  considerable  a  rent,  for  my  part  I  never  received  a  peny  for 
it,  therefore  I  shall  now  charge  JE72,  more,  being  four  yeares  rent 
to  Capt  Santens  account  for  which  he  has  not  yet  given  the  King 
credit  There  was  a  cooper  liv'd  in  the  next  house  to  it  and  paid 
12  or  15  pound  p'  ann  for  which  I  find  no  credit  given  to  the 
King  in  Capt  Santens  books,  since  the  cooper  left  the  poorest 
p'son  in  town  would  not  live  in  it  it  being  ready  to  drop  down  (^ 
Cokers  is  not  in  a  better  condition,  soe  bad  they  are  that  its  a 


:i     \ 


pp.  M 


I 


'■;  ! 


184 


GOV.  DONGAW'S  REPCRT  ON 


If 


W0* 


I 


m 


wonder  to  every  body  that  they  stand  yet,  in  soe  much  that  when 
Dr  Junes  brought  me  my  Lord  Middletons  order  to  let  him  have 
tl]Lcm  @  I  showed  them  to  him  hee  would  not  live  in  them 

Two  or  three  years  agoeS' John  Worden  sent  me  an  order  to  give 
a  long  lease  of  them  to  any  that  would  take  it,  I  have  not  met  with 
any  such  person  @  I  am  sure  if  rebuilt  by  the  King,  it  will  not 
give  him  the  interest  of  his  money  @  Merritts  house  is  in  the 
same  condition,  as  appears  by  the  return  of  a  Survey  made  by 
some  of  the  Council  and  Carpenters  sent  to  view  it  ' 

Antuis  buainew  As  for  the  business  between  Mr  Santen  @  Mr  Antill 
its  a  thing  soe  scandalous  that  I  will  not  trouble  your  LoP"  with 
an  account  of  it,  only  this  I'll  say  that  Mr  Antill  sent  severall  to 
him  jind  I  spake  to  him  myself  to  let  him  know  that  Mr  Antill 
would  be  satisfied  with  an  acknowledgement  that  hee  had  done 
him  wrong  in  speaking  those  scandalous  words  @  that  it  was  the 
effects  of  drink.  But  Mr  Santens  pride  was  such  that  hee  would 
not  doe  it,  but  continued  to  justify  what  hee  had  said.  Where- 
upon Mr  Antill  took  out  the  execution  against  him  (he  not  being 
then  of  the  Council)  but  before  the  serving  sent  him  y«  like 
message  as  before  with  the  same  effect  whereupon  the  execution 
was  served 

Larkini  Cue  As  for  Larkins  case  I  refer  to  the  orders  of  Council 
herewith  sent 

And  as  for  the  Kings  concerns  going  in  a  right  channel  I  am 
sure  they  never  can  where  he  has  powers.  As  for  desiring  a  list 
of  his  Maty  Quit-Rents  @  my  denying  it  to  him,  its  wholly  untrue 
for  he  has  a  book  with  an  acct  of  all  the  Quit- Rents  that  then 
were  to  bee  found  mentioned  in  the  records  of  Patents  kept  in 
the  Secretarys  office,  which  I  caused  Coker  to  draw  out  on  pur- 
pose for  him  ;     ■  f/   ^ 

Smith  kept  the  key  of  the  Granary  @  what  corn  I  received  for 
my  own  use  or  thf  use  of  the  Garrison  was  taken  out  by  Coker 
@  it  was  shown  to  Mr  Smith  where  I  gave  credit  to  the  King  for 
it  in  my  books.  Afterwards  finding  that  Santen  gave  no  credit 
to  the  King  for  what  corn  came  into  the  Granary  I  took  the  key 
from  Smith  @  gave  it  to  James  Larkens  with  order  to  him  to  give 
receipts  for  what  should  bee  brought  in  @  to  give  an  account  of 
it  to  Smith  that  hee  might  enter  it  upon  the  books 


C^M  Palmer 
Mr  Ja  Gralia: 

those  em 
attorney  : 
must  neec 
in  the  adv 
their  utmc 
w  by  the  ] 
@  such  ot 
merly  ther 
opinion  of 
the  Judge  i 
As  for  si 
against  the 
<Iear  @  ent 
ticeofit,  ti 
casion  to  sei 
bee  only  ms 
Maty*  furth( 
shewing  me< 
ther  since, 
And  had 
gone,  @  for 
Mr  Santen 
goods  going 
without  entrj 
■    there,  hee  an 
cers  taking  n 
fell  excusing 
happened  I  r« 
were  then  w. 
As  for  Wo( 
the  account  g 
The  negro-i 
anything  sinct 
consent  of  the 
The  ship  C 
to  allege  agaii 


THE  PKOVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


186 


CM>tP*imerft  Hee  (locs  Judgc  Palmer®  Mr  Graham  wrong  for 
Mr  Ja Graham  ^jjgy  jy.g  psons  look't  upon  by  the  Council  as  fittest  for 
those  employments  they  are  in,  viz.  Palmer  Judge  @  Graham 
attorney  for  the  King,  And  if  Mr  Santen  would  speak  truth  he 
must  needs  say  they  both  have  been  very  serviceable  for  the  King 
in  the  advancement  of  his  Revenue,  @  that  they  still  continue  with 
their  utmost  endeavors  soe  to  bee  And  though  their  way  of  living 
18  by  the  law,  yet  their  management  has  been  such  by  arbitration 
@  such  other  mild  courses  that  were  there  was  ten  actions  for- 
merly there  is  not  one  now.  And  the  Council  had  soe  good  an 
opinion  of  Capt"  Palmer  that  hee  was  thought  the  fittest  to  bee 
the  Judge  of  y«  court  for  the  Kings  afiairs 

As  for  sloops  &c  going  from  this  to  Newfoundland,  if  it,  was 
against  the  act  of  navigation  hee  did  ill  to  admit  soe  many  to 
dear  @  enter  to  @  from  thenc»  without  soe  much  as  taking  no- 
tice of  it,  till  hee  @  Major  Brockhelles  falling  out,  hee  took  oc- 
casion to  seize  his  sloop,  which  the  Coundl  @  I  looking  upon  to 
bee  only  malicious  discharged  taking  security  from  him  till  his 
Maty*  further  pleasure  were  known  Mr  Mayne  coming  here  @ 
shewing  mee  his  instruction,  noe  vessel  has  gone  from  hence  thi- 
ther since, 

And  had  I  not  relyed  soe  much  upon  Cap^  Santen  none  had 
gone,  @  for  his  sake  Pll  not  trust  to  another  soe  much  again 

Mr  Santen  was  in  the  right  I  was  angry  to  find  a  cart-load  of 
goods  going  ofif  the  bridge  after  shutting  up  the  Custom  House 
without  entry  @  demanding  of  the  man  how  long  they  had  been 
there,  hee  answered  from  seven  in  the  morning,  without  any  offi- 
cers taking  notice  of  them.  Upon  my  speaking  to  Mr.  Santen  he 
fell  excusing  his  officers  @  gave  mee  ill  words.  What  thereupon 
happened  I  refer  to  My  Lord  Neal  @  Mr  Mayne's  testimonies  that 
were  then  w:lnes!i<3s  of  it 

As  for  Woolsford's  case  I  have  already  referred  your  LoP»  to 
the  account  given  thereof  to  S'  Benjamin  Bathurst. 

The  negro-story  I  refer  to  the  record  herewith  sent  I  never  did 
anything  since  I  came  into  the  government  without  the  advice  @ 
consent  of  the  Council 

The  ship  Charts  was  cleared  upon  trial  Mr  Santen  had  nothing 
to  allege  against  her 


1    s 


m-f.. 


ri 

i>' 

r 

h 

186 


GOV.  domoan's  befobt  on 


•i ' ' 


m 


The  sloop  Lancaster  is  the  same  with  that  of  Gov.  Heathcot  be- 
fore mentioned 

The  Boat  of  D'Morez  was  condemned  for  going  to  the  Mill 
with  Com  without  the  Govemm^  @  seized  by  Capt  Santen 

The  Sloop  Fortune  was  condemned  @  my  own  share  as  well  as 
the  King«  forgiyen,  the  poor  man  having  done  what  he  did  inno- 
cently 

The  Sloop  Lewis  came  from  Pettiquaves,  @  brought  here  some 
of  our  people  who  had  been  taken  by  the  Spaniards,  in  going  to 
Jamaica  with  provisions  @  had  fled  to  Pettiquavcs  @  the  sloop 
coming  hither  the  master  sent  up  word  from  Sandy  Hook  that  hee 
would  willingly  come  @  live  here  which  I  willingly  giranted  him 
liberty  to  doe,  ®  in  consideration  of  his  service  in  bringing  home 
our  people  I  forgave  the  Kings  @  my  own  part  in  the  sloop  after 
shee  was  condemned  with  the  proviso  that  if  his  Matr  did  not  ap- 
prove of  it  hee  should  pay  that  share  according  to  appraizement 
for  which  Bond  was  accordingly  taken,  bs  will  appear  to  y  Loi** 
by  the  attested  copie  herewith  sent  In  short  all  that  Fll  say,  bee's 
fitter  for  a  retired  life,  than  to  bee  the  Kings  Collector 
^  _  To  the  three  fy  Twentieth 

unmake  toneh-      The  answcr  thereof  is  referred  to  the  next 

In  answer  to  the  tenth  if  four  ®  Twentieth  querie 
wkatymu.  Every  Town  ought  to  have  a  Minister  New  York  has 
JS?to"°"'  first  a  Chaplain  belonging  to  the  Fort  of  the  Church  of 
England ;  Secondly,  a  Dutch  Calvinist,  thirdly  a  French.  Calvin- 
ist|  fourthly  a  Dutch  Lutheran — Here  bee  not  many  of  the  Church 
of  England;  few  Roman  Catholicksj  abundance  of  Quakers 
preachers  men  ®  Women  especially ;  Singing  Quakers,  Ranting 
Quakers ;  Sabbatarians  ;  Antisabbatarians  ;  Some  Anabaptists 
some  Independents ;  some  Jews ;  in  short  of  all  sorts  of  opinions 
there  are  some,  and  the  most  part  of  none  at  all 
The  Gkwoh  The  Great  Church  which  serves  boUi  the  English  % 
the  Dutch  is  within  the  Fort  which  is  found  to  bee  very  inconve- 
nient therefore  I  desire  that  there  may  bee  an  order  for  their  build- 
ing an  other  ground  already  being  layd  out  for  that  purpose  <3)  th«y 
wanting  not  money  in  Store  wherewithall  to  build  it 
,  The  most  prevailing  opinion  is  that  of  the  Dutch  CaWiniftl 


profess,  bi 

of  their  SI 

Every  1 

which  mai 

nor  Idle  P< 

But  as  fc 

Island  @  ot 

make  them 

\\ '^ 

MyLoiips 

Since 
Secretary's  oj 
dros  whereby 
^^^  Salisbi 
Mat^  know  h< 
without  the  s 
«w»e  soldiers 
^eep  pos^essio 
Seabrook  but  ^ 
of  men  then 
whonv  they  we 
Much  less  it 
tlwii  in  the  tim( 
sequently  the  I 
the  Beaver,  be 
have  been  a  vei 
hart  these  from : 
Weighing  thi 
will  bee  graciou 
Centre  of  all  JK 
have  been  more 
upon  all  occasioi 
Likewise  I  ai 
«ny  Instructions, 


THE  PBOVINCE  OF  MEW-YOBX. 


137 


To  the  Jive  and  twentieth 
nui  eewH,      '*  "  ^^  endeavour  of  all  Psons  here  to  bring  up  their 


*• 


children  @  servants  in  that  opinion  which  themselvei 
profesS)  but  this  I  observe  that  thty  take  no  care  of  the  conversion 
of  their  Slaves. 

Every  Town  @  County  are  obliged  to  maintain  their  own  poor, 
which  makes  them  bee  see  careful  that  noe  Vagabonds,  Beggars, 
nor  Idle  Persons  are  suffered  to  live  here 

But  as  for  the  Kings  natui-al-born-subjects  that  live  on  long- 
Island  ®  other  parts  of  the  Government  I  find  it  a  hard  task  to 
make  them  pay  their  Mii)isters. 

',  '  *        Tho.  Dongak. 

My  Loiu>s  '  ,         V 

Sinoe  my  writing  of  this,  on  Perusal  of  some  Papers  in  tha 
Secretary's  office,  I  found  some  Memorandums  of  Sir  Edmond  An- 
dros  whereby  I  understand  that  in  the  year  167|  hee  sent  hom« 
Gopt?  Salisbury  for  England  to  let  his  Royal  Highness  now  his 
Ma*7  know  how  impossible  it  was,  for  this  Government  to  subsist 
without  the  addition  of  Connecticut.  And  hee  himself  went  with, 
some  soldiers  to  surprise  them,  intending  when  hee  had  done  it  to 
keep  pos^esfflon  by  a  Fort  hee  designed  to  make  at  a  place* called 
Seabrook  but  was  prevented  by  the  opposition  of  two  Company's 
of  men  then  lodged  there  ready  to  goe  out  ag**  the  Indians  irith 
whom,  they  were  in  Warr  < 

Much  less  it  can  subsist  now  without  it,  being  at  more  expeiMi 
tluin  in  the  time  of  Sir  Edmond  @  having  lost  Delaware  @  soe  otm- 
sequently  the  Peltry  Trade  which  is  not  much  inferiour  to  that  of 
the  Beaver,  besides  much  Quit-rents  @  the  Excise  which  would 
ha,vje  been  a  very  considerable  Revenue  And  too,  what  helps,  hee 
had,  thes«  from  East  @  West  Jersey. 

Weighing  this  with  the  reasons  aforementioned,  I  hope  his  Ma^7 
will  bee  graciously  pleased  to  add  that  Colony  to  this  which  is  the 
Centre  of  all  His  Dominions  in  America.  And  the  people  thereof 
have  been  more  inclined  to  his  Ma*'*  service  and  have  expressed 
upon  all  occasions  more  Loyalty  than  any  other  of  these  Parts 

Likewise  I  am  to  give  y'  Lo^'  an  account  that  since  I  received 
my  Instructions,  I  caused  a  Vessel  which  came  to  Amboy  to  come 


\\ 


> 

'1 

)■■■ ' 

* 

*:■'■. 

■i. ; 


188 


tsoY.  donoan's  bepobt  on 


hither  (3)  enter-i— It  being  the  opinion  of  the  Council,  that  II  wii 
both  agreeable  to  my  Instructions  and  formtr  practise  especially  in 
the  time  of  Sir  Edm<>  iindros 

Pentiivank  I  am  now  informed  that  the  people  of  Pensilvania  have 
had  last  year  from  the  Indians,  upwards  of  200  packs  of  Beaver 
down  to  the  Skonshill  ®  will  have  more  this,  as  I  have  reason  to 
believe,  which  if  not  prevented,  his  Ma*^  must  not  expect  this 
Oovernm^  can  mamtain  itself,  besides  that  it  will  wholy  depopulate 
both  this  Town  @  Albany 

One  Rogers  the  Weighmaster  being  found  indebted  to  the'  King 
in  j£190-17--^  I  demanded  the .  mony  from  him  to  which  hee  re- 
turned  for  answer ;  that  he  was  Mr.  Santen's  servant  @  would  live 
@  die  by  him  @  would  not  pay  it  without  his  order.  On  which  an 
Extent  was  made  out  against  him  @  hee  taken  thereupon  ®  put 
into  Prison  j  Where  after  many  endeavors  of  Mr  Saten  to  the  con- 
trary as  will  appear  by  the  Minutes  of  Council  hee  at  last  paid 
JC140  of  it  which  I  was  willing  to  take  rather  than  lose  the  whole 

I  am  afraid  wee  shall  not  have  soe  good  an  account  of  the  rest  of 
the  debts 

Being  informed  that  Mr  Smith  has  never  accounted  with  Mr 
Santen'@  having  the  opinion  of  Capt°  Palmer  @  Mr  Graham  that 
he  is  accountable  to  the  King  at  least  for  soe  much  of  the  mony  as 
hee  has  received  to  his  own  use  on  pretence  of  Salary  without  any 
authority  for  the  same.  I  have  caused  him  to  be  arrested  in  an  ac- 
tion of  account  at  his  Ma^  suit,  upon  which  hee  lies  a  prisoner  to 
answer  it  at  the  Court  appointed  for  the  management  of  his  Ma''* 
Revenue 

Mr  Santen  since  his  commitm*  hath  been  soe  unruly  @  abusive 
to  mee  and  the  Council  that  in  our  own  defence.  Wee  are  force'tto 
send  him  home,  threatning  us  vnth  Chains  at  least  for  what  wee 
have  done. 
counciioM     The  names  of  y»  Councilors 

Major  Anthony  Brockhells 
Frederick  Flipson 
Stephen  V  Courtlandt 
John  Spragg 
Gervis  Baxter 


T    -»- 


»m' 


^; 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  MEW-YORK. 


189 


The  Council  thought  fit  not  to  give  Mr.  Santen  bis  oath  as  ap- 
pears by  the  Minutes  of  Council 

John  Young  had  his  oath  given  him  but  hee  lives  160  miles  from 
this,  @  has  no  estate  of  his  own  and  very  old,  that  it  is  a  thing  im- 
possible for  him  to  serve 

There  being  a  clause  in  my  Instructions  wherein  I  am  limited 
not  to  act  without  five,  therefore  Mr  John  Spragg  @  Major  Jervis 
Baxter  going  for  England,  and  there  not  being  a  sufficient  number 
to  make  a  quorum,  I  have  by  Yertue  of  a  clause  in  my  letters  Pa- 
tents, impowring  mee  in  case  of  absence  out  of  the  Goverment 
death  or  Suspension  to  add  of  the  principal  Freeholders)  given  the 
oath  to  Judge  P^vlmer  and  Nicolas  Bayard  the  present  Mayor  to  serve 
in  the  Council  until  his  Ma*^  pleasure  be  known 

And  whereas  there  is  a  clause  in  my  Instructions  to  send  over  the 
names  of  six  persons  more  fitt  to  supply  the  vacancy  of  the  Coun- 
cil six  of  the  fittest  I  find  in  this  Government  are  as  followeth 
Mathias  Nichols   Judge 
James  Graham 
William  Smith 
Gabriel  Minvielle 
\       Francb  Rumbouls 
Major  Nicolas  Demyre 


'■:i 


4 


>    'H 


/ 


i 


N^ 


.1 


.  I, 


If ' 


iKl 

^.'. .  • 

wJ 

f  ^  "'^' 

il1  ^^ 

'1^  '- 

^ 

'•Jv 

I 


ht<  > 


^^'  r 

^ 

'       1 

1 

Hgyl 

;Aj4 

*     • 


VII. 


PAPERS 


mUATMSIW 


3fi.  be  f  monmlk'B  f  x^ieMtion 


<♦      '      :*•'■- 


THE  OEKESEE  COUDTRT  AND  NUOABA. 


1087. 


I      ! 


H .- 


EXTRA 
\ 

\ 

His  prin 

Colony  by 

rable  he  m 

nois  and  the 

by  a  firm  ai 

they  will  hs 

conditions  \ 

He  will,  I 

his  power  tl 

taouacs,  Mi 

deem  it  proj 

dition  again! 

in  his  regard 

ing  well  pers 

his  experienc 

to  a  speedy  c 

He  ought  \ 

has  pretendec 

mination  evei 

the  whole  ex 

though  HisM 

he  has  made 

to  his  Comma 

notwithstandii 

ought  to  do  ei 

the  French  an( 

appearance,  n 


:'■    '    "            ' 

^w^  ■ 

, . 

''l':^-    ' 

, ', 

'  I'i 

}■    'V  ,  I,; 


'  >" 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  KING'S  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE 
MARQUIS  DE  DENONVILLE,  March  10, 1685. 

[Pari*  Doc.  III.]  .  ^     .       - 

His  principal  object  ought  to  be  to  establish  the  reposb  of  the 
Colony  by  a  firm  and  solid  peace.  But  to  render  this  peace  du- 
rable he  must  lower  the  pride  of  the  Iroquois,  support  the  Illi- 
nois and  the  other  allies  whom  Sr  de  la  Barre  has  abandoned,  and 
by  a  firm  and  vigorous  policy  to  let  the  said  Iroquois  know  that 
they  will  have  every  thing  to  fear  if  they  do  not  submit  to  the 
conditions  which  he  intends  to  impose  on  them. 

He  will,  then,  first  declare  to  them  that  he  shall  protect  with  all 
his  power  the  allies  of  the  French ;  inform  the  Illinois,  the  Ou- 
taouacs,  Miamis  and  others  of  the  same  thing,  and  should  he 
deem  it  proper  to  back  this  declaration  by  troops  and  an  expe- 
dition against  the  Senecas,  His  Majesty  leaves  it  to  him  to  adopt, 
in  his  regard,  such  resolutions  as  he  shall  deem  most  suitable,  be- 
ing well  persuaded  that  he  will  follow  the  best  course,  and  that 
his  experience  in  war  will  place  him  in  a  position  to  bring  that 
to  a  speedy  conclusion  if  he  be  obliged  to  undertake  it. 

He  ought  to  be  informed  that  the  Commandant  of  New  York 
has  pretended  to  aid  the  Iroquois  and  to  extend  the  English  do- 
mination even  to  the  bank  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  and  over 
the  whole  extent  of  Country  inhabited  by  those  Savages.  And 
though  His  Majesty  doubts  not  but  the  King  of  England  to  whom 
he  has  made  representations  by  his  Ambassador,  will  give  orders 
to  Ids  Commandant  to  put  a  stop  to  these  unjust  pretensions,  he, 
notwithstanding,  considers  it  necessary  to  explain  to  him  that  he 
ought  to  do  every  thing  to  maintain  good  understanding  between 
the  French  and  English  :  Yet  should  the  latter,  contrary  to  every 
appearance,  rouse  the  Savages  and  afford  them  succor,  he  must 

13 


-'ti- 


^  I 


! 


194 


denonville's  expedition  to  the 


act  towards  them  as  towards  enemies,  when  he  finds  them  in  the 
Indian  Country,  without,  however,  attempting  any  thing  in  the 
countries  under  the  King  of  England's  obedience. 


I'  -H  I 


v«» 


Bf>: 


:;i 


i 


FATHER  UMBERVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

•  V'      ■  [London  Doe.  v.] 

From  Onnontagu^,  10  Sept.  1685. 

My  tjord — I  had  the  honour  not  long  since  to  write  to  you — 
it  was  last  month ;  since  the  despatch  of  my  last  letter,  the  Sene- 
cas  who  were  desirous  to  make  trouble  and  to  persuade  the  Mo- 
hawks and  other  villages  to  unite  with  them  against  Mons'  de  la 
Barre,  have  changed  their  minds ',  since  they  were  assured  that 
the  peace  concluded  last  year,  as  you  desired,  should  not  be  bro- 
ken by  M.  de  la  Barre,  as  they  were  maliciously  told,  and  as  a 
hundred  false  reports  which  are  never  ceased  being  related  would 
persuade  them.  To  complete  successfully  what  you  have  so  well 
begun,  it  only  remains  to  exhort  the  Senecas  to  add  a  few  more 
peltries  to  the  ten  beavers  and  thirty  otters  which  they  left  in 
deposit  with  the  Onnontagu4s  to  satisfy  M'  de  la  Barre,  as  you 
recommended  them  to  do  last  year.  Let  your  zeal  for  the  public 
peace,  and  especially  for  the  Christians  of  this  America  induce 
you,  if  you  please,  to  put  the  finishing  hand  to  this  good  work 
and  to  recommend  the  Senecas  and  other  villages  not  to  attach 
credit  to  the  new  floating  rumors,  since  it  is  true  that  the  Gov' 
of  Canada  desires  with  all  his  heart  that  all  things  should  be  quiet 
and  to  second  your  just  intentions.  The  Onnontagu^s  and  those 
who  are  of  their  opinions,  have  operated  powerfully  on  the  minds 
of  the  said  Senecas  to  induce  them  to  resume  thoughts  of  peace, 
as  well  as  Mr  Arnout,  bearer  of  this  letter,  who  was  present  at 
what  was  done  and  said ;  and  who  can  inform  you,  and  from 
whom  you  will  be  glad  to  receive  his  report. 

Since  peace,  through  your  care,  vnll  aparently  last,  we  shall 
continue  to  carry  the  Christian  faith  through  this  Country,  and  to 
solicit  the'  Indians,  whom  you  honor  with  your  friendship,  to  em- 
brace it  as  you  yourself  embrace  it,  for  this  is  the  sole  object  that 


OfiNESEE  COUKTRT  AND  NIAGARA. 


Ids 


has  caused  us  to  come  here,  that  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ,  shed 
for  all  men,  may  be  useful  to  them,  and  that  His  glory  may  be 
great  throughout  the  earth. 

If  you  will  please  to  honour  me  with  a  line  from  your  hand, 
you  can  have  your  letter  given  to  one  named  Garakonti^  who  is 
deputed  from  the  Onnontagues  to  repair  to  the  Diet  which  you 
have  convoked  at  Albany.  Do  him  the  charity  to  exhort  him  to 
be  a  good  Christian,  as  he  was  whose  name  he  bears,  and  who  was 
his  brother.  Recommend  him  I  beseech  you  not  to  get  drunk 
any  more,  as  he  promised  when  he  was  baptized,  and  to  perform 
the  duties  of  a  Christian.  One  word  from  you  will  have  a  won- 
derful effect  on  his  mind,  and  he  will  publish  throughout  that  it 
is  not  true-  that  the  English  forbid  them  to  be  Christians  since 
you  who  command  them  will  have  exhorted  them  to  persevere 
therein. 

I  pray  God,  who  has  given  us  the  grace  to  be  united  in  the 
same  Catholic  fsdth,  to  unite  us  also  in  Heaven ;  and  that  he  may 
heap  his  graces  on  you  here  on  earth,  is  the  wish  of  him  who  is 
perfectly  and  with  all  manner  of  respect,  My  Lord, 
Ycmr  very  humble  and  ■ 

'  '-'   '    '^        very  obedient  servant,        ;    i    ',. ,    ' 
^  '  ^'  Jean  DE  Lamrervuxe,      -' 

of  tJie  order  of  Jesuits,  (called  in  Indian,  Teiorhensert.)    * 

Oblige  me,  I  request  you,  to  have  the  enclosed  sent  to  its  ad- 
dress. 

Please,  My  Lord,  pardon  me  the  liberty  which  I  take  to  pre- 
sent my  humble  respects  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  who  is 
called  among  the  Indians,  Big  Sword  or  Cutlass,  who  I  learn  is 
with  you  at  Albany,  to  whom,  some  time  t^o,  I  caused  to  be  re» 
stored  an  Englishman  named  Rolelman,  whom  these  Indians  here 
had  plundered  and  captured  and  whom  I  took  into  my  hut  to  save 
him  from  the  fury  of  some  refractory  people  and  from  those  who 
wovld  make  him  their  slave.  It  is  the  least  service  I  would  de- 
are  to  render  him.      ,.„..,.,        ,  , 


'  I,  '*.  1 


196 


dbnontille's  expedition  to  ths 


i'.W^ 


81  I  '•• 


MEMOIR  CONCERNING  THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  CANADA 

AND  THE  MEASURES  THAT  MAY  BE  ADOPTED  FOR  THE  SECURITY  OF  THE 
COUNTRY.       12  NOVEMBER  1685.       {ExtrCCt.) 

[Pari!  Doc.  III.] 

The  most  to  be  feared  is  the  Iroquois  who  are  the  most  pow- 
erful in  consequence  of  the  facility  with  which  they  obtain  arms 
from  the  English  and  the  number  of  slaves  they  make  daily 
among  their  neighbours  by  carrying  away  at  an  early  age  their  chil- 
dren, whom  they  adopt ;  this  is  the  only  means  of  their  increase, 
for  thro'  their  debaucheries  of  Brandy  which  lead  them  into  fright- 
ful disorders,  the  few  children  their  women  raise  could  not  of 
themselves  assuredly  sustain  them,  if  they  did  not  make  prisoners. 

The  great  trade  in  arms  and  ammunitions  at  a  low  rate,  among  the 
English  has  given  them  hitherto  that  advantage  which  they  have  over 
other  nations  who  in  order  to  be  disarmed  have  been  destroyed  by 
the  former  who  are  all  of  them  insolent.  Even  the  English  in 
Virginia  have  suffered  and  still  suffer  from  them  every  day ;  but 
the  interest  of  the  trader  at  Orange  and  Manatte  supersedes 
the  public  interest,  for  if  they  would  not  sell  them  powder,  that 
nation  could  be  more  easily  conquered  than  any  other.  It  consists 
of  five  principal  villages,  each  of  which  have  other  smaller  ones 
dependant  on  them ;  the  first  is  called  Anni6  (Mohawk)  which 
can  furnish  two  hundred  men  fit  for  service  and  are  ten  leagues 
from  Orange  (Albany)  j  the  second  is  Oneyoust  (Oneida)  which 
can  furnish  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  at  from  15  to  20  leagues 
from  Anni4 ;  the  third  is  Onontagu^  which  could  bring  out  three 
hundred  men,  ('tis  one  hundred  leagues  from  Montreal);  the 
fourth  is  Goyoguoain  (Cayuga)  which  could  put  two  hundred  men 
a-foot,  at  twelve  leagues  from  Lake  Ontario,  and  the  Sonoutou- 
ans  (Senecas)  the  fifth,  who  comprize,  as  it  is  reported,  twelve 
hundred  men  bearing  arms,  at  five  leagues  South  of  the  Lake. 

The  Senecas  being  the  strongest,  are  the  most  insolent.  The 
idea  must  not  be  entertained  that  this  Nation  can  ever  be  reduced 
except  by  being  in  a  position  to  pounce  on  them  j  which  cannot 
be  done  without  approaching  them,  occupying  some  posts  where 


GENESEE  COUNTKY  AND  NIAGARA 


197 


provisions  can  be  placed  for  the  troops  vrho  will  be  sent  after 
them.  To  accomplish  this  sufficiently  apropos  without  being  per- 
ceived by  the  enemy,  in  consequence  of  the  navigation  of  the 
river,  which  is  full  of  Rapids  and  Cascades,  impassable  except 
by  portages,  indepmdant  of  the  distance — herein  consists  all  the 
care  and  difficulty. 

The  post  of  Catarokuy  appears  to  me  the  most  advantageous, 
by  placing  it  in  a  better  state  of  defence  than  it  is.  It  is  at  the  en- 
trance of  Lake  Ontario  from  the  extremity  of  which  the  Senecas 
are  distant  only  five  or  six  leagues,  in  a  beautiful  country  towards 
the  South. 

The  position  of  this  fort  is  sufficiently  favorable  to  secure  the 
barks  against  the  storms  and  the  attacks  of  the  Indians  at  a  tri- 
fling expense  which  will  require  to  be  made  on  it.  The  passage 
to  be  made  through  this  lake  is  forty  or  fifty  leagues  before  dis- 
embarking near  the  Senecas.  The  three  barks  at  Catarokuy  will 
be  particularly  useful  in  this  enterprize  by  putting  them  in  repair, 
for  they  have  been  much  neglected. 

It  appears  to  me  extremely  important  that  the  King  render 
himself  absolute  master  of  this  Lake,  which  is  more  than  three 
hundred  leagues  in  circumference.  I  am  persuaded  that  the  Eng- 
lish would  like  particularly  to  have  a  post  there,  which  would  be 
immensely  prejudicial  to  the  Colony  and  the  King's  power  on 
this  Continent ;  his  Majesty  could  easily  make  himself  master  of 
it,  without  any  opposition,  by  the  permanent  establishment  of  a 
post,  with  vessels  on  this  lake,  and  by  another  fort  and  vessels  on 
lake  Erie  which  is  only  two  leagues  distant,  by  the  Niagara  Ri- 
ver, from  this  lake  Ontario ;  but  as  this  post  cannot  be  established 
until  after  the  Iroquois  are  conquered,  I  shall,  before  entering 
into  a  detail  of  the  means  of  conquering  that  Nation,  again  say, 
regarding  the  importance  of  occupying  those  posts,  that  the  Eng- 
lish have  so  great  a  facility  to  establish  themselves  there  that  it  is 
the  power  of  the  Iroquois  alone  which  has  prevented  them  having 
posts  there,  since  Lake  Ontario  can  be  easily  reached  on  horse- 
back from  Manatte  and  Orange,  there  being  a  distance  of  pnW 
one  hundred  leagues  through  a  fine  country.  '^r  ;  •? 


1 J 


m    1- 


I  I 


1 


\ 


IT' 


I^J 


198 


DKNONVILLE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


1* 


mn 


;,:I.J; 


li 


i. 


The  importance  of  the  post  to  be  occupied  on  lake  Crie  i^ 
easily  perceived^  since  we  can  easily  go  in  vessels  from  that  lake 
to  Missilimakina  which  would  be  a  great  facility  for  the  trade  of 
the  country,  to  keep  the  Outaouacs  in  check  and  in  obedience  to 
the  King ;  besides,  we  should  have  the  means  of  reaching  through 
this  lake  the  Illinois,  and  surmount  by  this  communication  with 
ships  many  of  the  difficulties  experienced  in  the  Rivers  in  conse- 
quence of  the  number  of  portages.  Being  masters  of  these  two 
lakes  and  cruizing  there  with  our  vessels,  the  English  would  lose 
the  Beaver  trade  in  that  quarter,  of  which  they  have  abundance. 

A  durable  peace  with  the  Iroquois  Indians  would  be  more  ad- 
vantageous to  the  Colony  than  prosecuting  a  war ;  but  this  Nation 
has  assumed  such  exeesiuvely  insolent  and  haughty  airs  towards 
all  the  other  tribes  against  whom  they  wage  war  and  at  whose 
expense  they  daily  increase ;  and  joined  to  that,  the  odds  they 
have  had  from  a  (^ladvantageous  peace  concluded  last  year  with 
ua,  has  placed  them  in  a  position  that,  we  may  foe  assured,  they 
will  break  with  us  on  the  first  opportunity.  It  is  yet  more  certain 
that  if  they  be  not  checked,  they  win  reassume  their  former  inso- 
lent air  the  momient  there  will  be  no  m<M-e  troops  in  tfan  eeuntry, 
however  they  may  promise  us  at  pr^eint,  and  will  no  dotibt  insult 
us,  and  subject  ua  to  all  possible  outrage. 

It  is  necessary,  then,  to  examine  the  most  certun  means  of 
destroying  and  conquering  their  five  vills^es,  whidi  according  to 
the  above  estimate,  may  bring  into  the  field  about  two  thousand 
men  bearing  arms,  and  in  a  condition  to  go  to  war. 

I  eminder  that  what  troops  we  have,  and  what  militia  we  can 
collect  together,  if  we  had  them  all  with  some  of  our  Savages, 
would  suffice  to  attack  them ;  but  as  it  is  not  sufficient  to  make 
them  let  go  their  foot,  and  it  becomes  necessary  to  deprive  them 
of  aU  means  of  disturbing  us  in  our  settlements,  we  must  Bot  go 
after  them  to  chastise  them  by  halves  but  to  annihilate  them  if 
possible.  This  cannot  be  done  without  the  tud  of  a  number  (^Sa- 
vages sufficiently  great  to  pursue  them  in  security  to  the  distant 
forests  towards  Maryland  and  Andastes  whither  they  will  r€treat 
if  Ihey  find  that  we  are  more  powerful  than  t^ey ;  and  as  it  is  of 
extreme  importance  not  to  declare  war  against  them  until  we  are 


GENESEE  COUKT&Y  AND  NIAGARA. 


199 


in  a  condliioQ  to  vanquish  them,  it  will  be  absolutely  necessary 
to  adopt  measures  with  the  Illinois,  their  enemies,  and  with  the 
Savages  our  allies,  to  engage  them  to  unite  with  us  in  attacking 
them  and  pursuing  them  into  the  woods  whither  they  never  fail 
to  retire,  daring  not  to  stand  against  us.  For  as  it  would  be  very 
unfortunate  not  to  vanquish  them  if  we  attack  them,  nothing 
ought  be  neglected  that  can  be  done,  to  endeavor  to  destroy 
them  and  put  it  beyond  their  power  to  injure  the  Colony.  If 
we  succeed,  I  calculate  the  English  will  lose  their  trade  in  that 
quarter. 

I  find  all  our  allies  so  discontented  with  us,  and  so  dissatisfied 
on  account  of  the  idle  march  which  we  caused  them  to  make  last 
year,  that  according  to  what  I  learn,  I  do  not  believe  that  any  of 
them  can  be  relied  on. 

Before  engaging  in  a  war,  then,  I  considered  it  prudent  to  per* 
mit  the  continuance  of  the  negotiations  of  a  certain  Onontague 
savage,  accredited  by  them  and  the  other  Iroquois,  who  is  said  to 
wish  for  nothing  but  peace.  Notwithstanding  I  bethought  me  of 
managing  the  Ilfinois  by  prombing  them  every  protection,  and  as 
Chevalier  de  Tonty,  who  is  in  command  at  ,the  fort  on  behalf  of 
M.  de  Lasalle,  has  considerable  influence  among  the  niinms,  I 
have  deemed  it  a  duty  to  advise  him  of  my  arrival  and  of  the 
necessity  whidi  exists  that  he  should  speak,  as  soon  as  possible, 
for  the  King's  interest. 

I  likewise  sent  to  M.  de  Ladurantaye  who  is  at  lake  Superior 
under  orders  from  M.  de  Labarre,  and  to  Sieur  Duluth  who  is  also 
at  a  great  distance  in  another  direction,  and  all  so  far  beyond 
reach  that  neither  the  one  nor  the  ot^er  can  have  news  from  me 
this  year,  so  that  not  being  able  to  see  them  all,  at  soonest  before 
next  July,  I  considered  it  best  not  to  think  of  undertaking  any 
thing  during  the  whole  of  next  year,  especially  as  a  great  number  of 
our  best  men  of  the  Colony  are  among  the  Outaouacs,  and  cannot 
return  before  the  ensuing  summer. 

Moreover,  learning  that  six  tribes  of  our  friends  and  allies  are 
at  war  with  each  other,  and  as  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  recon- 
cile them  before  thinking  of  deriving  any  advantage  from  them, 
I  sent  presents  and  instructions  to  M.  Ladurantaye  to  collect  our 


i  » 


IM 


flf.Vt 


200 


DBNOmriLLfi's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


\M 


m 


mm 


s» 


French  and  put  himself  at  their  head,  in  order  to  support  his  rea- 
soning and  to  have  more  authority  to  reconcile  them  in  concert 
with  Father  Anjeblan  Jesuit  Missionary  at  Missilimakina. 

We  shall)  however,  lose  no  time  in  putting  ourselves  in  a  posi- 
tion to  resent  the  insults  that  the  Iroquois  may  offer  the  Colony, 
which  would  suffer  very  much  if  we  were  mastered,  and  we  will 
not  let  pass  any  negotiations  that  offer  so  as  to  lull  the  Senecas 
who  are  the  most  insolent,  and  with  whom  there  is  no  permanent 
peace  to  be  expected,  much  less  that  they  will  observe  it  with 
our  allies  whose  total  destruction  they  contemplate. 

Chevalier  de  Tonty  commandant  of  M  de  Lasalle's  fort  among 
the  Illinois,  coming  next  week,  we  shall  agree  together  as  to  what 
is  best  to  be  done  to  secure  the  conquest  of  this  Nation,  which  I 
understand  can  be  done  if  he  can  march  with  a  sufficiently  large 
body  of  Illinois  behind  lake  Erie  and  come  to  Niagara,  as  Sieur 
de  la  Forest  who  commanded  at  Fort  Catarokvy  tohl  me  could 
be  done,  who  also  assured  me  that  powder  and  at  least  four  or 
five  hundred  guns  would  be  required  to  arm  these  people.  This 
is  but  a  loan,  which  the  said  Sieur  de  Laforest  is  certain  will  be 
reimbursed  in  cash,  by  the  said  iSieur  de  Tonty. 

The  said  Sieur  de  La  Forest  having  demanded  my  permission 
.to  go  and  join  said  Sieur  de  Tonty  on  M  de  Lasalle's  business,  I 
deemed  it  proper  to  select  a  capable  person  to  guarantee  the  safety 
of  the  Post  of  Catarokvy.  I  chose  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  a  very  pru- 
dent and  intelligent  man  and  who  has  much  experience,  whose 
conduct  during  M  de  Labarre's  administration  is  praised  and  ap- 
proved by  all  persons  of  property  in  the  country. 

I  gave  him  his  company  as  a  garrison,  with  some  workmen  as 
well  to  refit  the  vessels  as  to  repair  the  barracks,  and  to  put  the 
fort  in  the  best  possible  condition  to  pass  the  winter. 

And  as  there  is  a  great  resort  of  Iroquois  at  that  place,  and  as 
there  is  quite  a  number  established  there,  I  requested  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  to  station  Father  Milet  there  to  act  as  Interpreter  and  to 
correspond  with  Father  de  Lamberville  who  is  a  Missionary  among 
the  Onontagues  who  evince  a  desire  for  peace. 

In  regard  to  Sieur  Duluth  I  sent  him  orders  to  repair  here  so  that 
I  may  learn  from  himself  the  number  of  savages  on  whom  I  may 


dep 
to  I 
broi 
Sen( 
the( 
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troo[ 
from 
of  ca 
and  r 
be  pr 
I      more 
.1     repair 
^     wiUn 
The 
the  £ 
suspici 
It  is 
other 
have  n 
enemy 
quantit 
.    rally 
complii 
be  effe( 
ties  in 
leagues 
This, 
rangem 
since  fr 
to  be 
and  fro 
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said  pla 
ting  my 
fight  th 
i««The  ( 


SI 


GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


m 


depend :  he  is  accredited  among  them  and  rendered  great  services 
to  M  de  Laharre  by  a  considerable  number  of  savages  whom  he 
brought  to  him  to  Niagara^  who  alone  would  have  attacked  the 
Senecas  weie  it  not  for  an  express  order  from  M  de  Labarre  to 
the  contrary. 

On  arriving  here  I  found  neither  batteaux  nor  canoes  for  our 
troops,  and  as  they  are  absolutely  useless  if  not  adapted  to  pass 
from  one  point  to  another;  knowing  by  experience  that  the  expense 
of  canoes  is  too  great  and  that  they  require  too  much  attention 
and  repair,  I  thought  I  could  not  do  better  than  to  order  plank  to 
be  prepared  for  one  hundred  flat  batteaux,  which  will  carry  twice 
more  than  canoes  and  will  be  much  cheaper  both  in  cost  and 
repair,  because  a  batteau  that  will  carry  two  thousand  pounds 
will  not  cost  more  than  a  canoe  which  will  carry  only  one- 

The  means  for  preparing  to  wage  war  against  the  Iroquois,  if 
the  King  approve  of  it,  so  that  that  Nation  may  not  have  any 
suspicion,  remain  to  be  considered. 

It  is  very  much  to  be  desired  that  first  of  all,  sufficient  flour  and 
other  provisions  might  be  put  into  Catarokvy  next  year,  so  as  to 
have  nothing  to  do  the  following  year  but  to  march  against  the 
enemy  j  but  as  I  do  not  think  it  possible  to  convey  the  whole 
quantity  of  provisions  necessary  thither  without  the  savages  natu- 
rally suspicious  taking  umbrage,  measures  must  be  adopted  to  ac- 
complish all  in  the  same  year  with  great  diligence,  which  cannot 
be  effected  without  trouble  and  expense,  for  in  truth,  the  difficul- 
ties in  surmounting  rapids  and  cascades,  twenty-five  to  thirty 
leagues  in  extent,  are  immense. 

This,  however,  is  not  all ;  for  it  is  well  to  consider  that  the  ar- 
rangements are  not  easy  to  be  made  so  as  to  secure  punctuality, 
since  from  the  Illinois  country  there  are  four  hundred  leagues 
to  be  travelled  to  arrive  at  Niagara,  the  place  of  rendezvous ; 
and  from  the  Outaouacs  and  Savages  of  lake  Superior,  three 
hundred  leagues,  and  from  Quebec  nearly  two  hundred  to  the 
said  place  of  Niagara.  All  this  must  make  me  think  of  put- 
ting myself  in  a  condition  to  be,  myself,  sufficiently  strong  to 
fight  them  without  any  other  aid  than  that  of  this  country. 
v,^,The  conveyance  of  supplies  and  the  expense  are  my  sole  diffi- 


1  ' 


i' 
1 


I 


m 


l(!.; 


111  ■' ' 


II 


802 


psnomviixe's  kxpedition  to  tub 


cult'es.  The  neighbourhood  of  Catarokvy  indifferently  fertile  in 
grain)  produces  good  peas ;  M.  de  Laforest  assures  me  that  he  has 
nearly  three  hundred  minots.  I  caused  him  to  give  orders  to  have 
them  all  sown,  and  M.  d'Orvilliers  not  to  allow  any  to  be  consum- 
ed, but  will  make  the  soldiers  work  and  oblige  them  to  plant  some. 
That  will  be  a  trifling  supply  of  four  or  five  hundred  minots  for 

next  year. 

•  t  »  •  •  •  • 

It  will  require  considerable  expense  to  render  the  river  naviga* 
ble  ;  the  Map  I  have  caused  to  be  made  of  it  will  afford  son^e 
imperfect  idea  by  remarking  the  pitch  in  several  places  there. 

The  surest  remedy  against  the  English  of  New- York  would  be  to 
purchase  that  place  from  the  King  of  England  who  in  the  present 
state  of  his  affairs,  will,  without  doubt,  require  money  of  the  King. 
By  that  means  we  should  be  masters  of  the  Iroquois  without 
waging  war. 


m;  i 


M.  DE  DENONYILLE  TO  THE  MIMSTER*  8  Ifoy  1686. 

[Pwh  Doc.  III.] 

I  learn  that  the  news  which  I  had  the  honour  to  send  you  of 
the  appearance  on  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie  of  Enfflish  Canoes 
accompanied  by  French  Deserters  on  their  way  to  the  Outaomcs 
is  true.  There  are  ten  of  them  loaded  with  merchandize.  Tliere- 
upon,  my  Lord,  I  sent  orders  to  Missilimakina,  to  Catarokouy  and 
other  places  where  we  had  Frenchmen,  to  run  and  seize  them, 
and  I  am  resolved  to  send  another  officer  with  twelve  reliable 
men  to  join  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  at  Catarosky,  who  is  to  go  with 
Sieur  de  Lasalle's  bark  to  Niagara  to  treat  there  with  the  Iroquois 
Indians  on  their  return  from  hunting.  He  vnll  take  some  men 
with  him.  This  officer,  with  the  aid  of  this  bark  and  some  ca- 
noes which  shall  be  furnished  him,  will  post  himself  with  twenty 
good  men  at  the  River,  communicating  from  the  Lake  £ri6 


1  I 


GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


203 


with  that  of  Ontario,  near  Niagara  by  which  phice  the  English 
who  ascended  Lake  Eri6  must  of  necessity  pass  on  their  return 
home  with  their  peltries  I  regard,  my  Lord,  as  of  primary  im- 
portance the  prohibition  of  this  trade  to  the  English,  who  with- 
out doubt,  would  entirely  ruin  ours  both  by  the  cheaper  bargains 
they  could  give  the  Indians  and  by  attracting  to  them  the  French- 
men of  our  Colony  who  are  accustomed  to  go  into  the  woods. 

I  am  persuaded  that  the  Iroquois  are  very  anxious  for  peace 
now  that  they  see  troops,  but  I  do  not  at  all  believe  that  they 
will  submit  not  to  make  war  any  more  against  the  other  Nations 
our  allies,  therefore  there  is  no  doubt  but  we  must  prepare  to 
humble  them. 

.     What  I  should  connder  most  effectual  to  accomplish  this, 
would  be.  the  establishment  of  a  right  good  post  at  Niagara. 

The  manner  in  which  the  English  ;iave  managed  with  the  Iro- 
quois hitherto,  when  desirous  to  establish  themselves  in  their 
neighbourhood,  has  been  to  make  them  presents  for  the  purchase 
of  the  soil  and  the  property  of  the  land  they  wish  to  occupy. 
What  I  see  most  certain  b,  whether  we  act  so  by  them  or  have 
peace  or  war  with  them,  they  will  submit  with  considerable  im- 
patience to  see  a  fort  built  at  Niagara  which  would  secure  to  us 
the  communication  between  the  two  Isdces;  would  render  us 
masters  of  the  road  the  Senecas  take  in  going  to  hunt  for  furs, 
none  of  which  they  have  on  their  own  grounds ;  it  is  likewise 
their  rendezvous  when  hunting  for  their  supplies  of  meat  with 
which,  as  well  as  with  all  sorts  of  fish,  this  country  abounds. 

this  post  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  the  other  nations 
-who  are  at  war  with  these,  and  who  durst  not  approach  them, 
having  too  long  a  road  to  travel  when  retreating.  It  would 
keep  them  in  check  and  in  obedience,  especially  by  building  a 
Fort  sufficiently  large  to  contain  a  force  of  4  or  600  men  to 
make  war  on  them ;  this  cannot  be  done  without  expense  because 
it  must  be  enclosed  by  a  simple,  ordinary  picket  fence  to 
place  it  beyond  all  insult,  not  being  in  a  position  to  be  relieved 
by  us.  "    "' 

To  guarantee  its  construction,  it  must  not  be  doubted  for  a 


li 


i 

.1,1; 
'   ! 

■ 

I 
1 

-      t 

1   i' 


804 


DdfOMVILLrS  EXPEDITION  TO  THC 


^■1 


moment,  though  at  peace  with  them,  but  a  guard  would  be  ne- 
cessary there  for  the  security  of  the  workmen.  The  freight  of 
provisions  as  well  for  the  garrison  as  the  troops  to  be  stationed 
there  is  very  high,  since  a  thousand  pounds  w^  which  is  a  load 
for  a  canoe,  costs  110  liv.  from  Ville  Marie  on  the  Island  of  Mon- 
treal to  Catarakouy.  Independent  of  mere  provisions,  how  many 
other  necessaries  and  munitions  are  required  ! 

This  post,  my  Lord,  woiild  absolutely  close  the  entire  road  to 
the  Outaouacs  against  the  English,  and  would  enable  us  to  pre- 
vent the  Iroquois  carrying  their  peltries  to  the  latter  j  for  with  the 
redoubt  at  Catarokouy  which  would  serves  us  as  an  Entrepot  to 
shelter  our  bark^  from  the  storms  in  winter,  we  having  posts  at 
both  sides  of  the  Lake  could  render  ourselves  Masters  of  the  hunt- 
ing of  that  Nation  who  can  support  itself  merely  by  that  means 
and  would  draw  but  little  from  the  English  if  it  had  no  more 
peltries  to  give  them  :  What  is  very  certain,  they  would  carry 
them  much  fewer  than  heretofore. 

I  propose  to  send  Sieur  d'Orvilliers  to  Niagara  this  year  with 
Sieur  de  Villeneuve,  the  draughtsman  whom  you  gave  me,  to  draw 
the  plan,  and  after  I  shall  h?ve  seen  the  Iroquois  at  Yillemarie 
on  the  Island  of  Montreal  and  we  shall  know  what  we  have  to 
expect  from  them,  I'll  see  if  I  shall  not  be  able  to  take  a  trip 
thither  myself,  in  order  to  furnish  you  with  a  more  certain  report 
thereon  j  for  to  rely  on  Sieur  de  Villeneuve  alone,  he  is  a  very 
good,  very  accurate,  very  faithful  draughtsman,  but  in  other  re- 
spects he  has  not  a  very  well  ordered  mind  ;  it  is  too  confined  to 
be  able  tq,  furnish  out  of  his  own  head  any  ideas  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  post  and  its  management. 

I  am  assured  that  the  land  in  the  neighbourhood  is  very  fine 
and  fertile,  easy  of  cultivation ;  it  is  situate  about  the  44^'>  de- 
gree. Every  thing  I  learn  confirms  me  in  the  opinion  which  I 
entertain,  that  this  post  would,  in  three  years  at  farthest,  support 
itself.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  fortifying  it  would  draw  war  on  us, 
if  you  wish  to  avoid  it  j  but  at  the  same  time  I  believe  that  were 
the  Senecas  to  see  us  well  planted  there,  they  would  be  more 
pliant. 
Should  this  plan  be  agreeable  to  you,  my  Lord,  please  send 


mai 
con 

1 

of  V 

to  hi 

pertj 

deser 

witht 

WJ 

vernoi 

Bate  I 

of  the 

mittht 

iugto 


Sir— 

this  Go{ 
that  the! 
turbe  yJ 
informe(| 
ting  stor 
meet  thj 
will  not  I 
that  thoS 
with,  arj 
in  feasor 
that  our 
they  doe 
gage  you| 
our  own 


n 


oenesfj:  country  and  niaga&a. 


SOS 


masons  and  plenty  of  instrunicnts  to  break  up  the  ground  and 

convey  stone. 

*  t  •  • 

You  will  be  surprised,  my  Lord,  to  learn  that  Sieur  de  Chailly, 
of  whom  I  had  the  honour  to  write  you  this  fall,  not  being  able 
to  have  his  cong6  from  me  to  retire  to  Fiance  with  all  his  pro- 
perty which  he  sent  off  last  year  before  my  arrival,  has  fled  and 
deserted  the  Country,  to  pass  over  to  Orange  (Albany)  and  thence 

without  doubt  by  way  of  England  to  France. 

•  •  •  * 

What  is  disagreeable  in  it  is,  that  he  will  have  informed  Go- 
vernor Dongan  of  every  thing  he  knows  of  our  expeditions  to  the 
Baie  du  J^ord  (Hudson's  Bay)  and  has  learned  of  the  interests 
of  the  country  and  our  designs.  I  beg  of  you,  my  Lord,  to  per- 
mit the  confiscation  of  whatever  property  may  be  found  belong- 
ing to  him  for  the  benefit  of  the  two  hospitals  of  the  Colony. 


FROM  GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[Lond.  Doo.  y.  s  Pur.  Doc.  III.] 

Albany,  May  22.  1686. 
Sir — ^I  have  sent  for  the  five  Nations  of  Indians  y*  belongs  to 
this  Governm^  to  meet  me  at  this  place,  to  give  them  in  charge 
that  they  should  not  goe  to  your  side  of  the  Great  Lakes  nor  dis- 
turbe  your  Indians  and  Traders,  butt  since  my  coming  here  I  am 
informed  that  our  Indians  are  apprehensive  of  warr  by  your  put- 
ting stores  into  Cataract  [Cataraquf]  and  ordering  some  forces  to 
meet  there.  I  know  you  are  a  man  of  judgment  and  that  you 
will  not  attack  the  King  of  England's  subjects.  Being  informed 
that  those  Indians  with  whom  our  Indians  are  engaged  in  warr 
with,  are  to  the  West  and  Southwest  of  the  greate  Lakes  (if  so) 
in  reason  you  can  have  no  pretence  to  them.  It  is  my  intention 
that  our  Indians  shall  not  warr  with  the  farr  Indians.  Whether 
they  doe  or  not  it  does  not  seem  reasonable  that  you  should  in- 
gage  yourself  in  the  quarrell  of  Indians  wee  pretend  too,  against 
our  own  Indians.   Whether  these  Territories  belong  to  our  or  the 


m 


l»lf;l 


11 


A  ^ 

t 

,1 

!  1 

0 

t  ■ 

iri 


\i(     >l 


.     >.. 


I.i 


I,:  ^ 


206 


DENONVILLE^S  EXPEDITIOiN  TO  THE 


French  King  is  not  to  be  decided  here,  but  by  our  Masters  at 
home ;  and  your  business  &  mine  is  to  take  Mapps  of  the  Coun> 
try  so  well  as  wee  can  and  to  send  them  home  for  the  limits  to 
be  adjusted  there. 

r  am  likewise  informed  that  you  are  intended  to  build  a  fibrt 
at  a  place  called  Ohniagero  on  this  side  of  the  Lake  within  my 
Masters  territoryes  without  question  (I  cannot  believe  it,)  that  a 
person  that  has  your  reputation  in  the  world  would  follow  the 
steps  of  Monsi*  Labarre  and  be  ill  advised  by  some  interested  per- 
sons in  your  Govemm*  to  make  disturbance  between  our  Masters 
subjects  in  these  parts  of  the  world  for  a  little  pillitree  ;  when  all 
these  differences  may  be  ended  by  an  amicable  correspondence 
between  uu,  If  there  be  any  thing  amiss,  I  doe  assure  you  it  shall 
not  be  my  fault  though  we  have  suffered  much,  and  doe  dayly  by 
your  People's  trading  within  the  King  of  England's  territoryes. 
I  have  had  two  letters  from  the  two  Fathers  that  lives  amongst 
our  Indians,  and  I  find  them  somewhat  disturbed  with  an  appre- 
hension of  war,  which  is  groundlesse,  being  resolved  that  it  shall 
not  begin  here,  and  I  hope  your  prudent  conduct  will  prevent  it 
there,  and  referr  all  differences  home  as  I  shall  doe.  I  heare  one 
of  the  Fathers  is  gone  to  you,  and  the  other  that  staid  I  have  sent 
for  him  here  lest  the  Indians  should  insult  over  him,  tho'  its  a 
thousand  pittys  that  those  that  have  made  such  progresse  in  the 
service  of  God  should  be  disturbed,  and  that  by  the  fault  of  lliose 
that  laid  the  foundation  of  Christianity  amongst  these  barbarous^ 
people. 

Setting  apart  the  station  I  am  in  I  am  as  much  Mons'  Desnon- 
ville's  humble  Servant  as  any  friend  he  has^  and  will  onutt  noe 
opportunity  of  manifesting  the  same 

S' 
Your  humble  Serv* 

ThO*  DoNGANi 

This  Rumor  of  y^^  coming  to  Cataracto  has  prevented  my  send- 
ing a  gentleman  to  Quebec  to  congratulate  your  arryv^d  in  y* 
Oovemm*  soe  am  constrained  to  make  use  of  y"  Father  4>r  v* 
»afiB  e<mveyance  of  this  to  your  hands 


If./';   un>- 


0XNX8EB  OOUNTKY  AND  STIAOABA. 


207 


.Wr< 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  D0N6AN. 

[Par.  Doc.  III.] 

Yille  toMri;  June  20.  1686. 

I  received,  Sir,  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honour  to 
write  me  on  the  22°^  May  last,  You  will  sufficiently  learn,  in 
the  end,  how  devoid  of  all  foundation  are  the  advices  which  you 
have  had  of  my  pretended  designs  and  that  all  that  has  heen  told 
you  by  the  deserters  from  the  Colony  ought  to  be  much  suspected 
by  you. 

You  are.  Sir,  too  well  acquainted  with  the  service  and  the  man- 
ner that  things  must  be  conducted,  to  take  any  umbrage  at  the  sup- 
plies which  I  send  to  Cataracouy  for  the  subsistence  of  the  sol- 
diers which  I  have  there. 

You  know  the  savages  sufficiently  to  be  well  assured  that  it 
would  be  very  imprudent  on  my  part  to  leave  that  place  without 
having  enough  of  supplies  and  munitions  there  for  one  year's 
time.  You  are  not  ignorant  that  it  is  impossible  to  get  up  th^re 
at  all  seasons ;  if  I  were  to  have  them  conveyed  for  a  large  force, 
I  should  have  used  other  means. 

The  natural  treachery  of  a  people  without  faith  and  without 
reli^on,  require  us  to  be  so  far  distrustful  of  them  that  you  ought 
not  to  blame  me  for  using  precaution  against  their  restlessness 
and  caprice. 

I  had  the  honor  to  inform  you  by  my  letter  of  the  6^  June  last 
that  the  orders  I  have  from  my  Master  manifest  merely  the  zeal 
which  His  Majesty  entertsuns  for  the  progress  of  Religion  and  for 
the  support  and  maintenance  of  the  Missionaries.  I  expect  from 
your  piety  that  you  will  not  be  opposed  to  that,  knowing  well 
how  much  you  love  Religion.  Do  you  think.  Sir,  that  they  will 
reap  much  fruit  whilst  the  savages  are  allowed  no  peace  in  the 
villages  in  which  our  Missionaries  are  established  ? 

When  I  came  here,  I  thought  Peace  was  assured  between  the 
Iroquois  and  us  and  our  Savage  allies.    You  see.  Sir,  what  has 


!   I 


^<- 


'm 


\i  '■ 


I*" 


'I 


208 


dekonville's  expedition  to  the 


you 


been  the  conduct  of  the  Iroquois  in  this  rencounter.     Can 
say,  Sir,  that  I  am  wrong  in  distrusting  them  ? 

They  are  alarmed  at  the  war  which  they  fancy  I  shall  wage 
against  them ;  their  conscience  only  could  have  impressed  them 
with  this  idea,  since  I  have  not  done  the  least  thing  to  make  them 
believe  that  I  want  any  thing  else  from  them  than  to  see  peace  well 
established  throughout  all  the  country.  What  have  I  done  to 
cause  them  the  least  uneasiness  ?    And  what  do  they  want  ? 

In  respect  to  the  pretensions  which  you  say  you  have  to  the 
lands  of  this  country,  certainly  you  are  not  well  informed  of  all 
the  entries  into  possession  {prises  de  possessions)  which  have  been 
made  in  the  name  of  the  King  my  Master,  and  of  the  establish 
ments  which  we  have  of  long  standing  on  the  lands  and  on  the 
lakes ;  and  as  I  have  no  doubt  but  our  Masters  will  easily  agree 
among  themselves,  seeing  the  unio;i  and  good  understanding 
that  obtain  between  them,  I  willingly  consent  with  you  that 
their  Majesties  regulate  the  limits  among  themselves  wishing  no- 
thing more  than  to  live  with  you  in  good  understanding ;  but  to 
that  end.  Sir,  it  would  be  very  apropos  that  a  gentleman  so  wor- 
thy as  you  should  not  grant  protection  to  all  the  rogues,  vaga 
bonds  and  thieves  who  desert  and  seek  refuge  with  you,  and  who, 
to  acquire  some  merit  with  you  believe  they  cannot  do  better  than 
to  tell  you  many  impertinencies  of  us,  which  will  have  no  end  so 
long  as  you  will  listen  to  them. 

The  letter  which  the  Rev.  Father  de  Lamberville  has  been  so 
kind  as  to  be  the  bearer  of  from  me  on  the  6*i>  June  last  ought  to 
suffice.  Sir,  to  put  you  perfectly  in  possession  of  my  intentions. 
It  would  be  unnecessary  that  I  should  make  any  other  reply  to 
your  last  of  the  22^  of  May,  were  it  not  that  I  was  very  glad 
hereby  to  prove  to  you  again  that  I  shall  always  feel  a  great 
pleasure  in  seizing  every  opportunity  to  shew  that  I  am 

Sir,  -k  ■ 

Your  very  humble  & 

very  obedient  Servant. 


;f--<f--- 


I 


ri;^  t;v'  I  •jii  '-u  [I'tii  ik-' 


Sir- 
tedth 
found 
ence  v 
abroad 
to  hav< 
temper 
Barre  \ 
addictec 
them, 
they  as 
and  repi 
to  comp, 
it  and  y( 
not  but  1 
gate  the 
had  no  le 
take  all  i 
Gospell  t 
least  ill  ti 
each  nati( 
proove  sh 
suppress  t 
and  quarr 
largement 
I  have  1 
to  Cannida 
English  D< 
Virginia,  b 
is  wholly  r 
ther  you  m 


#;>:,   ,, 


OBKUBE  OOUNTBY  AND  NIAGAaA.  209 


COL  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[Lond.  Doc.  v.;  Par.  Doc.  III.] 

New  York,  27th  July.  1686. 

Sir — I  had  the  honour  to  receave  two  letters  from  you  one  da- 
ted the  6^>>  and  the  other  the  20''|  of  June  last  and  in  them  I  have 
found  very  much  satisfaction  by  the  hopes  of  a  good  correspond- 
ence  with  a  person  of  so  great  merit  worth  and  repute  spread 
abroad  in  the  army  in  which  I  served.  Believe  it  it  is  much  joy 
to  have  soe  good  a  neighbour  of  soe  excellent  qualifications  and 
temper  and  of  a  humour  altogether  differing  from  Monsieur  de  la 
Barre  your  predecessor  who  was  so  furious  and  hasty  very  much 
addicted  to  great  words  as  if  I  vi  bin  to  have  bin  frighted  by 
them.  The  Indians  peradverti  l  ght  justly  offend  him  for 
they  as  you  well  remarke  are  not  people  of  the  greatest  credit 
and  reputation,  but  certainly  I  did  not  amiss  in  offering  sincerely 
to  compose  the  difference  and  I  went  expressly  to  Albany  to  do 
it  and  yet  no  suitable  returns  were  made  by  him  for  it.  I  doubt 
not  but  your  Masters  inclinations  are  very  strongly  bent  to  propa- 
gate the  Christian  Religion  and  I  do  assure  you  that  my  master 
had  no  less  a  share  in  so  pious  intentions ;  for  my  part  I  shall 
take  all  imaginable  care  that  the  Fathers  who  preach  the  Holy 
Oospell  to  those  Indians  over  whom  I  have  power  bee  not  in  the 
least  ill  treated  and  upon  that  very  accompt  have  sent  for  one  of 
each  nation  to  come  to  me  and  then  those  beastly  crimes  you  re- 
proove  shall  be  checked  severely  and  all  my  endeavours  used  to 
suppress  their  filthy  drunkennesse  disorders,  debauches,  warring 
and  quarrels  and  whatsoever  doth  obstruct  the  growth  and  en- 
largement of  the  Christian  faith  amongst  those  people 

I  have  heard  that  before  ever  the  King  your  Master  pretended 
to  Cannida,  the  Indians  so  farr  as  the  South  Sea  were  under  the 
English  Dominion  and  always  traded  with  Albany  Maryland  and 
Virginia,  but  that  according  to  your  desire  with  very  good  reason 
is  wholly  referred  to  our  Masters,  and  I  heartely  pray  that  nei- 
ther you  nor  myselfe  give  occasion  of  any  of  the  least  misunder- 

14 


'  ;  I 


^lii 


11 


I 


210 


DBMONVIIiL^S  EXFEDITION  TO  TBB 


■t 


'« 


standing  between  them  but  that  a  prosperous  correspondence 
stricht  amity  and  union  may  perpettually  bee  continued  bet^yeen 
those  monarchsj  The  stricktest  care  shall  be  taken  concerning 
runawayes  from  you  and  those  who  are  here  if  you  please  to  send 
for  them  shall  bee  all  conveyed  to  you — but  if  there  bee  any  sol- 
diers who  have  deserted,  I  desire  you  to  give  me  the  assurance 
that  they  shall  not  loose  their  lives,  And  now,  Sir.  I  begg  your 
pardon  for  giveing  you  the  trouble  of  my  particular  affairs  which 
is  thus :  when  my  Prince  called  me  out  of  the  French  service 
twenty  five  thousand  livres  were  due  to  me  as  was  stated  and  cer- 
tifyed  to  Mons'  De  Lenoy  by  the  Intendant  of  Nancy — my  stay 
was  so  short  that  I  had  no  time  to  kisse  the  King's  hands  and  pe- 
tition for  itt — a  very  great  misfortune  after  so  long  service,  for  in 
the  circumstances  I  was  then  in  I  served  him  faithfully  to  the 
uttermost  of  my  power.  After  I  quitted  France  I  went  to  Tan- 
gier and  haveing  left  that  place  sometime  after  came  hither  so 
that  I  never  had  time  to  represent  my  case  to  His  Majesty  which 
i  request  you  to  espouse  for  me  that  so  by  your  means  I  may  ob- 
taine  either  all  or  at  least  some  part  of  that  which  is  due  to  me — 
The  King  I  know  had  bin  bountifull  to  all  and  I  am  conf  dent 
hath  too  much  generosity  to  see  me  suffer;  however  it  happens  I 
shall  as  heartily  pray  for  his  good  health  and  happy  success  in 
all  his  undertakings  as  any  one  breathing  and  be  ever  ready  to 
make  all  juSt  acknowledgements  to  yourselfe  for  so  great  an  ob- 
ligation and  favour  ;  wishing  heartily  for  a  favorable  occasion  to 
demonstrate  how  profound  an  esteem  I  have  for  your  person  and 
merritts  and  give  ttndenyable  prdofb  that  I  am  sincerely  and  with 
all  respects 

Sir 
Your  most  humble  and  affectionate  servant 

Tho*  Dovojaf 


'1 


:tti-' 


*  ;.}'■■  ;••>  :■,.-;.' 


•;,  .:"-^     .*;L-|   rUl    'liW/Uv-^v 


In 

sionar 
letter 
I  repe 
it  will 
ligence 
thereur 
j  causes 
your  g, 
tect. 

Idoi 
the  trou 
all  the  I 
exhortat 
trade  to 
long  bef( 
Youh 
of  our  M 
nations  ii 
so  notorii 
Main  taint 
der,  or  a 
been  sait 
of  your  m 
do  you  w 
accord  wi 
the  27ih 

Well  regai 

»h'p  existi 

country  in 

You  hat 


n< 


0BNK8EE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA.  311 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[PatIs  Ooo.  III.] 

29  Sept.  1686. 

I  received  by  the  Rev.  Father  de  Lamberville,  the  elder,  mi»- 
sionary  among  the  Iroquois  of  the  village  of  the  Onontagu^s  the 
letter  which  you  took  the  trouble  to  write  to  me  on  the  27""  July. 
I  repeat,  Sir,  what  I  already  had  the  honour  to  state  to  you  that 
it  will  not  be  my  fault  that  we  shall  not  live  in  very  good  intel- 
ligence. I  am  willing  to  believe.  Sir,  that  you  will  contribute 
thereunto  on  your  side,  and  that  you  will  put  an  end  to  all  those 
causes  that  may  exist  for  dissatisfaction  at  what  is  doing  under 
your  government  by  your  traders  and  others  whom  you  pro- 
tect. 

I  do  not  believe,  Sir,  that  the  King  your  master  approves  of  all 
the  trouble  you  have  taken  in  arming  and  soliciting  by  presents 
all  the  Iroquois  Nation  to  wage  war  on  us  this  year,  neither  the 
exhortations  you  have  made  them  to  plunder  our  Frenchmen  who 
trade  to  places  which  up  to  the  present  time  we  have  acquired 
long  before  New  York  was  what  it  is. 

You  have  proposed.  Sir,  to  submit  every  thing  to  the  decision 
of  our  Masters,  yet  your  emissary  to  the  Onnontagu^s,  told  all  the 
nations  in  your  name  to  pillage  and  to  make  war  on  us.  This  it 
so  notorious  a  matter  that  it  cannot  be  doubted,  and  it  will  be 
maintained  before  your  emissary  ;  whether  he  acted  by  your  or- 
der, or  at  the  suggestion  of  your  merchants  at  Orange,  it  has 
been  said  and  done.  You  are  not  ignorant  of  the  expedition 
of  your  merchants  against  Michilimaquina.  I  ask  you.  Sir,  what 
do  you  wish  that  I  should  think  of  all  this,  and  if  this  behaviour 
accord  with  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  on 
the  27*''  July  filled  with  courtesies  and  friendly  expressions  at 
well  regarding  Religion  as  the  good  understanding  and  friend- 
ship existing  between  our  Masters  which  ought  be  imitated  in  this 
country  in  token  of  our  respect  and  obedience  to  them. 

You  had  the  civility  to  tell  me  that  you  would  give  me  up  all 


<  ,i 


812 


denonville's  expedition  to  the 


Mi' 


\ 


the  deserters,  who  to  escape  the  chastisement  of  their  knaveries, 
take  refuge  with  you  ;  yet  you,  Sir,  cannot  be  ignorant  of  those 
who  are  there,  but  as  all  these  are  for  the  major  part  bankrupts 
and  thieves  I  trust  they  will  finally  give  you  reason  to  repent  of 
having  given  them  shelter,  and  that  your  merchants  who  employ 
them  will  be  punished  for  having  confided  in  rogues  who  will 
not  be  more  faithful  to  them  than  they  have  been  to  us. 

You  know,  Sir,  they  spare  neither  the  Outaouas,  our  most  an 
tie'nt  allies,  nor  the  other  tribes  among  whom  we  have  Preachers 
of  the  Gospel  and  with  whose  cruelties  to  our  holy  Missionaries, 
whom  they  have  martyred,  you  are  acquainted.  Are  all  these 
reasons.  Sir,  not  sufficiently  conclusive  to  induce  you  to  contribute 
to  designs  so  pious  as  those  of  your  Master  1  Think  you.  Sir, 
that  Religion  will  progress  whilst  your  Merchants  supply,  as  they 
do,  Eau  de  Vie  in  abundance  which  converts  the  savages,  as  you 
ought  to  know,  into  Demons  and  their  cabins  into  counterparts 
and  theatres  of  Hell. 

I  hope,  Sir,  you  will  reflect  on  all  this,  and  that  you  will  be 
so  good  as  to  contribute  to  that  union  which  I  desire,  and  you 
wish  for. 

Finally,  Sir,  you  must  be  persuaded  that  I  will  contribute,  wil- 
lingly and  with  pleasure,  my  best  to  obtain  for  you  the  favor  you  de- 
sire from  the  King  my  master.  I  should  have  wished ,  Sir ,  that  you 
had  explained  your  case  more  clearly,  and  that  you  had  placed  in  my 
hands  the  proofs  or  vouchers  of  your  debt,  so  as  to  explain  it  to  the 
King,  for  so  many  things  pass  through  the  hands  of  Mess",  his 
Majesty's  Ministers  that  I  fear  M.  de  Lonnoy  will  not  recollect 
your  affair,  which  he  cannot  know  except  through  the  Intendant 
who  was  at  Nancy,  whose  name  you  do  not  mention.  I  shall  not 
fail.  Sir,  to  endeavour  to  obtain  for  you  some  favor  from  the  King 
my  master  for  the  services  which  you  have  rendered  his  majesty. 
I  should  wish,  Sir,  to  have  an  opportunity,  on  some  other  more 
.fitting  occasion  to  prove  that  I  am,         iji  ^      ,  .  ^  ,:  . 

Sir, 
...    Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  Servant.    , 


ONTl 


wP 


Our 

and  01 
it  in  vi 
of  a  w 
tain  it 
qucstio 
head  ai 
as  to  hs 
untroub 
understt 
Protecti 
piety  be 
I  ann 
last  in  V 
against  < 
Saguinai 
do  with 
blow, 
doubt  it 
open  act 
they  are 
I  knov 
all  the  F 
ange  to  t 
I  want  to 
Frenchme 
an  incursi 

1  The  Co 
iii.  84. 


«i 


6KMKSKE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGAKA. 


213 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE'S  MEMOIR 

ON  THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  IN  CANADA  AND  THE  NECESSITT 
OF  MAKING   WAR  NEXT   YEAR  ON   THE  IROQUOIS. 

[Parii  Doc.  III.] 

Quebec   the  8th  9ber  1688. 

Our  reputation  is  absolutely  destroyed  both  among  our  friends 
and  our  enemies.  It  is  no  trifling  thing,  My  lord,  to  reestablish 
it  in  view  of  the  expense  and  labor  and  the  dreadful  consequences 
of  a  war,  absolutely  necessary.  But,  My  lord,  when  we  are  cer- 
tain that  it  is  God's  business  and  the  King's  glory  that  are  in 
question,  and  that  all  those  to  whom  they  are  committed  have 
head  and  heart  occupied  only  with  zeal  to  perform  their  duty  so 
as  to  have  nothing  wherewith  to  reproach  themselves,  we  labour 
untroubled,  confident  that  Heaven  will  supply  the  defects  of  our 
understanding  and  abilities,  more  especially  having  you  as  our 
Protector  near  to  King  with  whom  all  things  are  possible,  his 
piety  being  the  foundation  and  motive  of  all  his  undertakings. 

I  annex  to  this  Memoir,  the  duplicate  of  the  letter  of  June 
last  in  which  I  advised  My  lord  of  the  expedition  of  the  Iroquois 
against  our  allies  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas  of  Missilimakina  in  the 
Saguinan.*  I  have  learned  since,  that  the  English  had  more  to 
do  with  that  expedition  than  even  the  Iroquois  who  struck  the 
blow.  Their  intrigues,  My  lord,  reach  a  point  that  without 
doubt  it  would  be  much  better  that  they  should  have  recourse  to 
open  acts  of  hostility  by  firing  our  settlements,  than  to  do  what 
they  are  doing  through  the  Iroquois  for  our  destruction. 

I  know,  beyond  a  moment's  doubt  that  Mr.  Dongan  has  caused 
all  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations  to  be  collected,  this  spring,  at  Or- 
ange to  tell  them  publicly,  so  as  to  stimulate  them  against  us,  that 
I  want  to  declare  war  against  them  ;  that  they  must  plunder  our 
Frenchmen  in  the  Bush  which  they  can  easily  effect  by  making 
an  incursion  into  the  country,  and  for  that  purpose  Mr.  Dongan 


1  The  Country  between  Lakes  Erie  and  Huron  was  thus  called, 
iii.  84. 


Paris  Doe. 


'-.- 

■  1 

vl 

IP'  ■ 

1 

M 

Bf;;v 

1     IJIy^ 

', 

'1 

m 

( 

■.:.",.i^hs^l 

m 

'iflj 

HH| 

■  1 

■ 
1 

\\ 


914 


DUIWinU^E's  EXVSDniOK  10  THE 


U'l 


?■?-: 


-f.-'. 


**>.i 


caused  presents  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  be  given  them  by  the 
merchants,  neither  more  nor  less  than  if  it  were  himself  who 
was  to  make  war.  There  is  no  artifice,  therefore  My  lord, 
that  he  did  not  employ  to  persuade  them  of  their  destruction,  un- 
less they  destroyed  us. 

Father  de  Lamberville,  Jesuit  Missionary  at  Onontagu6,  one  of 
the  five  villages,  being  advised  of  the  wicked  designs  of  the  Eng- 
lish) set  all  his  friends  to  work  to  avert  the  storm,  and  enjoining 
tium  to  report  every  thing  to  him,  he  obtained  fro  them  that 
th«y  would  not  budge  until  he  had  seen  me.  During  his  absence 
9/[r.  Dongan  sent  an  express  to  the  Iroquois  ^o  notify  them  to 
march  without  delay  and  fall  on  the  Colony,  ordering  Father  de 
Jliamberville's  brother,  who  had  remained  as  hostage  to  be  brought 
to  him,  thinking  to  deprive  us  of  all  our  missionaries  among  the 
Iroquois.  At  the  same  time,  he  sent  emissaries  among  oyr  sava- 
ges at  Montreal  to  debauch  them  and  draw  them  to  him,  promis- 
ing them  Missionaries  to  instruct  them,  assuring  them  that  he 
would  prevent  Brandy  being  conveyed  to  their  villages.  All 
these  intrigues  have,  given  me  no  small  exercise  all  summer  to 
ward  00"  this  blow. 

Mr.  Dongan  wrote  me,  and  I  answered  him  as  a  man  may  do 
who  wishes  to  dissemble,  and  who  cannot  yet  get  angi^y,  much 
less  crush  his  foe.  I  thought  it  better  to  temporise  and  answer 
Mr.  Dougan  by  eluding  rather  than  exhibiting  one^s  chagrin 
without  haying  the  power  to  injure  his  enemy.  The  letters  which 
I  rec^  from  him  and  my  answers,  copies  of  which  I  send,  will  ad- 
vise you  of  my  conduct  in  this  conjuncture.  Mr.  Dongan,  notwith- 
standing works  secretly  by  all  the  artifices  in  the  world,  to  de- 
bauch our  Frenchmen  and  Indians.  Col.  Dongan's  letters  will 
sufficiently  explain  his  pretensions  which  embrace  no  less  than 
from  the  Lakes  inclusive  to  the  South  Sea.  Missilimackinac  belongs 
to  them.  They  have  taken  its  elevation.  They  have  been  there 
treating  with  our  Outawas  and  Huron  Indians,  who  received  them 
there  very  well  on  account  of  the  excellent  trade  they  made  there 
in  selling  their  goods  for  beaver  which  they  purchase  much  dearer 
than  we.  Unfortunately  we  had  at  the  time  but  very  few  French 
at  Missilimackinac.     M.  de  la  Durantaye  on  arriving  there  would 


pursi 
ti^em 
did  n 
going 
until 
Th, 
dersjia 
this  al 
JPar^e 
^P  Ora 
jWspro 
which 
poles  y 
Neve 
the  firsl 
f?as  ther 
^t  Coi 
we  can  1 
the  entri 
Wes  m^^ 
Doubtles 
Fatljej 
Colonel'j 
«s  and  t( 
gain  ovei 
sure  the 
out  of  h« 
the  Nati< 
not  returj 
up  t|ie  Fi 
here  "uo 
All  thi 
back  the 
Iroquois 
the  Senec 
fine  the 
and  the 


Qfll^Vt  fiQI7IPT»¥  MO  nuojmik.. 


816 


pursue  the  English  to  plfind^  tlhem ;  the  Harons  ran  tQ  ewort 
tl^em  after  saying  many  I^^d  things  of  U9.  M-  de  la  Piiraiilay« 
^id  not  overtake  the  English,  who  met  on  their  rqad  the  S^n9fll§ 
gping  to  meet  them  to  escort  them  through  lakes  Eri^  find  PnUvio 
yntil  they  were  beyond  th^  risk  pf  hieing  attacked  by  us. 

Thus  you  see,  My  lord,  that  the  Senecas  a^d  th^  Elngli^h  uq- 
dersjiand  eac|i  pth^^r  c|iarm|^gly,  and  ^rie  in  perfect  harnuony  nod 
tl^is  alliance  |s  made  particjularly  with  the  $irmy  yr^pn^  ^.ieU. 
Barfe  "Vfent  against,  for  at  the  tipie  pf  his  march  tl^p  S^neoas  HO 
|o  Ori^^ge  to  find  Colonel  Dongan  to  beg  hiqa  tp  take  them  nmdor 
jbis  protection,  giving  tl^efja^lves  py^r  to  him  by  a  .publip  Aote 
which  was  registered  and  ^ent  to  ^nglan4,  apd,  the^,  }kp  t^vtcd 
poles  with  the  arms  pf  Ei^igli^pd  to  ^e  planted  j^x  all  tl^eir  viU^gflf* 

Nevertheless,  previous  to  that  ti^e  we  l^d  ufi^ipnaries  ik^ff^t 
the  first  before  any  Englishman  hac)  ^  idea  that  thejre  were^^ 
cas  there.  I  annex  to  thj^  Letter  a  memoir  of  o;^r  ^ighttp  all 
that  Cpimtry  of  wl^ich  our  re^|ste|rs  on^ht  to  be  full,  f)ut  pf  yt^fih 
we  can  find  no  trace.  I  am  told  that  M.  Tallon  ha^  or|gif^fil(^  ^f 
the  entjries  of  possession  {]^i^^s  de  pps^ssio^f)  pf  m^ydiscpyjB- 
r^es  m^ie  in  thi/s  country,  which  our  registers  ought  to  pofftaio. 
Doubtless  he  has  given  them  tp  ^y  late  Iprd,  your  father. 

Father  de  Lamberville  having  given  me  an  account  pf  j^  t^ 
Colonel's  intrigues  which  tended  to  taj^e  the  Hupiis  ^^y  frppi 
us  and  to  draw  off  the  Outawas,  I  entrusted  \avp.  wi^l^  pr^jents^ 
gain  over  the  principal  and  most  intriguing  of  the  Iroquois  tp  ^ 
sure  the  friendship  of  the  young  men  who  were  disposed  to  pB 
out  of  humor  with  us.  He  arrived  in  very  good  sea^pn,  fpr  j^^ 
the  Nations,  assured  by  Mr.  Dpngan  that  the  gppd  Father  yrpu^ 
not  return,  had  assembled  and  were  marching^  hut  his  return  wpke 
up  the  Father's  party,  who  by  means  of  secret,  which  are  ca^ed 
here  "underground"  presents,  dispelled  the  stprm. 

All  the  summer  has  been  spent  in  comings  and  goings  to  get 
back  the  prisoners,  the  Outawas  wishing  to  demand  them  of  the 
Iroquois  without  my  participation,  according  to  the  promises  pf 
the  Senecas  to  restore  them,  provided  I  did  not  demand  them.  In 
fine  the  Hurons  and  the  Outawas  resolved  to  repair  to  Calar^qu'i^ 
and  the  Onontagu6s  alone  have  given  up  their  prboners.  the 


"1 


if- 


■ 

i 

1 

■   ! 

I 

216 


dbmonville's  expedition  to  the 


111 . 

til '  / 


Ti*> 


fc"f' .    > 


*)"' 


IP'" 


r;^ 


1-^' 


I 


w 


Senecas  saying  that  theirs  did  not  wish  to  return  home.  Father  de 
Lamberville  returned  here  in  the  latter  part  of  September,  he 
gave  me  an  account  of  all  his  cares,  and  of  all  his  troubles  and 
fatigues.  Whatever  affection  he  may  have  for  the  mission  where 
he  has  been  stationed  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  every  year  in  danger 
of  being  killed  by  the  Iroquois,  he  admits  himself  that  nothing 
is  to  be  done  for  the  mission  unless  that  nation  be  humbled.  This, 
My  lord,  is  so  true  that  the  Iroquois  have  no  other  design  than  to 
destroy  all  our  allies,  one  after  the  other,  in  order  afterwards  to 
annihilate  us ;  and  in  that  consists  all  the  policy  of  Mr.  Dongan 
and  his  Traders,  who  have  no  other  object  than  to  post  themselves 
at  Niagara,  to  block  us ;  but  until  now  they  have  not  dared  to 
touch  that  string  with  the  Iroquois,  who  dread  and  hate  their  do- 
mination more  than  ^ours,  loving  them  not,  in  truth,  except  on 
account  of  their  cheap  bargains. 

Mr.  Dongan  caresses  considerably  those  deserters  of  ours 
whom  he  requires  to  execute  his  designs  for  the  destruction  and 
ruin  of  our  trade  by  promoting  his  own.  This  wakes  up  our 
restless  spirits  and  obliges  me  to  manage  them,  until  I  shall  be  in 
a  position  to  treat  them  more  severely.  You  will  notice.  My  lord, 
by  a  letter  of  the  Colonel's  how  desirous  he  is  for  something  from 
the  King  which  he  says  is  due  to  him.  He  is  a  very  selfish  man, 
who  wo'ild  assuredly  govern  himself  thereby  if  you  thought  pro- 
per ;  bul  the  fact  is  he  is  not  the  master  of  those  merchants  from 
whom  he  draws  money. 

Father  de  Lamberville  has  returned  with  orders  from  me  to  as- 
semble all  the  Iroquois  nations  next  spring  at  Cataraqui  to  have  a 
talk  about  our  affairs.  I  am  persuaded  that  scarcely  any  will  come, 
but  my  chief  design  is  to  draw  [them]  thither,  (the  Jesuit  Father 
remaining  alone  for  he  must  this  year  send  back  his  younger  bro- 
ther,) in  order  that  he  may  have  less  trouble  in  withdrawing  him- 
self. This  poor  Father  knows,  however,  nothing  of  our  designs. 
He  is  a  man  of  talent,  and  who  says  himself  that  matters  can- 
not remain  in  their  present  state.  I  am  very  sorry  to  see  him  ex- 
posed, but  if  I  withdraw  him  this  year  the  storm  without  doubt 
will  burst  sooner  on  us,  for  they  would  be  sure  of  our  plans  by 
his  retiring. 


6ENE8EE  COUNTRY   AND  NIAGARA. 


8n 


I  have  advices,  notwithstanding,  that  the  Five  Nations  are  mak- 
ing a  large  war  party,  supposed  to  be  against  the  Ouniiamis  and 
other  savages  of  the  Bay  des  Ptians  who  were  attacked  this 
year,  one  of  their  villages  having  been  destroyed  by  the  Iroquois; 
on  receiving  notice  thereof  the  hunters  of  those  tribes  pursued 
the  Iroquois  party  whom  they  overtook  and  fought  with  conside- 
rable vigor,  having  recovered  several  prisoners  and  killed  many  of 
the  Iroquois,  who  without  doubt  pant  for  revenge.  I  sent  them 
word,  to  be  on  their  guard  and  to  have  their  women  and  children 
removed  to  a  distance  when  they  will  be  required  to  march  to  join 
me.  I  say  nothing  to  you  of  what  they  have  done  to  the  Illinois 
whom  they  spare  not,  having  since  two  years  committed  vast  de- 
struction on  them. 

Nothing  more.  My  lord,  is  required  to  convince  you  that  we 
canntt  hesitate,  and  that  the  Colony  must  be  put  down  as  lost  if 
war  is  not  waged  next  year ;  they  destroy  on  all  sides  our  allies 
who  are  on  the  point  of  turning  their  backs  on  us  if  we  do  not  de- 
clare for  them.  The  Iroquois  plunder  our  canoes  whereever  they 
find  them,  and  no  longer  observe  appearances.  Nevertheless,  My 
lord,  in  the  deranged  state  of  the  Colony,  war  is  the  most  dan- 
gerous thing  in  the  world  ;  nothing  ran  save  us  but  the  troops  you 
will  send  and  the  redoubts  which  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  build. 
Yet,  I  dare  not  begin  to  work  at  these,  for  if  I  make  the  least 
movement  for  these  Redoubts,  I  will  assuredly  draw  all  the  Iro- 
quois down  on  us,  before  I  am  in  a  condition  to  attack  them. 

The  copy  I  transmit  of  the  orders  I  have  issued  for  our  next 
year's  expedition  will  advise  you  of  all  the  measures  I  have  adop- 
ted to  ensure  the  success  of  our  plans.  The  distance  is  terrible 
and  success  is  in  the  hands  of  God.  If  you  will  be  pleased,  My 
lord,  to  take  the  trouble  to  read  all  these  orders  with  the  Map 
which  I  send,  you  will  perceive  all  my  projects.  I  have  over- 
rated a  little  the  number  of  the  force  I  shall  have  with  me,  in  or- 
der to  give  a  little  more  character  to  our  expedition.  I  cannot 
draw  more  than  eight  hundred  militia,  one  hundred  of  the  best 
of  whom  will  be  required  to  manage  the  fifty  canoes  for  con- 
voys. These  will  do  nothing  else  than  come  and  go  during  our 
expedition  to  transrjrt  provisions  for  our  troops  and  for  those 


M 


,1    ' 


I      ! 


SIS 


dbnonyille'b  expedition  to  Tin 


■f  J  ! 


I'll': 


whom  we  shall  station  during  the  winter  at  the  Post  which  we 
Bust  occupy  either  at  Niagara  or  near  the  Senecas,  to  serve  as  a 
retreat  for  those  of  our  Indians  who  will  be  desirous  to  harass 
them  during  the  winter  and  the  following  year.  Without  this 
noihing  effeotual  will  have  been  done  to  humble  this  Nation,  for 
to  be  satisfied  in  driving  them  from  their  villages  and  then  to 
retire,  is  not  accomplishing  any  p;reat  thing,  as  they  immediately 
veturn  and  re-establish  themselves  in  their  Villages. 

As  you,  My  lord,  are  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  ruinous 
condition  of  this  Colony,  you  understand  very  well  the  deplorable 
consequences  of  this  war  which  require  that  the  settlements  be 
contracted,  and  it  is  here  we  must  anticipate  many  difficulties ; 
for  in  truth  the  establishment  of  the  Colony  would  have  to  be 
almost  begun  over  again,  and  this  it  is  which  causes  me  repeat 
the  demand  that  I  have  already  maile  for  regular  troops  to  sup- 
port our  habitansy  and  to  occupy  the  posts  necessary  to  be 
guarded,  without  which  I  cannot  preserve  many  points  very 
requisite  to  be  protected ;  among  others  Chambly,  where  I  should 
like  to  station  a  strong  post,  because  it  is  the  most  important  pass 
to  reach  the  English  by  lake  Champlain.  That  post  will  moreover 
always  be  a  subject  of  uneasiness  to  the  Indians  who  would  incline 
to  cross  the  River  Richelieu  thence  to  our  settlements  on  the  River 
St.  Francis ;  in  addition  to  which,  communicating  as  it  does  with 
thi^t  of  la  Prairie  de  la  Madelaine,  would  secure,  in  some  sort, 
all  the  country  from  Sorel  unto  la  Prairie  dc  la  Madelaine.  Re- 
^QCt  again.  My  lord,  if  you  please,  how  important  is  that  post  of 
Bout  de  I'JsljB  de  Mqnt  Real,  that  of  Chateaugu^,  that  of  la  Ohes- 
n^yp  and  that  of  I'Jsie  Jesu^.  ' 

I  say  nothing.  My  lord,  of  all  the  other  settlements  that  are 
isolated  and  without  communication,  which  we  must  endeavor  to 
secjure  from  insult.  Those  details.  My  lord,  require  considerable 
troops,  which  could  pot  fail  to  greatly  advance  this  country  by 
laboring  to  draw  (resserer)  the  Colony  closer  together  and  make 
it  more  compact,  by  means  of  forts  around  which  clearances 
would  be  made. 

All  this.  My  lord,  is  no  trifling  work  to  be  prepared.  For 
whftt  certainty  can  there  be  of  destroying  so  powerful  an  enemy 


GKKKSEE  C»UNTRY  AKD  NUOARA. 


219 


ai  that  Nation  >yhiuh  has  assuredly  two  thousand  men  under 
arms  independent  of  a  large  number  of  other  tribes  their  allieSi 
estimated  at  twelve  hundred  ?  The  vast  extent  of  forest  into  which 
they  will  retreat  and  where  Indians  alone  can  pursue  them ;  the 
uncertainty  of  the  strength  of  the  Indians  which  we  shall  have 
with  us;  the  difficulty  of  rendezvousing  so  far  off— all  these  con- 
siderations ought  to  make  us  reflect  on  the  means  of  sustaining 
ourselves  in  case  we  should  not  OiCet  that  success  we  may  desirei 
and  which  cannot  come  without  a  manifest  interposition  of  Hea- 
ven for  the  success  of  projects  so  scattered. 

It  is  very  certain  that  were  I  in  a  position  to  bp  ablp  to  send  % 
strong  detachment  to  the  Mohawk  Country  by  the  River  Riche- 
lieu whilst  J  was  proceeding  a^^inst  the  Senecas,  not  only  should 
I  create  considerable  alarm  among  the  English  which  would  keep 
them  at  home,  but  I  would  obtain  a  great  advantage  over  the 
Iroquois  by  separating  and  pillaging  them  and  laying  waste  their 
corn  fields  at  both  ends  of  the  Iroquois  towns.  It  would  be  very 
desirable  that  I  could  destroy  all  the  corn  in  the  same  year,  so 
that  the  one  could  no  longer  support  the  other ;  this  would  re- 
duce them  to  great  wretchedness  and  would  put  a  burthen  on  the 
English,  if  they  sought  a  refuge  there  for  means  to  live.  Had  I  a 
sufficiency  of  troops  I  should  not  fail  to  undertake  that  enterprize, 
but  having  only  what  I  have,  I  must  attack  one  after  the  other, 
and  endeavour  to  raise  another  army,  which  it  is  impossible  to 
effect  at  first.  'Tis  true,  were  all  done  at  once  it  would  be  much 
better,  and  promote  our  expedition  and  dishearten  pur  enemies 
considerably. 

I  am  very  sorry.  My  lord,  to  witness  all  the  expence  necessary 
for  the  support  of  Fort  Cataracouy,  merely  with  a  garri:^on  of 
fifty  men.  It  is  very  unfortunate  that  the  lands  thereabout  are  not 
better,  so  that  it  might  support  itself.  I  am  not  yet  sufficiently 
well  informed  of  the  environs  to  be  able  to  write  you  with  suffi- 
cient accuracy  all  that  could  be  effected  there ;  notwithstanding 
it  is  of  great  consequence  to  preserve  that  Post  at  the  entrance  to 
the  Lake,  though  the  Posts  in  this  Country  do  not  command  the 
passages  so  completely  that  the  Savages  cannot  avoid  them,  two 
or  three  leagues  either  above  or  below.    Yet  that  Post,  and 


I-  t 


Tf 


^K^. 


220 


DEMONVILLE^S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


il 


one  at  Niagara  would  render  us  entire  masters,  and  keep  the  Iro- 
quois in  great  check  and  respect,  and  give  us  immense  advantages 
in  our  trade  with  the  Illinois  and  Outtawas ;  that  road  being 
shorter,  and  much  less  difficult  than  the  one  we  take,  in  which 
there  is  an  infinitude  of  portages  and  rapids,  much  more  danger- 
ous than  those  on  the  Cataracouy  side. 

The  letters  I  wrote  to  Sieurs  du  Lhu  and  de  la  Durantaye,  of 
which  I  sent  you  copies,  will  inform  you  of  my  orders  to  them 
to  fortify  the  two  passes  leading  to  Michilimaquina.  Sieur  du 
Lhu  is  at  that  of  the  Detroit  of  Lake  Erie,  and  Sieur  de  la  Du- 
rantaye at  that  of  the  portage  of  Taronto.  These  two  Posts  will 
block  the  passage  against  the  English,  if  they  undertake  to  go 
again  to  Michilimaquina,  and  will  serve  as  retreats  to  the  Sava- 
ges our  allies,  either  while  hunting  or  marching  against  the 
Iroquois. 

I  send  you  again.  My  lord,  copy  of  the  orders  I  have  issued 
for  the  assembling,  marching  and  repairing  of  our  Savage  al- 
lies to  Niagara  with  Sieurs  du  Lhu  and  de  la  Durantaye.  You 
will,  also,  see,  My  lord,  the  orders  I  have  issued  for  march- 
ing the  Illinois  in  the  rear  of  the  Iroquois.  It  looks  very  well  on 
paper,  but  the  business  is  yet  to  be  executed.  Many  difficulties 
may  be  encountered  as  well  in  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  Sava- 
ges who  are  little  accustomed  to  obedience  and  the  prosecution  of 
a  design  during  several  months,  which  are  required  to  reach  the  rear 
of  the  Senecas  from  their  country.  Chevalier  Tonty,  who  came  to 
see  me  at  Montreal  in  the  month  of  July  last,  has  taken  charge  of 
all  these  matters.  I  gave  him  twenty  good  Canadians,  with  eight 
canoes  loaded  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  muskets,  which  was  all 
I  could  collect  in  the  country.  He  carries  powder  and  lead  and 
other  things  for  the  trade.  Had  the  guns  you  sent  me  arrived  I 
should  have  given  him  a  good  number.  He  left  at  the  end  of 
August  and  calculates  to  arrive  at  Fort  St.  Louis'  before  the 
departure  of  the  hunters.  He  could  not  assure  me  of  the 
number  of  Savages  he  could  bring  with  him,  but  I'm  cer- 
tain he  will  make  great  exertions  to  succeed  in  this  affair  in  which 
he  will  participate  largely  if  the  Indians  will  allow  themselves  to 


be  gc 
for  th( 
and  be 
Illinoii 
end  of 
he  leai 
ges  hac 
on  the 
and  the 
with  tw 
to  anol 
Nothing 
for  acco 
mere  no 
their  mi: 
him  to  n 
^ncourag 
over  Ian( 
■sont  pas 
I  shov 
But,  My 
affairs  an 
would  se 
might  be 
to  satisfy 
I  receii 
oftheRi^ 
Lake  des 
establish 
abound  th 
is  not  con 
from  all  t 
great  diso 
banditti, 
cept  from 


III 


J  Now  Peoria,  111. 


1  Most  pro 
ofLakeSupe 


GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


221 


be  governed  and  led  by  him.  I  cannot  sufficiently  praise  his  zeal 
for  the  success  of  this  enterprize.  He  is  a  lad  of  great  enterprize 
and  boldness,  who  undertakes  considerable.  He  left  Fort  des 
Illinois  last  February  to  seek  after  M  de  la  Salle  at  the  lower 
end  of  the  Mississippi.  He  has  been  as  far  as  the  sea,  where 
he  learned  nothing  of  M.  de  la  Salle  except  that  some  Sava- 
ges had  seen  him  set  sail  and  go  towards  the  South.  He  returned 
on  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence  lo  Fort  St.  Louis  des  Illinois, 
and  thence  to  Montreal  where  he  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  July 
with  two  Illinois  Chiefs,  to  whom  I  had  made  some  presents,  and 
to  another  who  had  not  come.  They  promised  me  wonders. 
Nothing  remains  but  the  execution  which  is  in  the  hands  of  God, 
for  according  to  what  I'm  told  of  the  temper  of  these  Savages,  a 
mere  nothing  sometimes  is  only  necessary  to  cause  them  to  change 
their  minds.  He  will  have  about  twenty  good  Canadians  with 
him  to  march  at  the  head  of  the  Indians,  which  he  hopes  will 
encourage  them.  He  will  have  to  walk  three  hundred  leagues 
over  land,  for  those  Savages  are  not  accustomed  to  canoes  (ne 
■sont  pas  gens  de  Canot.) 

I  should  have  greatly  desired  to  shorten  my  letters  to  you. 
But,  My  lord,  as  it  is  necessary  to  inform  you  of  the  state  of  our 
affairs  and  to  render  you  an  account  of  my  conduct,  I  thought  I 
would  send  you  all  the  orders  as  I  had  issued  them,  so  that  I 
might  be  corrected  if  I  fail  in  any  respect,  being  very  anxious 
to  satisfy  you. 

I  receive  letters  from  the  most  distant  quarters ;  from  the  head 
of  the  River  Mississippi,  from  the  head  of  Lake  Superior,  from 
Lake  des  Lenemyngon  •  where  they  propose  wonders  to  me  by 
establishing  posts  for  the  Missions  and  for  the  Beavers  which 
abound  there.  But  in  truth  so  long  as  the  interior  of  the  Colony 
is  not  consolidated  and  secured,  nothing  certain  can  be  expected 
from  all  those  distant  posts  where  hitherto  people  have  lived  in 
great  disorder  and  in  a  manner  to  convert  our  best  Canadians  into 
banditti.  All  these  distant  posts  cannot  maintain  themselves  ex- 
cept from  the  interior  of  the  Colony,  and  by  a  secure  communi- 

1  Most  probably,  Lake  Aleminipigon  of  the  old  maps  ;  now  L.  St.  Ann,  north 
of  Lake  Superior. 


^ 


*?> 


h 


% 


222 


dknonyille's  expedition  to  the 


cation  with  them  from  here.  Whilst  we  have  the  Iroquois  on  our 
hands,  can  we  be  certain  of  any  thing  1  Solicited  by  the  Eng- 
lish, they  daily  plunder  our  canoes  and  openly  declare  they  will 
continue  (to  do  so)  being  unwilling  that  we  should  carry  ammu- 
nition to  the  Savages,  their  enemies  and  our  allies. 

The  principal  affair  at  present  is  the  security  of  this  Colony 
which  is  in  evident  danger  of  perishing  whether  the  Iroquois  be 
let  alone  or  we  make  war  without  having  a  decided  advantage 
over  them,  and  however  decided  ours  may  be,  the  people  se- 
parated  as  they  are  will  always  be  in  danger.  Yet  My  lord,  if 
you  aid  us  with  troops,  war  will  be  the  least  inconvenience,  for 
if  we  do  not  wage  it,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  next  year  will 
pass  away  without  the  whole  trade  being  absolutely  lost ;  the 
savages,  our  friends,  would  revolt  against  us,  and  place  them- 
selves at  the  mercy  of  the  Iroquois,  more  powerful  because  better 
armed,  than  any  of  them.  The  whole  of  the  Hurons  are  wait- 
ing only  for  the  moment  to  do  it.  Had  I  not  by  the  care  of  Fa- 
ther de  Lamberville  fortunately  avoided  the  war  this  year,  not  a 
a  single  canoe  would  have  come  down  from  the  forests  without 
having  been  captured  and  plundered  in  the  river  of  the  Outtawas. 
We  should  have  lost  a  great  number  of  good  men. 

This,  My  lordj  is  a  long  narrative  about  the  state  of'  the  affairs 
of  the  country  with  the  Iroquois  which  absolutely  require  that 
we  wage  war  without  longer  delay.  Every  person  sees  its  neces- 
sity so  clearly  that  those  concur  in  it  now,  who  had  been  hitherto 
the  most  opposed  to  it.  I  hope  that  on  the  sketch  I  give  you  of 
our  wants,  you  will  aid  us  both  in  men  and  other  necessaries.  In 
regard  to  troops,  My  lord,  I  had  the  honor  to  ask  you  for  Regu- 
lars, for  in  truth  the  employment  of  people  picked  up  any  where 
is  very  unwise.  It  requires  time  to  make  them  fit  for  service  and 
on  their  arrival  they  will  have  to  take  arms  in  their  hands  and  drill. 
If  you  propose  to  send  us  some  it  would  be  well  to  have  them 
arrive  about  the  end  of  May  which  is  the  season  when  the  North 
West  winds  prevail  in  our  River.  For  that  reason,  the  ships 
ought  to  leave  Rochelle  in  the  month  of  March.  Sieur  Dam- 
bour,  one  of  our  best  ship  captains  that  come  to  Canada,  can  give 
psioi  fidviee  theretipdtt. 


O 

musi 
are  f 
risks 
accoi 
By  St 
not  d 
Af 
amon| 
Marie 
boardi 
watch 
them  j 
against 
the  Lo 
with  w 
had  evi 
to  the  I 
among 
Iroquoii 
will  be 
Orange 
necas  to 
meeting 
is  the  ge 
the  Iroc 
Outtawa 
trade, 
is  a  Coi 
their  can 
had  prev 
of  the  ri 
them. 

I  have 
of  Lake 
of  war  J 
guarantee 


'r  m- 


0SNS8EE  COUNTRY  AND  MlAO;»!!L 


saa 


Our  march  cannot  begin  before  the  fifteenth  of  May,  for  wci 
must  let  the  sowing  be  finished,  and  the  storms  before  that  time 
are  fuiious  on  our  river  and  lake  Ontario.  I  say  nothing  of  the 
risks  to  be  incurred  that  the  harvest  will  not  be  saved  next  year  on 
account  of  the  war,  nor  of  the  necessity  of  making  store-houses. 
By  sending  us  troops,  many  things  will  be  done  of  which  we  dare 
not  dream  if  you  do  not  send  any. 

A  few  days  since  a  man  named  Antoine  L'Eptnart,  an  old  resident 
among  the  Dutch,  at  present  among  the  English,  came  to  Yille 
Marie  on  the  Island  of  Montreal  in  search  of  a  child  he  had 
boarding  with  the  Jesuits.  He  reports  that  the  English  kept 
watch  three  months  this  summer,  our  deserters  having  told 
them  that  I  would  attack  them  for  having  armed  the  Iroquois 
against  us.  He  also  says,  that  the  Iroquois  are  drawing  to  them 
the  Loups  (Mohegans)  and  other  tribes  towurd  the  Ahdastes, 
with  whom  they  are  forming  alliances  ;  he  believed  the  Iroquois 
had  evil  intentions  towaids  us — that  the  English  who  had  been 
to  the  Outtawas  had  been  well  received  and  invited  to  return 
among  them  with  merchandize,  and  well  nigh  procured  from  the 
Iroquois  the  restitution  of  their  prisoners,  by  which  means  they 
will  be  more  attached  to  them  than  to  us  j  that  the  Merchants  at 
Orange  had  urgently  entreated  Colonel  Dongan  to  request  the  Se- 
necas  to  surrender  the  prisoners  ;  that  the  Colonel  had  convoked  a 
meeting  of  the  Five  Nations  who  went  together  to  see  him  j  that  it 
is  the  general  belief  that  the  Colonel  will  obtain  satisfaction  of 
the  Iroquois  and  thus  the  English  will  attract  to  them  both  the 
Outtawas  and  the  Hurons  and  that  their  cheap  bargains  will  ruin  our 
trade.  The  said  Antonie  L'Epin^tt  aii^res  fhorcover,  that  there 
is  a  Company  of  fifty  men  formed  to  go  to  Missilimakina ;  that 
their  canoes  were  purchased,  and  that  the  low  state  of  the  waters 
had  prevented  them  starting ;  that  they  waited  only  the  rising 
of  the  rivers  by  the  raih ;  and  that  the  Senecas  promised  to  escort 
them. 

I  have  heard  that  Sietr  du  Lhu  is  arrived  at  the  po6t  at  Detroit 
of  Lake  EriOj  with  fifty  good  men  well  Armed,  with  munitions 
of  war  and  provisions  and  all  other  necessaries  sufficient  to 
guarantee  them  against  the  severe  col^  and  to  render  theln  coat- 


• 


I     '    1 


'■^i' 


1       ■   ! 


i     ■  ■  ■  - 1 


224 


denonville's  expedition  to  the 


K'Mr 


m 


fortable  during  the  whole  winter  on  the  spot  where  they  will  en- 
trench themselves.  M.  de  la  Durantaye  is  collecting  people  to 
entrench  himself  at  Michilimaquina  and  to  occupy  the  other  pass 
which  the  English  may  take  by  Taronto,  the  other  entrance  to  Lake 
Huron,  In  this  way  our  Englishmen  will  find  some  body  to 
speak  to. 

All  this  cannot  be  accomplished  without  considerable  expense, 
but  still  we  must  maintain  our  honour  and  our  prosperity. 

The  Oumeamies  and  other  savages  of  the  Bay  des  Puans  have 
expressed  much  joy  to  me  on  learning  that  Sieur  du  Lhu  was 
posted  at  Detroit,  but  I  am  very  sorry  to  h  ar  that  Tonty  has 
learned  on  the  road  that  these  same  savs^es  had  quarrelled  with 
the  Illinois,  which  would  prevent  the  Illinois  attacking  the 
rear  of  the  Senecas,  as  we  had  projected.  It  would,  in  truth  be 
an  afSicting  circumstance  to  see  our  allies  devouring  one  another 
instead  of  uniting  with  us  to  destroy  the  common  enemy.  But  it  is 
useless  to  be  vexed  at  it.  Nothing  remains  but  to  be  prepared 
for  every  thing  that  may  happen,  and  rely  only  on  ourselves.  If 
God  give  us  the  advantage,  the  people  will  rouse  to  our  aid. 

My  lord  ought  to  place  no  reliance  on  the  changeable  disposi- 
tion of  a  people  without  discipline,  or  any  sort  of  subordination. 
The  King  must  be  the  master  in  this  country  to  effect  any  sort 
of  good,  and  success  cannot  be  secured  without  expense. 

The    M.  de  Denonville. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 


[From  the  wc:.-^.] 

Quebec,  16th  Nov.  1686. 
My  Lord, — Since  my  letters  were  written  a  very  intelligent 
man  whom  I  sent  to  Manat,  who  has  conversed  andihad  much 
intercourse  with  Colonel  Dongan,  reports  to  me  that  the  said 
Colonel  has  despatched  fifty  citizens  of  Orange  and  Manat  among 
whom  are  some  Frenchmen,  to  winter  with  the  Senecas  whence 
they  will  depart,  at  the  close  of  the  winter,  under  the  escort  of 


'<  1 


GENESEE  COUNTBY  AND  NUGARA. 


225 


the  Senecas,  for  Michilimaquina,  carrying  with  them  the  Huron 
prisoners  to  restore  them  on  the  part  of  the  English  Governor, 
who  is  desirous  to  prevail  on  the  Outaouas,  by  the  service  which 
he  renders  them,  to  abandon  our  alliance  in  order  to  attach  them- 
selves to  the  English.  They  cany  an  abundance  of  merchandise 
thither  to  furnish  it  at  a  much  lower  rate  than  we. 

This  is  not  all.  Colonel  Dongan  has  given  orders  that  one 
hundred  and  fifty  other  English  should  depart,  accompanied  by 
several  Mohegan  Indians  to  follow  the  first  fifty  Englishmen  with 
goods.  But  this  detachment  is  not  to  leave  until  spring.  I 
believe  there  is  no  room  to  doubt  but  the  design  is  to  seize  the  post 
of  Niagara.  Were  the  English  once  established  there,  they  must 
be  driven  off  or  we  must  bid  adieu  to  the  whole  trade  of  the  country. 
.  •  «  •  •  »  #  *. 

The  Rame  man  who  came  from  Manat  told  me  that  within  a  short 
lime  fifty  or  sixty  men.  Huguenots,  arrived  there  from  the  Islands  of 
St.  Christophers  and  Martinique,  who  are  establishing  themselves 
at  Manat  and  its  environs.  I  know  that  some  have  arrived  at 
Boston  from  France.  There,  again,  are  people  to  operate  as 
Banditti. 

Whilst  writing  this,  My  lord,  further  advice  is  come  from 
Orange  that  Colonel  Dongan  sent  to  tell  the  fifty  men  who  are  to 
winter  among  the  Senecas,  not  to  leave  until  the  arrival  at  the 
Senecas  of  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  which  he  is  to  despatch 
in  the  spring  to  support  them.  The  reason  of  this  order  is  that 
he  has  learned  by  Indians  that  the  Sieur  Du  Lhut  is  posted  at  the 
Detroit  of  Lake  Eri6.  If  those  men  commanded  with  the  sava- 
ges attack  that  post,  you  perceive,  my  lord,  that  I  have  nothing 
more  to  manage  with  the  English.  Send  me,  if  you.  please, 
orders  on  this  point,  for  my  disposition  is  to  go  straight  to  Orange, 
drive  them  into  their  fort,  and  burn  the  whole. 

•  •  *  •  •  •  - 

'  The  English  governor  prompted  at  present  by  the  cupidity  of 
the  merchants  and  by  his  avarice  to  drag  money  from  them,  pre- 
tends that  all  the  country  is  his,  and  will  trade  thither  though  an 
Englishman  has  never  been  there.  He  gives  passes  under  pretext 
of  hunting,  to  his  creatures,  from  whom  one  was  taken  at  Michi- 

16 


:  I 


A,] 


dknomville's  expedition  to  tue 


I  I 


limaquina,  which  I  would  have  sent,  had  he  who  was  bringing  it, 

not  upset  in  the  water  and  been  thereby  drowned. 

*  «  •  «  •   '         * 

Whilst  writing  this  letter  here,  My  lord,  I  receive  from  Father 
de  Laniberville  conBrmation  of  the  news  which  I  had  the  honor 
to  communicate  to  you  respecting  Colonel  Dongan.  I  send  you 
what  he  writes  me  of  the  speech  made  by  the  said  Colonel  to  the 
Iroquois  assembled  by  his  order  at  Manat.  Be  so  good  as  to  read 
it  yourself  my  lord.* 


■■r-\; 


COL.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVaiE.      ;  ^ 

rP<ur.  Doe.  III.;  Lond.  Doc.  y.l       *  * 

1  Decern.  16S6. 

Sir — I  had  the  honour  to  receiue  your  letter  of  the  first  of 
October  1686  and  had  sooner  sent  an  answer,  butt  that  I  wanted  a 
convenient  opportunity  to  do  itt,  I  find  you  was  angry  at  the  writ- 
ing and  therefore  for  fear  it  was  ill  turned  into  French  fo  *  I  havt 
no  great  skill  in  your  language,  have  sent  a  copy  of  it  in  English. 
I  desire  you  to  continue  in  your  opinion  that  nothing  shall  bee 
wanting  on  my  part  that  may  contribute  to  a  good  and  friendly 
correspondence,  and  that  I  will  not  protect  either  merchant  or 
others  that  shall  give  any  just  occasion  to  suspect  it.  Bee  assur- 
ed)  Sir,  that  I  have  Dot  solicited  nor  bribed  the  Indians  to  arme 
and  make  warr  against  you,  all  the  paines  I  have  taken  hath  bin 
to  keep  those  people  in  quiet  who  are  so  inclinable  to  warr  that 
one  word  is  enough  for  them.  I  have  forbidden  their  joining  (if 
they  should  be  entreated)  with  any  others  a^inst  you  neither  have 
lever  allowed  any  to  plunder  I  have  only  permitted  severall  of 
Albany  to  trade  amongst  the  remotest  Indians  with  strict  orders  not 
to  meddle  with  any  of  your  people,  and  I  hope  they  will  finde  the 
same  civillity  from  you — It  being  so  farr  from  pillageing  that  I 
beleeve  it  as  lawfull  for  the  English  as  French  nations  to  trade 
there  we  being  nearer  by  many  leagues  than  you  are — I  desire 
1  Bee  poitea,  "  Sqtquebanoa  Paprrt,"  for  aa  extnet  fiom  tfaU  speeah. 

of 


yotttfi 

tot  the 
igAorat 
otient  ai 
have  I  i 
fitridrtlj 
oUr  mas 
not  who 
you  call 
pie,  and 
taiii  them 
and  hope 
ordered  o 
or  ours  or 
that  they  i 
your  own 
very  well  i 
well  to  Ch 
please  but 
fcave  bin  to 
to  exercise 
to  the  King 
^6  to  prop 
tt  is  td  send 
tiv«  allyed 
frdtti  tfeeJr  d 
Kttle  hurt  as 
miirfe  wholt 
sober  is  a  vt 
tfctem  all  str 
What  I  wrot 
France  was  . 
•djusted  and 
Me  4nd  I  ^av 
"tffeetofStH 
^i^plaine  to 
^''ooble  youtsj 


GEN^EE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


227 


yott  ib  send  Ae  word  who  it  was  that  pretended  to  have  my  orders 
fot  the  Indians  to  plunder  and  fight  you  :  that  I,am  altogtther  as 
ignorant  of  any  enterprise  made  by  the  Indians  out  of  this  Govern- 
ment as  I  am  of  what  you  meane  by  "  mihilhuiqum  "  and  neither 
have  I  acted  any  thing  contrary  to  what  I  have  written,  but  will 
stricktly  endeavour  to  immitate  the  ammity  and  friendship  between 
oWr  masters — I  have  desired  you  to  send  for  the  deserters,  I  know 
not  who  they  are  but  had  rather  such  Rascalls  and  Bankrouts  as 
you  call  them  were  amongst  their  own  countrymen  than  this  peo- 
ple, and  will  w'.ien  you  send  word  who  they  are,  expell,  not  de- 
tain them  and  use  all  possible  means  to  preuent  your  good  wishes 
and  hopes  that  our  merchants  may  suffer  by  them — Tis  true  I 
ordered  our  Indians  if  they  should  meet  with  any  of  your  people 
or  ours  on  this  sid^  of  the  lake  without  a  passe  from  you  or  me, 
that  they  should  bring  them  to  Albany  and  that  as  I  thought  bj 
your  own  desire  expressed  in  your  letter,  they  being  as  you  have 
vecy  well  remarked  very  ill  people  and  such  that  usually  tell  lyes  as 
well  to  Christians  as  Heathens,  The  Missionary  Fathers  if  they 
please  but  do  me  justice  can  give  you  an  account  how  careful  I 
have  bin  to  preserve  them,  I  have  ordered  our  Indians  strictly  not 
to  ettercise  any  cruelty  or  insolence  against  them  and  have  written 
id  the  King  my  master  who  hath  as  much  zeal  as  any  prince  liv- 
ing to  propagate  the  Christian  faith  and  assure  him  how  necessary 
it  id  td  send  hither  tome  Fathers  to  preach  the  Gospell  to  the  na- 
tive allyed  to  us  and  care  would  be  then  taken  to  dissuade  them 
(itin  titeir  drunken  debouches  though  certainly  our  Rum  doth  aft 
little  hurt  as  your  Brandy  and  in  the  opinion  of  Christians  is  much 
m<6rle  whoksome:  however  to  keep  the  Indians  temperate  and 
sober  is  a  very  good  and  Christian  performance  but  to  prohibit 
tWem  all  strong  liquoriS  seemes  a  little  hard  and  very  turkish — 
What  I  wrote  ettnc^rning  what  was  due  to  me  for  my  service  in 
France  was  very  true,  Mons«"  Chamell,  the  Intendant  at  Nancy, 
adjusted  and  6ent  them  to  Mons'  Lenoy  signed  by  hlmselfe  and 
me  ind  I  gave  the  copies  of  them  to  Mons^^  Pagaion  living  in  the 
street  of  St  Hon*  to  putt  them  into  the  hands  of  Mons""  Carillon 
(hiaplaine  to  the  Duchesse  of  Orleans,  but.  Sir,  you  need  not  to 
tlotible  youtselfe  about  itt  for  I  intend  to  get  it  represented  out  of 


i    i 


'  !    -i 


!;      I 


1 1     »' 


^ 


£28 


DmrONVILLE^S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


f\^i  Ml 


England  and  doubt  not  but  the  King  your  master  who  is  so  boun- 
tiful a  prince  will  be  so  just  as  to  pay  what  became  my  due  by  a 
great  deal  of  fatigue  and  labour,  howeyer  I  humbly  thank  you 
for  the  civill  obliging  offers  you  make  and  doe  assure  you  shall 
bee  heartily  glad  of  any  occasion  to  requite  them  desiring  you  to 
believe  I  earnestly  wish  and  contend  for  the  union  (you  say)  you 
desire  and  will  contribute  all  in  my  power  to  promote  and  preserve 
it  which  is  all  the  refflection  I  shall  make  on  your  letter  being — 
Sir,  assuredly  with  all  due  respect  your  most  humble 

and  affectionate  r,  . 

>  ,  ^,  ,^,/  servant — ^T.  Domoak. 


tensi 

T] 


It  ', ;'- 


ifM 


1^ 


"W 


MEMOIR  FOR  THE  MARQUIS  OP  SEIGNEUY 

KE6ABDIN6  THE  DANGERS  THAT  THREATEN  CANADA,  THE  MEANS  OF 
REMEDYING  TUEM,  AND  OF  FIRMLY  ESTABLISHING  RELIGION  COM- 
MERCE AND  THE  king's  POWER  IN  NORTH  AMERICA.    JANUARY  1687. 

[Pwris  Doe.  III.] 

Canada  is  encompassed  by  many  powerful  English  Colonies 
who  labour  incessantly  to  ruin  it,  by  exciting  all  our  savages,  and 
drawing  them  away  with  their  peltries  for  which  the  English  give 
them  a  great  deal  more  merchandize  than  the  French,  because 
they  pay  no  duty  to  the  King  of  England.  This  profit  attracts 
towards  the  English,  also,  all  our  Bush  rangers  {Coureurs  d$  bois) 
and  French  libertines  who  carry  their  peltries  to  them,  deserting 
our  Colony  and  establishing  themselves  in  those  of  the  English 
who  take  great  pains  to  attract  them. 

They  advantageously  employ  these  French  deserters  to  bring  the 
far  savages  to  them  who  formerly  brought  their  peltries  into  our 
Colony  which  wholly  destroys  its  trade. 

The  English  began  by  the  most  powerful  and  best  disciplined 
[Indians]  of  all  America.  They  have  excited  them  entirely  against 
us  by  the  avowed  protection  ihey  afford  them,  and  the  manifest 
usurpation  they  claim  to  the  sovereignty  of  their  country,  which 
belongs  beyond  contradiction  to  the  King  for  nearly  a  century 


ir   GKME8CE  OOUMTBT  AND  NIAGARA. 


229 


■'  I     .  .1 


'without  the  English  having  up  to  this  present  .time  had  any  pre- 
tension to  it<  '  ■  I'- 

They  also  employ  the  Iroquois  to  incite  all  our  other  Indiani^ 
against  us.  They  set  them  last  year  to  attack  the  Hurons  and  the 
Outawas,  our  most  antient  subjects ;  swept  by  surprise  from  them 
more  than  75  prisoners  among  whom  were  some  of  their  princi- 
pal Chiefs,  killed  several  others,  and  finally  offered  them  peace 
and  the  restitution  of  their  prisoners,  if  they  would  quit  the 
French  and  acknowledge  the  English. 

They  sent  the  same  Iroquois  to  attack  the  Illinois  and  the 
Miamis  our  allies  who  are  in  the  neighbourhood  of  ForttSt.  Louis, 
built  by  Mons'  de  la  Salle  on  the  Illinois  River  which  empties 
into  the  River  Colbert  or  Mississipi ;  massacred  and  burnt  a  great 
number  of  them  and  carried  off  many  prisoners  with  threats  of 
entire  extermination  if  they  would  not  unite  with  them  against 
the  French. 

Colonel  Dongan,  Governor  of  New  York,  has  pushed  this 
usurpation  to  the  point  of  sending  Englishmen  to  take  possession, 
in  the  King  of  England's  name,  of  the  post  of  Mislimakmac 
which  is  a  Sti-ait  communicating  between  lake  Huron  and  lake 
des  Illinois,  and  has  even  declared  that  all  those  lakes  including 
the  river  St.  Lawrence  which  serves  as  an  outlet  to  them  and  on 
which  our  Colony  is  settled,  belong  to  the  English. 

The  Reverend  Father  Lamberville,  a  French  Jesuit  who  has 
been  18  years  a  Missionary  among  the  Iroquois  in  company  with 
one  of  his  brothers  also  a  Jesuit,  wrote  on  the  first  of  Norember 
to  Chevalier  de  Calli^res,  Governor  of  Montreal,  who  informed 
the  Governor  General  that  Colonel  Dongan  has  assembled  the 
Five  Iroquois  Nations  at  Manatte  where  he  resides,  and  declared 
to  them  as  follows : 

1.  That  he  forbids  them  to  go  to  Cataracouy  or  Fort  Fronte- 
nac  and  to  have  any  more  intercourse  with  the  French. 

2.  That  he  orders  them  to  restore  the  prisoners  they  took  from 
the  Hurons  and  Outawacs,  in  order  to  attract  them  to  himself. 

3.  That  he  sends  thirty  English  to  take  possession  of  Missili- 
makinak  and  the  lakes,  rivers  and  adjoining  lands  and  orders  the 
Iroquois  to  escort  them  and  to  afford  them  physical  assistance. 


M  'll:t'*'^ 


I    I 


830 


DXNOMTlUiE^S  EXjPKDITIOIf  TO  THE 


1.4  ;■ 
l,v.   . 


/' 


I*  *  t! 


4.  That  he  has  sent  to  recal  the  Iroquois  Christians  belonging 
to  the  Mohawk  tribe,  who  have  settled  a  long  time  ago  at  Saut 
Saint  Lo^is,  adjoining  the  Island  of  Montreal,  where  they  have 
been  established  by  us  and  converted  by  the  care  of  our  Reverend 
Jesuit  Fathers,  and  that  he  would  give  them  other  land  and  an 
English  Jesuit,  to  govern  them* 

6.  That  he  wishes  that  they  should  have  Missionaries  only  from 
him  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations,  and  that 
they  cause  our  French  Jesuits  to  withdraw,  who  hftve  been  so  long 
established  there. 

6.  That  if  Monsieur  de  Denonville  attacks  them,  he  will  have 
to  do  with  him. 

7.  That  he  orders  them  to  plunder  all  the  French  who  will 
visit  them ;  to  bind  them  and  bring  them  to  him,  and  what  they'll 
talce  from  them  sba^l  be  good  prize. 

The  Iroquois.  —  He  accompanied  his  orders  with  presents  to 
the  Five  Iroquois  Nations,  and  despatched  his  thirty  Snglish, 
escorted  by  Iroquois,,  to  make  an  establishment  at  Missilimaki- 

The  Iroquoia  pillage  our  Frenchmen  every  where  they  meet 
them,  and  threaten  to  fire  their  settlements  which  are  much  ex- 
posed and  unfortified. 

These  measures,  and  the  discredit  we  are  in  among  all  the  sava-r 
ges  for  having  abandoned  our  allies  in  M.  de  la  Barre's  time,  for 
having  suffered  them  to  be  exterminated  by  the  Itoquois  and  borne 
the  insults  of  the  latter,  render  war  against  them  absolutely  neoes^ 
fary  to  avert  from  us  a  General  Rebellion  of  the  Savages  which 
would  bring  ruin  on  our  trade  and  finally  the  extirpation  of  our 
Colony,  q'l 

It  is  likewise  necessary  for  the  establishment  of  Religion  which 
will  never  spread  itself  there,  except  by  the  destruction  of  the 
Iroquois :  so  that  on  the  success  of  the  war  which  the  Gover- 
nor-general of  Canada  proposes  to  commence  against  the  Iroquois 
on  the  15 th  of  May  next,  depends  either  the  Ruin  of  the  Country 
and  of  Religion  if  he  be  not  assisted,  or  the  Slstablishment  of 
Religion,  Commerce  and  the  Kings'  Power  over  all  North  America 
if  he  be  gj-anted  the  aid  he  domandsi. 


OEMKSSE  OOUirrkY  AMD  MIAOAKA. 


881 


If  the  merit  in  the  eyes  of  God,  the  Glory  and  utility  which 
tlie  King  will  derive  from  this  succor  be  considered,  it  is  easy 
to  conclude  that  expense  w.s  never  better  employed  since,  inde- 
jiendent  of  the  Salvation  of  the  quantity  of  Souls  in  that  vast 
Country  to  which  His  Majesty  will  contribute  bji  establishing  the 
Faith  there,  he  will  secure  to  himself  an  Empire  of  more  than  a 
thousand  leagues  in  extent,  from  the  mouth  of  the  River  Saint 
Lawrence  to  that  of  the  River  Mississipi  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico ; 
a  country  discovered  by  the  French  alone,  to  which  other  nations 
have  no  right,  and  from  which  we  shall  eventually  derive  great 
Commercial  advantages,  and  a  considerable  augmentation  of  His 
Majesty's  Revenues  in  those  countries. 

The  Marquis  de  Denonville,  whose  zeal,  industry  and  capacity 
admit  of  no  addition,  requires  a  reinforcement  of  l&OO  men  to 
succeed  in  his  enterprize.  If  less  be  granted  him,  success  is 
doubtful  and  a  war  is  made  to  drag  along,  the  continuation  of 
which  for  many  years  will  cost  His  Majesty  more  to  surtaia 
than  would  the  immediate  expense  necessary  to  guarantee  its 
success  and  prompt  termination. 

It  is  necessary  to  attack  the  Iroquois  in  two  directions.  The 
first  and  principal  attack,  through  the  Seneca  Nation  on  the  bor- 
ders of  Lake  Ontario ;  the  second,  by  the  River  Richelieu  and 
Lake  Champlain  on  the  side  of  the  Mohawk  Natimi.  3000 
Frenchmen  will  be  required  for  that  purpose.  Of  these  there  are 
sixteen  companies  which  make  800  men  and  800  selected  from  the 
habitansy  100  of  the  best  of  which  the  Governor  General  des- 
tines to  conduct  50  canoes  which  will  go  and  come  incessantly 
to  convey  provisions.  .  Of  these  3000  Frenchmen,  of  which  he 
has  only  the  half  though  he  boasts  of  more  for  reputation's  sake, 
because  the  other  hahitam  are  necessary  to  protect  and  cultivate 
the  farms  of  the  Colony,  a  part  must  be  employed  in  guarding 
the  posts  of  Fort  Frotenac,  Niagara-,  Toronto,  Missilimakinak  so 
as  to  secure  the  aid  he  expects  from  the  Illinois  and  other  Savages, 
on  whom  however  he  cannot  rely  unless  he  will  be  able  alone  to 
defeat  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations. 

The  Iroquois  force  consists  of  two  thousand  picked  warriors 
(iTe/ife)  brave,  active,  more  akiHul  in  the  use  of  the  g^n  than 


"! 


r  i 


1 

t,." 

IB 


^ 


'I 'I 


HI 


1.^: 


V 


rr^::.:' 


*'M    '','■■' 


'^1 


'li 


982 


nSMONTILLE'l  KXPEOITIOM  TO  THK 


our  Europeans  and  all  well  arroed ;  besides  twelve  hundred 
Mohcgans  {Loups)^  another  tribe  in  alliance  with  them  as  brave 
as  they,  not  including  the  English  who  will  supply  them  with 
officers  to  lead  them,  and  to  fortify  them  in  their  villages. 

If  they  be  no(  attacked  all  at  once  at  the  two  points  indicated, 
it  is  impossible  to  destroy  them  or  to  drive  them  from  their  re* 
treat,  but  if  encompassed  on  both  sides,  all  their  plantations  of 
Indian  corn  will  be  destroyed,  their  villages  burnt,  their  women, 
their  children  and  old  men  captured  and  other  warriors  driven 
into  the  woods  where  they  will  be  pursued  and  annihilated  by  the 
other  savages. 

After  having  defeated  and  dispersed  them  the  winter  must  be 
spent  in  fortifying  the  post  of  Niagara,  the  most  important  in 
America,  by  means  of  which  all  the  other  nations  will  be  shut 
out  from  the  lakes  whence  all  the  peltries  are  obtained ;  it  will 
be  necessary  to  winter  troops  at  this  post  and  at  others,  to  pre- 
▼eni  the  Iroquois  returning  and  reestablishing  themselves  there, 
and  to  people  these  beautiful  countries  with  other  savages  who 
will  have  served  under  us  during  this  war.       ' ;  •.     j  «u ,  > 


i  J>r'^.--«J 


if. 


EXTRACT  PROM  A  MEMOIR  OF  THE  KING 

TO  BIKUB8  MABQUI8  DB  DENONVILLE  AND  DE  CHAMPI6NT,  DATED 
YEBSAUXES,  30*>>  MARCH,    1687. 

[Paris  Doo.  III.] 


His  Majesty  has  no  knowledge  of  the  claim  of  Colonel 
D'Unguent  for  25»  ii>*  which  he  pretends  to  be  due  lum  in  France'; 

therefore  He  has  nothing  to  say  about  it. 

•        ••••••••• 

His  Majesty  has  seen  the  Memoir  that  the  said  Sieur  de  Denon- 
ville  has  sent  of  the  measures  he  has  adopted  and  the  orders  he 
has  given  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  He  approves  of  them  and 
doubti)  not  of  success,  and  that  it  will  be  as  favorable  as  can  be 
expected  having  to  do  only  with  Savages  who  have  no  experience 


as  to  r 

to  coll 

he  is, 

Fina 

destruc 

ber  of 

make  u 

to  retail 

His  Ma 

send  th( 

these  sh 


'        I  ft 


u- 


I 

CO. 


Rever< 
from  the 
health  an 
all  my  er 
from  thoi 
tinue  in  ( 
troubleso 
Christian 
they  con( 
that,  but 
goes  to  w 
in  all  pro 
King  of 
place  andl 
no  materl 
Canada  a  I 
no  more 
leave  all 
and  the  pj 
will  do  tl 


OEMUEK  OOUMTRT  AMP  VfAGAmA. 


233 


ai  to  regular  war,  whilst,  on  the  contrary,  those  he  will  be  abla 
to  collect,  being  led  by  a  roan  $o  capable  and  so  experienced  ti 
he  is,  will  be  of  great  utility. 

Finally,  He  expects  to  learn  at  the  close  of  this  year,  the  entir* 
destruction  of  the  greatest  part  of  those  Savages.  And  as  a  num- 
ber of  prisoners  may  be  made,  and  His  Majesty  thinks  he  can 
make  use  of  them  in  his  Galleys,  He  desires  him  to  manage  so  as 
to  retain  them  until  he  have  vessels  for  France  j  by  the  return  of 
His  Majesty's  Ships  which  will  convey  the  troops  he  can,  even, 
send  those  which  will  have  been  captured  before  the  departure  of 
these  ships.  ,     ,    ,  ,      ,.  ,      ,     ,.   ,         ,,^ , , 


\" 


U} 


•      COLL.  DONGAN  TO  FATHER  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

[Lond.  Doe.  Y.]  ^ ,     > 

20  M af.  1687, 
Reverend  Father — ^I  have  received  yours  of  the  tenth  currant 
from  the  Onnondages  and  am  heartily  glad  that  you  are  in  good 
health  and  as  much  as  lyes  in  me  you  may  bee  assured  1  will  do 
all  my  endeavors  to  protect  you  from  the  danger  you  apprehend 
from  those  people  and  all  those  others  of  your  fraternity  that  con- 
tinue in  doing  good  service,  I  am  sorry  that  our  Indians  are  soe 
troublesome  to  the  Indians  of  Cannida  but  I  am  informed  from 
Christians  that  it  is  the  custom  of  those  people,  that  what  country 
they  conquer  belongs  to  them  as  their  own,  yet  I  lay  no  stress  on 
that,  but  I  am  still  in  doubt  whither  that  land  where  the  Indiana 
goes  to  warr  belongs  to  our  King  or  to  the  King  of  France,  but 
in  all  probability  if  I  bee  truly  informed  it  must  depend  on  th« 
King  of  England  territories  it  lying  west  and  by  south  of  this 
place  and  your  countryes  lye  to  the  northward  of  us  but  that  is 
no  material  reason  for  the  Indians  to  disturbe  the  people  of 
Canada  and  I  will  use  my  endeavour  that  they  shall  disturbe  them 
no  more  but  leave  the  decision  of  that  to  my  master  at  home  as  I 
leave  all  other  things  which  relates  to  any  difference  between  us 
and  the  people  of  Canada  and  I  am  sure  that  Mon*'  de  Novills 
will  do  the  same — 


'  ii 


§m 


£34 


dekontillg'b  expedition  to  the 


f«,l' 


m' 


I  have  not  spoke  to  the  Indians  as  yet.  Your  messenger  being 
in  hast  cannot  give  an  account  what  they  can  say  for  themselves, 
but  to  continue  a  right  understanding  between  the  Government 
of  Canada  and  this  if  any  of  the  Indians  will  doe  any  thing  to 
disturbe  the  King  of  France's  subjects,  let  the  Governour  sent  to 
ne  and  I  will  doe  all  the  justice  that  is  possible  for  me  to  do  and 
if  he  will  do  the  same  it  will  be  a  meane  to  keep  those  people  in, 
and  to  see  both  Governments  in  a  good  correspondence  one  with 
another.  But  I  hear  they  pretend  that  they  are  affraid  of  the 
French  but  I  hope  that  Mons'  de  Nonville  will  well  weigh  the 
business  before  he  invades  any  of  the  King  of  England's  subjects 
— I  have  no  time  to  write  to  him  at  present  but  assure  him  of 
my  humble  service  and  that  I  will  write  to  him  before  I  goe, 
haveing  no  other  businesse  here  in  sending  for  the  Indians  but  to 
check  them  for  offering  to  disturbe  the  people  of  Canada 
Reverend  Father 

.  I  am  your  humble  servant 

(Signed)    Tho:  Dongak 

I  pray  you  to  pray  to  God  for  me 


M  iS 


;::         M,  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

iJ'  [Par.  Doe.  III.]        -/  ^   % 

,&■■:    ■      -     '       ..--^     •    .     - 

8  June   1687. 

I  am  informed  that  the  English  have  given  notice  to  the  Senecas 
that  I  am  going  to  attack  them,  and  have  obliged  them  to  run 
ftfl'jr  six  hundred  men  of  their  tribe  who  were  at  war  against  the 
l,i\  imis;  our  allies,  to  induce  them  to  return  to  defend  their  country 
against  us.  Other  war  parties  who  had  gone  against  tlie  people 
towards  Virginia  have  also  returned  through  the  same  troubles. 
The  consternation  of  our  enemies  thus  cr^4s  Colonel  Dongan 
very  dear.  I  have  learned  that  a  party  has  come  from  Virginia 
who  brought  a  dozen  prisoners,  Englishmen,  whom  they  will 
also  hum,  and  this  is  a  matter  about  which  Monsieur  Dongan 
gives  himself  scarce  any  trouble. 


i 


GEMX8EE  COUKTBT  AND  NUGAKA.  $36 

*^''?     COU.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

ku     •  [Loud*  Doe.  T.] 

11th  June  1687. 
Sir — ^The  enclosed'  came  to  my  hands  last  night  from  England 
with  orders  to  have  it  prbclaimed  which  has  accordingly  bin 
done,  what  is  there  agreed  upon  I  will  observe  to  the  least  title 
and  I  doubt  not  but  your  Excell :  will  do  the  same  and  I  hope 
bee  so  kinde  as  not  desire  or  seek  any  correspondence  with  our 
Indians  of  this  side  of  the  Great  Lake  if  they  doe  amisse  to  any 
of  your  Goverm*  and  you  make  it  known  to  me  you  shall  have 
all  justice  done  and  if  any  of  your  people  disturbe  us  I  will  have 
the  same  recourse  to  you  for  satisfaction  as  for  those  further 
Nations,  I  suppose  that  to  trade  with  them  is  free  and  common  to 
us  all  until  the  meets  and  bounds  bee  adjusted  though  truly  the 
scituation  of  those  partes  bespeakes  the  King  of  England  to  have 
a  greater  right  to  theta  than  the  French  king,  they  lying  to  the 
southward  of  us  just  on  the  back  of  other  partes  of  our  King's 
dominions  and  a  very  great  way  from  you,  I  am  informed  by 
some  of  our  Indians  that  your  Excell :  was  pleased  to  desire  them 
to  meet  you  at  Cadaraque ;  I  could  hardly  beleive  it  till  I  had  a 
letter  from  Father  Lamberville,  wherein  he  informs  me  that  'tis 
true,  I  am  also  informed  of  your  Fathers'  endeavours  dayly  to 
carry  away  our  Indians  to  Canada  as  you  have  already  done  a 
great  many,  you  must  pardon  me  if  I  tell  you  that  that  is  not  the 
right  way  to  keepe  fair  correspondence — I  have  also  been  informed 
that  you  are  told  I  have  given  to  Indians  orders  to  rob  the 
French  where\  er  they  could  meet  them,  that  is  as  false  as  tis  true 
that  God  is  in  heaven,  what  I  have  done  was  by  your  own  desire 
\^l)ich  was  that  I  should  suffer  none  of  Canada  to  come  to  Albany 
witliQut  they  had  your  passe  in  compiyance  wherewith  I  ordered, 
both,  the  Indians  and  people  of  Albany  that  if  they  found  any 
French  or  English  on  this  side  of  the  great  Lake  without  either 
your  passe  or  mine,  they  should  seize  them  and  bring  them  to 

l.TwrtrofNwtraJJty. 


i  i 


,  I 


I      ■ 


236 


dekomville's  expedition  to  the 


i 

f, 


_  M  ; 

<■  i 


r 


i>ii 


(■;!  !^ 


Albany :  I  am  now  sorry  that  I  did  it  since  its  not  agreeable  to 
you  and  has  as  I  am  informed  hindered  the  comeing  of  a  great 
many  Beauers  to  this  place — ^I  shall  therefore  recall  the  orders. 
I  am  daily  expecting  Religious  men  from  England  which  I  intend 
to  put  amongst  those  five  nations.  I  desire  you  would  order 
Mons'  de  Lamberuille  that  soe  long  as  he  stayes  airongst  those 
people  he  would  meddle  only  with  the  affairs  belonging  to  his 
function  and  that  those  of  our  Indians  that  are  turned  Cathv)lique8 
and  live  in  Canada  may  content  themselves  with  their  being  alone 
without  endevouring  to  debauch  others  after  them,  if  they  do 
and  I  can  catch  any  of  them  I  shall  handle  them  very  severely. 
S'  setting  aside  the  trust  my  master  has  reposed  in  me  I  should  be 
as  ready  and  willing  to  serve  Mons'  de  Nonuille  as  any  friend  he 
has,  I  could  wish  with  all  my  heart  the  wildernesse  betwixt  us 
were  not  soe  great  but  that  there  were  conveniences  whereby  we 
might  see  one  another  often,  for  I  have  as  much  respect  for  all 
the  people  of  quality  of  your  nation  especially  such  as  have  serued 
in  the  armies  as  any  man  in  the  world  can  have :  as  for  neweS| 
the  ships  lately  come  from  England  say  all  things  are  at  peace 
both  there  and  in  France  and  that  both  our  Masters  are  in  very 
good  health  and  that  the  Emperour  and  the  King  of  Poland  are 
very  vigorous  against  the  Turques — 

I  am    Sir 

our  most  humble  servant 
'  '^  ■  (Signed)    Tho.  Dongan 

Sr  I  send  you  some  Oranges  hearing  they  are  a  rarity  in  your 
partes,  and  would  send  more,  but  the  bearer  wants  conueniency 
of  Carriage — 


.T'-::- 


FROM  A  PAPER  SUPPOSED  TO  HAVE  BEEN  WRITTEN- 
BY  M.  DE  CALLIERES.    DATED  QUEBEC,  16  JULY,  1687. 

(Pari*  Doe.  III.l 

I  yesterday  received  a  letter  from  M.  de  Denonville  from  Cata- 
racouy  of  the  3'"''  of  this  month,  informine;  me  that  he  sends  me 


GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


237 


fifty  Iroquois  taken  near  that  place,  to  forward  them  to  France  in 
the  King's  Ships,  conformably  to  his  orders.  I'll  take  advantage 
of  the  delay  of  the  Fourgon,  in  which  I  shall  have  them  embarked, 
and  as  the  crew  is  too  few  to  convey  so  many  prisoners,  very  dif- 
ficult to  be  guarded,  I  reinforce  them  by  some  passengers  and 
sailors  from  a  merchantman,  the  Catharine,  which  was  wrecked 
last  autumn  near  Tadoussac,  and  could  not  be  got  off. 


•'.  ..  ;.';;v. 


' ;' '    '      M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

ATTACK  ON  THE  SENECAS  ;  ERECTION  OF  FORT  NIAGARA.  : 

[Paris  Doe.  III.] 

Ville  Marie,  25  August,  1687. 

The  first  thing  with  which  I  occupied  myself  on  my  arrival  [at 
Irondequoit  Bay]  was  to  select  a  post  easy  to  be  fortified  for  se- 
curing our  batteaux  to  the  number  of  200  and  as  many  canoes. 
We  cut  2000  palisa«les  which  we  finished  planting  in  the  forenoon 
of  the  12U»of  July.  , 

I  had  brought  with  me  Sieur  d'Orvilliers  as  the  fittest  to  receive 
the  whole  of  Canada  into  his  hands ;  for  the  loss  of  this  post 
would  be  the  assured  loss  of  the  whole  country  which  obliged  me 
to  leave  440  men  there. 

On  the  12'^'»  I  departed  at  three  o'clock  in  the  evening  with  all 
our  French  and  Indian  allies  and  Christians  having  caused  them 
to  take  15  days  provisions.  We  only  made  three  leagues  that  day 
across  i,he  woods  which  are  very  open. 

On  the  13'''  abort  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  having  pass- 
ed throngh  two  i.dngerous  defiles,  we  arrived  at  the  third 
where  we  were  very  vigorously  attacked  by  800  Senecas,  200  of 
whom  fired,  wishing  to  attack  our  rear  whilst  the  remainuer  of 
their  force  would  attac':  our  front,  but  the  resistance  they  met 
produced  such  a  great  consternation  that  they  soon  resolved  to 
fly.  All  our  troops  were  so  overpowered  by  the  extreme  heat 
and  the  long  journey  we  had  made  that  we  were  obliged  to  bi- 
vouac on  the  field  until  the  morrow.     We  witnessed  the  ptunful 


r ' '  ! 

w 

i.l 

i     ■ 

■i 

»    ; 

i 

1 

■ 

''  1  "'I 


Ir-  if. 


l\- 


j  »  '« 


228 


DENONVILLE^S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


J! 
> 


WT 


sight  of  the  usual  cruelties  of  the  savages  who  cut  the  dead  into 
quarters,  as  in  slaughter  houses,  in  order  to  put  them  into  the 
pot ;  the  greater  number  were  opened  while  still  warm  that  their 
blood  might  be  drank.  Our  rascally  Otaous  distinguished  them- 
selves particularly  by  these  barbarities  and  by  their  poltroonery, 
for  they  withdrew  from  the  combat ;  the  Hurons  of  Michilimaquina 
did  very  well,  but  our  Christian  l«?dians  surpassed  all  and  per- 
formed deeds  of  valour,  especially  our  IrOv.^uois  of  whom  we  durst 
not  make  sure  having  to  fight  against  theii  relatives.  The  Illinois 
performed  their  duty  well.  We  had  five  or  t>.'x  men  killed  on  the 
spot,  French  and  Indians,  and  about  twenty  wounded,  among,the 
first  of  whom  was  the  Rev  :  Fath  :  Angleran,  superintendent  of 
the  Otaous  missions,  by  a  very  severe  gunshot.  It  is  a  great  mis- 
fortune to  us  that  this  wound  will  prevent  him  going  back  again, 
for  he  is  a  man  of  capacity,  of  great  influence  who  has  conducted 
every  thing  at  Miclulimaquina  well,  and  to  whom  the  country 
owes  vast  obligations.  For  had  it  not  been  for  him  the  Iroquois 
had  been  long  since  established  at  Michilimaquina. 

We  learned  from  some  prisoners  who  had  escaped  from  the  Sene- 
cas  that  this  action  cost  them  45  men  killed  on  the  field,  25  of 
whom  we  had  seen  at  the  shambles  ;  the  others  were  seen  buried 
by  this  deserter,  and  over  60  very  severely  wounded. 

On  the  next  day,  ]4^ii  July,  we  marched  to  one  of  the  large 
villages  Avhere  we  encamped.  We  found  \i  burned  and  a  fort 
quite  nighy  abandoned;  it  was  very  advantageously  situated  on  a  hill. 

I  deemed  it  our  best  policy  to  employ  ourselves  laying  waste 
the  Indian  corn  which  was  in  vast  abundance  in  the  fields,  rather 
than  follow  a  flying  enemy  to  a  distance  and  excite  our  troops  to 
catch  only  some  straggling  fugitives. 

We  learned  from  deserters  that  the  Senecas  had  gone;  to  the 
English  where  they  will  not  be  allowed  to  want  for  any  thing 
necessary  to  make  war  on  us.  Since  that  time  I  have  had  no 
news  of  the  enemy. 

We  remained  at  the  four  Seneca  villages  until  the  2^^^ ;  the 
two  larger  distant  4  leagues,  and  the  others  two.  All  that  time 
was  spent  in  destroying  the  corn  which  was  in  such  great  abun- 
dance that  the  loss,  including  old  com  which  was  in  cache  which 


we  bu 

to  the 

corn. > 

There 

many  I 

rheum 

'Tis 

after  th 

them  th 

conceiv( 

Durin 

not  see  j 

had  been 

them  too 

Returr 

been  abli 

fatigue  ai 

disband,  ( 

irt  their  pi 

rage  then 

■  I  selec 

river ;  it 

advantage 
plan  of  w 
the  troubl 
expressly 
"Riis  po 
there  unde 
thern  exps 
serves  somi 
tion.     He 
dent  and  in 
This  pos 
faring  nc  ^ 
They  have 
hnrass  there 


I    I, 


eENESEC  COUNTRY  AMD  MlAOARA. 


239 


we  burnt  and  that  which  w^as  standing,  was  computed  according 
to  the  estimate  afterwards  made,  at  400  thousand  minots  of  Indian 
corn.  ■  These  four  villages  must  exceed  14  to  15  thousand  souls. 
There  was  a  vast  quantity  of  hogs  which  were  killed  j  a  great 
many  both  of  our  Indians  and  French  were  attacked  with  a  general 
rheum  which  put  every  one  out  of  humor. 

'Tis  an  imfortunate  trade,  my  lord,  to  command  savages  who, 
after  the  first  broken  hiead  ask  only  to  return  home  carrying  with 
them  the  scalp  which  they  lift  off  like  a  leather  cap.  You  cannot 
conceive  the  trouble  I  had  to  detain  them  until  the  corn  was  cut. 

During  the  whole  time  we  were  in  the  Senecas  country  we  did 
not  see  a  single  enemy,  which  caused  me  divers  alarms  lest  they 
had  been  at  our  batteaux,  but  terror  and  consternation  deterred 
thetu  too  much  IVom  effecting  their  first  threats. 

Returning  to  our  batteaux  I  should  have  greatly  wished  to  hav« 
been  able  to  visit  other  villages,  but  the  sickness^  the  extreme 
fatigue  among  all  and  the  uneasiness  of  the  savages  w!k>  he^m  to 
disband,  determined  me  to  proceed  to  Niagara  to  erect  a  fort  Inere 
in  their  presence,  and  point  out  to  them  a  fiure  asylum  to  encou- 
rage them  to  come  this  winter  to  war  in  small  bodies. 

I  selected  the  angl«  of  the  Lake  on  the  Seneca  side  of  the 
river  ;  it  i^  the  most  beautiful,  the  most  pleasing  and  the  mo^st 
advantageous  site  that  is  on  the  whole  of  thisLakfe,  the  Map  and 
plan  of  which  you  will  have  if  fc-i*tur  de  Ville  Mprie  will  take 
the  trouble,  for  I  tormented  him  considerably  for  it ;  I  sent  him 
expressly  to  Quebec  that  he  may  have  nothing  else  to  do. 

Ubis  post  being  in  a  state  of  defence  I  left  a  hundred  men 
there  under  the  command  of  Sieur  de  Troyes  who  ro\a.  the  Nor- 
thern expedition  last  year.  He  is  a  worthy  fellow  sviio  richly  de- 
serves some  share  in  ihe  honour  of  yotkt  good  graces  and  protec- 
tion. He  can  be  very  useful  to  you  in  many  thiAgs;  he  k  pru- 
dent and  intelligent,  very  willing,  and  has  well  served  on  land. 

This  post  has  caused  much  joy  to  all  our  farther  Indians,  who 
having  nc  place  of  retreat,  scarcely  dared  to  approach  the  enemy. 
They  have  made  me  great  promises — especially  our  Illinois— to 
harass  them  this  winter  by  a  number  of  small  parties. 
1  A  mlnot  is  eqaal  to  thre«  bushels. 


!    i 


240 


denonville's  expetttion  to  tbe 


m^- 


m ' 


,M 


M.  de  Tonty  had  returned  with  them  designing  to  invite  them 
to  come.  He  could  collect  only  very  few  savages  because  an 
alarm  had  been  spread  among  them  of  a  large  body  of  Senecas 
having  departed  last  fall  on  a  war  expedition  against  them,  which 
fell  through  on  the  information  Mr.  Dongan  gave  the  Senecas 
that  I  was  about  to  attack  them ;  yet.  as  this  large  force  had 
marched  six  days,  it  was  the  cause  that  of  six  @  700  savages  on 
whom  we  relied,  only  80  came,  which  was  the  reason  of  their 
having  been  obliged  to  come  to  'he  fort  of  Detroit  to  join  Sieurs 
du  L'hut  and  de  la  Durantaye  not  being  able  to  take  the  Senecas 
in  the  rear.  < 

On  quitting  Nl  gi^a  I  xvh  M.  de  Vaudreiiil  there  for  a  few  daya 
with  the  troops  1  >  cut  f}.s:s  wood,  after  having  done  what  was 
necessary  for  lod;ir;^^  'xh*>,  inconvenience  of  this  post  is,  that 
timber  is  at  a  dist^ace  Ircm  it.  M.  de  Calli^res  and  I  returnod 
without  delay  with  our  hahitans  to  issue  the  orders  necessary  for 

the  interior  of  the  Colony. 

*  •  •  •  •  •  •    . 

I  have  not  yet  told  you,  my  lord,  that  the  hahitans  who  left  the 
l(«wer  part  of  the  Colony,  will  on  their  return  to  their  homes, 
have  made  four  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  from  the  24  May  to 
about  the  17t'»  or  IS*'*  of  August,  You  will  well  conceive  that, 
what  with  the  two  forts  which  it  was  necefisary  to  build,  the  des- 
truction of  the  enemy's  corn  and  the  thirty  leagues  of  road  we 
had,  going  and  coming,  to  travel  by  ]und,  they  will  not  have  been 
idle. 

It  was  impossible  for  us  to  dc  any  more  than  we  accomplished, 
for  provisions  would  have  failed  us  had  we  madt.  a  lonjei'  delay. 
It  is  full  30  years  that  !  have  had  the  honour  to  serve,  but  I  a» 
sure  you,  my  lord,  that  I  have  seen  nothing  that  comes  near  this 
in  labour  and  fatigue. 

You  ordered  nie  to  send  you  the  prisoners  we  took.  You  have 
perceived,  ray  lord,  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  make  any  among 
the  Senecas,  and  even  had  we  made  any,  we  should  have  distribu- 
ted them  among  the  savages  our  allies  and  those  who  made  the 
seizure  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Cataracouy  who  are  them- 


selves 1 
LakeO 

Iroquoii 

their  nu 

for  our : 

more  cl< 

Amon 

near  rela 

of  the  O 

detach  tl 

negotiatii 

ments  of  i 

prisoners. 

tent  mys( 

are  guiltlc 

good  as  to 

in  case  of 

believe  ths 

men  and  cl 

in  the  Cole 

baptised,  tc 

if  it  be  inj 

The  cop 

the  head  (a 

not  yet  dis 

sures  me  th 

low  as  gold 

heated,  it  is 

ing  this  pie( 

of  it. 


GENESEE  COUNTBT  AND  NIAGARA. 


•elves  native  Iroquois,  but  for  the  most  part  from  villages  north  of 
Lake  Ontario  Tvhere  there  had  been  some  fine  and  large  which  the 
Iroquois  south  of  said  Lake  forced  to  join  them;  this  began  to  swell 
their  numbers  and  depopulate  the  northern  border.  It  would  be 
for  our  interest  to  repeople  tl  ese  villages  because  they  would  be 
more  close  allies,  and  under  ojr  control.  ,.,;,, 

Among  th,e  prisoners  there  a'-e  some  I  cannot  send  you,  being 
near  relatives  of  our  Christian  Indians.  Besides  there  are  some 
of  the  Onnontagu^  village  whom  we  must  manage  with  a  view  to 
detach  them  from  tlie  Scnecas,  and  to  use  them  for  purposes  of 
negotiation  if  necessary.  As  I  have  not  yet  any  news  of  the  move- 
ments ot  the  Iroquo'iS,  I  should  much  like  not  to  dispose  of  all  these 
prisoners.  Nevertheless,  my  lord,  as  you  desire  them,  I  shall. con- 
tent myself  by  retainingthose  only  who  will  be  of  use  to  me  and 
are  guiltless  of  all  the  disorders  of  others.  Yet,  my  lord,  be  so 
good  as  to  keep  them  in  a  place  from  which  they  can  be  withdrawn, 
in  case  of  need  and  we  finally  come  to  a  general  arrangement ;  I 
believe  that  would  be  a  very  useful  thing.  Regarding  their  wo- 
men and  children,  I  had  them  distributed  through  all  our  missions 
in  the  Colony.  All  the  men,  women  and  children  had  themselves 
baptised,  testifying  joy  on  that  occasion.  It  remains  to  be  seen 
if  it  be  in  good  faith. 

The  copper  of  which  I  sent  a  sample  to  M.  Arnou  is  found  at 
the  head  (aufond)  of  Lake  Superior.  The  body  of  the  mine  is 
not  yet  discovered.  I  have  seen  one  of  our  voyageurs  who  as- 
sures me  that  he  saw,  15  months  ago,  a  lump  200  weight,  as  yel- 
low as  gold  in  a  river  which  falls  into  Lake  Superior.  When 
heated,  it  is  cut  with  an  axe,  but  the  superstitious  Indians  regard- 
ing this  piece  as  a  good  Spirit  would  never  permit  him  to  take  any 
of  it. 


lb 


.,a?-t-1?^- 


t  •  » 


t       I 


Ml  ■■■'  •'. 


Ft;;/ 


242 


OEXOKVILLE'S  KXFEUITION  TO  TUK 


ACTE  OF  THE  TAKING  POSSESSlOiN  OF  THE  COUNTRY  OF 
THE  IROQUOIS,  CALLED  SENECAS,  19  July  1687. 

[Pari!  Doc.  III.]  ... 

On  the  nineteenth  of  July,  One  thousan*!  six  hundred  and  eighty 
seven,  the  troops  commanded  by  Messire  Jacques  Rcn6  de  Bi'isay 
Chevalier  Seigneur  Marquis  de  Denonville  and  othet  places,  Go- 
verhor  and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  throughout  the  whole 
of  Cana<!a  and  country  of  New  France,  in  presence  of  Hector, 
Chevalier  dc  Calli^re,  Governor  of  Montreal  in  said  country. 
Commandant  of  the  camp  under  his  orders,  and  of  Philip  de  Rigaud, 
Chevalier  de  Vaudreuil,  Commandant  of  the  King's  troops,  which 
being  drawn  up  in  the  order  of  battle,  Charles  Aubert  Sieur  de  ia 
CShenays  citizen  of  Quebec,  deputed  by  Messire  Jean  Bochart, 
Chevalier,  Seigneur  de  Champigny,  Norvj ,  Verneuil  and  other 
places.  Privy  Councilor  to  the  King,  Intendant  of  Justice,  Police 
and  Finance,  in  all  Northern  France,  presented  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  army,  who  stated  and  declared  that  on  the  requisition 
of  the  said  Seigneur  de  Champigny,  he  took  possession  of  the 
village  of  Totiakton,  as  he  has  done  of  the  other  three  villages  of 
Gannagaro,  Gannondata  and  Gannongarae,  and  of  a  Fort  half  a 
league  distant  from  the  said  village  of  Gannagaro,  together  with 
all  the  lands  in  their  vicinity  as  many  and  how  far  soever  they 
may  extend,  conquered  in  His  Majesty's  name,  and  to  that  end 
has  planted  in  all  the  said  Villages  and  Forts  His  said  Majesty's 
Arms  and  has  caused  to  be  proclaimed  in  loud  voice,  Vive  te  iZot, 
after  the  said  t  oops  had  beaten  and  routed  eight  hundred  Iroquois 
Senecas,  and  laid  waste,  burnt  and  destroyed  their  provisions  and 
cabins.  Whereof  and  of  what  precedes,  the  said  Sieur  de  la 
Chenays  Aubert  has  required  an  Acte  j  granted  to  him  by  me  Paul 
Dupuy  Esq.  Councilor  of  the  King  and  his  Attorney  at  the  Pro- 
vost's Court  of  Quebec  :  Done  at  the  said  Village  of  Totiakton, 
the  largest  of  the  Sen«ca  Villages  in  presence  of  the  Rev^  Father 
Vaillant,  Jesuit,  and  of  the  Officers  of  the  Troops  and  of  the 
Militia  Witnesses  with  me,  the  said  King's  Attorney  undersigned, 
the  day  and  year  above  mentioned,  and  have  signed  the  Minute, 


Charlc 
D^non 
Desme 
JesQS) 


TAK 


Jacqu 
DenoBvi] 
tor  the  fi 
France. 

This  (i 
hundred  : 
c«rn,  in  . 
of  Montr 
under  our 
dreuil,  Co 
the  army 
against  tb 
gara  situa 
five  leagu< 
of  the  Ri\ 
coming  frc 
several  otl 
and  in  the 
Post  of  N 
made  there 
by  Sieur  1 
above  the  ( 
navigated 
which  the 
the  said  Sit 
settlers  at 


>   % 


i    I 


OEMXSU  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGA&A. 


243 


Charles  Aubert  de  la  Chenays,  J.  Rend  de  Brisay  Monsieur  de 
D^nonville,  Chevalier  de  Calli^rc,  Fleutelot  de  Romprey,  de 
Desmeloizes,  de  Rauiezay,  Francois  Vaillant  of  the  Society  of 
JeflQS)  de  Qrandville)  de  Longueuil,  Saint  Paul  and  Dupuy. 


t/. 


TAKINO  POSSESSION  OF  NIAGARA  BY  MONSIEUR  DE 

DENONVILLE. 

[PariiDoo.  lU.l  '  * 

Jacques  REirf  de  Brissat  Chevalier  Seigneur  Marquis  de 
DenoBville  and  other  places,  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General 
lor  the  King  in  the  whole  extent  of  Canada  and  Country  of  New 
France. 

This  day,  the  last  of  July  of  the  year  One  Thcasand  Six 
hundred  and  Eighty  seven,  We  declare  to  all  whom  it  may  c(m- 
eern,  in  presence  of  Hector,  Chevalier  de  CalU6res,  Governor 
of  Montreal  in  the  said  Country  and  Commandant  of  the  Camp 
under  our  orders,  and  of  Philippe  Derigaud,  Chevalier  de  Yau- 
dreuil,  Commanding  the  King's  troops,  being  encamped  with  all 
the  army  at  the  post  of  Niagara,  returning  from  our  expedition 
against  the  Seneca  villages,  that  being  come  to  th?  camp  of  Nia- 
gara situate  south  of  Lake  Ontario  west  of  the  Senecas, "twenty- 
five  leagues  above  them,  in  the  angle  of  land  East  of  the  mouth 
of  the  River  of  the  same  name  which  is  the  outlet  of  Lake  Eiie, 
coming  from  Lakes  Huron^  Illinois,  the  Great  Lake  Superior  and 
several  others  beyond  the  said  Great  Lake,  to  reiterate  anew  for, 
and  in  the  name  of  the  King  the  taking  Possession  of  the  said 
Post  of  Niagara,  several  establishments  having  been  formerly 
made  there  many  years  since  by  the  King's  order,  and  especially 
by  Sieur  De  la  Salle  having  spent  several  years  two  leagues 
above  the  Great  Fall  of  Niagara  where  he  had  a  Bark  built  which 
navigated  several  years  Lakes  Erie,  Huron  and  Illinois,  and  of 
which  the  stocks  {les  chantiers)  are  still  to  be  seen.  Morerover 
the  said  Sieur  De  la  Salle  having  erected  quarters  (logemens)  with 
settlers  at  the  said  Niagara  in  the  year  one  thousand  six  hundred 


\     ; 
V 


r  i. 


]■: 


i    V 


I    i 


244 


dkmonvillk's  kxpkditiom  to  the 


and  Sixty  Eight  which  quarters  were  burned  Twelve  years  ago 
by  the  SenecaS)  which  is  one  of  the  causes  of  discontent  that  with 
many  others  have  obliged  us  to  wage  war  against  them,  and  as 
we  considered  that  the  houses  we  have  thought  fit  to  rebuild  could 
not  remain  secure  during  the  war,  did  we  not  provide  for  tbeui, 
We  have  Resolved  to  construct  a  Fort  there  in  which  we  have 
placed  one  hundred  men  of  the  King's  troops  to  garrison  the  same 
under  the  command  of  Sieur  de  Troyes,  one  of  the  Veteran  Cap- 
tains of  His  Majesty's  Troops  with  a  necessary  number  of  Officers 
to  command  said  soldiers. 

This  Acte  has  been  executed  in  Our  presence  and  in  that  of 
Monsieur  Gaillard,  Commissary  on  behalf  of  the  King  attached 
to  the  Army  and  subdelegate  of  Monsieur  de  Champigny,  Intend- 
ant  01  Canada  :  which  Acte  We  have  signed  with  Our  hand  am 
sealed  with  Our  Seal  at  Arms,  and  caused  to  be  subscribed  by 
Mess''"  de  Calli^res  and  Vaudreuil  and  by  Monsieur  Gaillard,  and 
countersigned  by  Our  Secretary.  And  they  sign :  J.  RenIT  de 
Brissay,  Marquis  de  Denoxiyille,  Ic  Chevalier  de  Calli^res,  Che- 
valier de  Vaudreuil,  Gaillard  ;  and  lower  dow;:i  by  Monseigneur 
Tophlin.  ' 


•i't_- 


[From  Council  Min.  Y.] 


5-. 


■■  it 


'  (fort  James  Tuesday  y«  I9th  July  i6S7.  (O.  S.) 

Mr  Brockholes  Informed  y^  Counrill  he  is  now  Come  from 
Albany  &  SchanectaHe  with  Instructions  ffrom  the  Govern'  to 
bring  up  with  all  convenient  speed  a  Certain  Number  of  Men  & 
some  Provisions  .      _  '  , 

The  Instructions  Read 

Ordred  that  sixty  men  be  raysed  out  of  y»  Citty  &  County  of 
New  York  &  sixty  men  out  of  Queens  County  that  Warrants  be 
forthwith  made  out  to  Major  Willett  to  Raise  the  men  in  y* 
Queens  County  and  to  Coll.  Bayard  to  raise  y«  men  in  y*  Citty 
&.  County  of  New  York,  that  an  Expresse  be  Im^iliately  sent 
to  Major  Willett  with  y^  s^  Warrant  &  that  he  &  Coll.  Bayard  have 
their  Complement  of  Men  Well  armed  in  fTo. '  James  on  y«  22"» 
Inst. 


QKirnEB  COUMTBY  AHO  NIAOA&A. 


M6 


I 
1 


FROM  MR.  GRAHAM  TO  MR.  SPRAGG. 


»-:>.', 


[London  Doo.  Y.] 

New  York,  10  July  1687. 
Sir — I  am  invited  by  your  favours  to  give  you  by  this  occasion 
acknowledgements  and  also  to  acquainte  you  that  Mr.  Swinton 
departed  this  life  the  Z^  currant,  after  that  he  had  been  violently 
seized  with  three  fitts  of  an  apoplexie.  In  the  interval  of  his  fitts 
he  was  very  sencible  but  without  apprehensions  of  death,  how- 
ever was  prevailed  with  to  make  a  will,  by  which  has  constituted 
Mr  Delaval  his  executor,  his  affairs  are  in  great  confusion,  and 
he  judged  to  be  mdebted  j£300.  besides  what  his  engagements 
may  be  to  you,  his  Excell:  being  at  Albany.  The  Councill  sealed 
up  the  office  in  which  state  it  now  remains  and  will  continue  until 
His  Excell*  pleasure  be  knowen.  Mr  Knights  in  the  mean  time 
does  the  service  of  the  office.  Last  night  I  received  a  letter  from 
his  £xcell:  in  which  aduiseth  that  the  French  had  assaulted  the 
Senaquaes,  and  were  worsted,  report  by  other  hands  saying  the 
French  had  300  men  killed,  the  certainty  wants  confirmation, 
however,  its  consequence  is  like  to  be  very  injurious  to  us,  we 
having  already  very  little  trade,  besides  are  likely  to  be  ingaged 
in  a  bloody  warr.  whose  events  is  uncertain,  we  are  strangely  sur- 
prised with  the  french  proceedings,  not  knowing  what  moves  them 
to  invade  his  Maj*y»  dominions,  without  giving  notice,  and  so 
soon  after  the  publication  of  the  treaty  of  Commerce  betwixt  the 
two  Crowns— P  the  next  which  will  be  Jacob  Maurits  His  Excell: 
will  give  you  a  full  account  of  his  resolves,  he  having  sent  a 
messenger  to  the  French  which  is  not  yet  returned.     Five  days 

agoe.  My  Lord  Effingham ....S' Robert  Parker  arryved 

here  from  Virginia,  he  laments  the  Govemours  absence  otherwise 
wer  satisfied  with  his  entertainments ;  all  your  friends  are  well, 
my  wife  kisseth  your  hands  and  joins  with  me  in  the  request  that 
you  would  give  our  duty  to  our  Father,  our  service  to  Major 
Baxter,  to  whom  please  to  excuse  not  writing,  being  strained  with 
time,  and  accept  of  the  assurance  that  I  am        Sir 

Your  affectionate  friend  and  most  humble  servant 

Ja  Graham 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STRICT 

WEBSTER, NY.  MSEO 

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Em.' 


INFORMATION  GIVEN  BY  SEVERALL  INDIANS  TO  THE 
GOVERNR.  AT  ALBANT,  6.  AUG.  1687. 

[Loud.  Doe.  t".] 

the  Groyr  of  Canada  last  fall,  sent  word  to  the  SachcmB  of  ^1 
the  TiveKations  to  come  and  speak  with  him  at  Cadarachqui  thitt 
spring,  which  wee  acquainted  His  Excellency  withall,  but  in  pur- 
suance to  his  Excell°y*  commands  wee  being  the  King  of  Englandi 
subjects,  thought  ourselfs  aoways  obliged  to  hearken  to  him,  and 
therefore  refused  to  go,  and  shortly  after  wee  heard  by  an  Onoor 
dage  Indian  that  had  lived  long  at  Cadaiacbqili)  that  the  Gov  of 
Canidahad  a  des^  to  warr  upon  us,  for  bee  had  seen  a  great 
deal  of  amunicion  and  iron  Dubletts  brought  to  Caduadiqiu,  and 
that  a  Frenchman  at  Cadarachqiu  told  him,  that  they  would  vnurr 
witb  all  the  Five  Nations,  About  ten  days  after  wee  gott  the  news, 
that  the  Gov<^  of  Ganida  with  his  army  was  seen  eneampt  att  the 
side  of  the  Lake  with  many  Canoes  about  balfe  way  between 
Onnondage  and  Cadarachqiu :  upon  which  they  sent  a  hundred 
men  to  the  Lake  side  to  spy  ^  who  see  a  Serke  aeet  Irondequat 
the  landing  place  a  Lyeing  by  and  nott  att  anker  they  nent  four 
men  in  a  Canoe  to  haile  them,  there  orders  from  the  Sachems  be- 
ing ocpressly  not  to  doe  the  French  any  harme,  and  whtti  ihey 
hailed  them,  the  French  answered  in  base  language :  Enustogan^ 
horrio,  squa,  which  is  as  much  in  theire  language  as  the  Devil 
take  you,  whereupon  they  paddled  for  the  shore,  and  told  the  rest 
of  theire  companions,  what  answer  they  had,  the  hundred  men 
went  forthwith  to  the  Castles,  and  told  the  Sachems,  what  they 
had  seen,  who  foithwith  sent  twenty  men  to  spy  what  theire  de- 
signe  was,  and  they  see  another  Barke  come  to  the  first,  and  while 
they  were  their*  as  scouts  spied  a  great  many  of  the  Twichtwich 
Indians  come  by  land,  and  had  almost  environed  them  before  they 
were  awarr  of  th«m :  toe  twenty  men  sedng  tlus,  went  up^  fbrtli- 
with  to  the  Castles  and  had  much  adoe  to  gett  through,  and  the 
Sachems  having  senfc  out  tluee  Spysy,  after  the  twenty,  to  see 
what  the  French  would  have,  and  before  the  three  were  come  to 


4-1 VI, 


anovKE  oowraiT  aits  mkaoaaa. 


M7 


4ke  Lake  side  (it  bang  about  twenty  milea  from  their  CasUes)  the 
French  Av|ny  out  of  Barks  and  Cannoes  was  landed^  they  seemg 
Uiat.  called  to  them  and  asked  what  they  were  intoided  to  do,  A 
Maquase  answered  out  of  the  Army.  You  Blqckheads,  F)l  tell 
you  what  I  am  come  to  doe,  to  msr  upon  you,  and  to  morrow  I 
will  macck  up  with  my  army  to  your  Castlesy  and  as  soone  as  hee 
had  spoke  they  fyred  upon  the  three  Iiida*  butt  they  runn  hom«  and 
brought  the  news  to  ^e  Sachems  about  the  twighligfat,  The 
Saefaems  upon  this  news  concluded  to  conrey  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren, and  old  men  away,  and  beeing  busy  thereabouts  all  n«tt 
da^r,  most  parte  retiring  to  Gajouge,  and  the  rest  to  a  Lake  to 
the  Soodiwnrd  of  there  Castles  in  the  meantime  the  Frent^ 
were  as  good  as  there  words,  and  marched  iq>  halfe  way  between 
the  landing  place  and  the  Castles  and  there  encamped  that  night ; 
As  soon  as  the  women  and  children  were  fled,  their  fired  their 
own  Catties  and  all  the  men  being  gon  to  convey  thon  away  ex- 
cept a.hundred  in  a  small  Fort  who  had  sent  out  Spyes  and  re- 
oeived  informati<m  that  the  Fiendi  were  upon  there  march  towards 
them,  ^ey  sent  forthwith  messeng^s  to  th^n  that  were  conveying 
the  Women  and  Children  and  desired  the  assistance  of  as  many  of 
their  young  men  as  could  conveniently  bee  spared  to  turn  back  and 
face  ika  Ft-eneh  and  give  battle :  whereupon  350  turned  bade  and 
joyned  with  the  hundred,  butt  being  all  young  men,  were  60  ea- 
ger to  fall  on,  that  the  officers  could  not  bring  them  in  a  posture 
to  ^igage,  they  went  out  about  halfe  a  league  from  the  Castle, 
on  a  small  hill,  and  there  stayed  for  the  French  army,  but  the 
officers  could  not  persuade  them  to  be  in  order  there  neither,  all 
being  so  fiery  to  engage,  and  having  scoutts  out,  brought  them 
intelligence,  that  they  were  approaching  and  how  they  marched, 
viz^  the  Right  and  left  wing  being  Indians  and  the  Body  French, 
and  when  they  came  in  sight  of  the  Sinnekes,  the  French  not 
seeing  them  q»tt,d<Kvrn  to  reft  themselves  and  1|te  Indians  like- 
wise ;  the  Sinnekes  seeing  this  advance  upon  the  left  wing  being 
Indians,  the  French  seeing  them  stood  to  theire  arms  and  gave 
them  fiist  vtlky,  and  then  the  Enemy  Ind^*  that  were  on  the  left 
wing ;  iriliereupun  the  Sinnekes  answered  them  with  another. 
whioh'Oocaiianed  soe  jpucb  amoak  that  they  eouid  scarce  see  one 


I' 


i  I 


I  t 


•  (■ 


i    . 


S48 


DIMOHYIUJ^S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


;»A 


te.« 


another,  wherefore  they  immediately  runn  in  and  came  to  hardy 
blows  and  putt  the  left  wing  to  the  flight,  some  went  quite  away 
and  some  fled  to  the  reare  of  the  French,,  and  when  that  wing  was 
broake,  they  chained  and  fyred  upon  the  French  and  the  other 
Indians.  The  French  retired  about  150  paces  and  stood  still,  the 
Sinnekes  continued  the  fight  with  there  Hatchets,  butt  perceiving 
at  last  that  the  French  were  too  numerous  and  would  not  give 
ground,  some  of  the  Sinnekes  begun  to  retreat,  whereupon  the 
French  Indians  cryed  out,  the  Sinnekes  run  and  the  rest  heareing 
that  followed  the  first  party  that  gave  way  and  so  gott  off  from 
another  and  in  there  retreat  were  followed  about  half  an  English 
mile,  and  if  the  Enemy  had  followed  them  further,  the  Sinnekes 
would  have  lost  abundance  of  people  because  they  carried  off 
there  wounded  men  and  were  resolved  to  stick  to  them,  and  not 
leave  them. 

The  young  Indian  that  was  in  the  engagement  relates  that  after 
the  engagement  whs  over,  when  the  Sinnekes  were  gott  upon  a 
Hill,  they  see  a  party  of  Fresh  French  come  up,  the  French  called 
to  them  and  bid  them  stand  and  fight,  but  the  Sinnekes  replyed, 
come  out  four  hundred  to  our  four  hundred  and  wee  have  butt  a 
hundred  men  and  three  hundred  boyes,  and'  wee  will  fight  you 
hand  to  fist.  The  said  Boy  being  asked,  whether  he  see  any  of  the 
French  with  Gorges  about  there  necks,  it  was  to  hott,  they  were 
to  numerous. 

There  was  amongst  the  460  Sinnekes  five  women,  who  engaged 
as  well  as  the  men,  and  were  resolved  not  to  leave  their  husbands 
but  live  and  dye  with  them 

,.,  .    A  true  copy  examined  p  me 

RoB^  Livingston  Cl    . 


!,!:■-■  i  (i. 


*?■■;»*',¥(  -J 


^iv'ti4 


;;»'! 


'    =    EXAMINATION  OP  INDIAN  PRISONERS. 

Ptond.  Doe.  V.] 

31  AngoMtt  1687. 
A  few  days  after  the  French  came  and  gave  him  and  all  the 
Xndiant  in  the  Chriitiant  CasUe,  each  tbisty  bullets  and  a  double 


OXNSSKE  COUNTKY  AMD  NIAGARA. 


249 


handfull  of  powder,  and  bad  them  appeare  att  a  French  Gents 
house,  neare  Mont  Royall :  the  Christian  Indians  being  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty  or  thirty  strong,  in  meane  time  the 
French  and  other  Nations  of  Indians  all  appeared  at  Mont  Royall, 
and  the  second  day  after  that  the  Gov'  himselfe  ;  the  number  of 
the  French  being  two  thousand  and  of  all  the  Indians  one  thou- 
sand. The  army  went  all  by  water  in  about  two  hundred  boates 
in  each  Boate  some  seaven  and  some  ten  menn,  the  rest  went  in 
Canoes,  they  were  sometimes  forced  to  draw  the  Boates  with 
Cordes  against  the  Trenches,  the  Provisions  being  part  in  the 
Bo&ts  and  a  great  deal  sent  upp  before  at  Kadraghke  :  they  were 
going  up  from  Mont  Royall  to  Kadraghke  three  dayes,  makeing 
verry  short  journeys ;  att  Kadaraghkie  they  rested  three  dayes 
from  thence  they  went  and  lay  att  night  upon  an  Island,  the  night 
after  they  lay  at  Cadranganhie  next  morning  about  nine  the  clock 
they  saw  ten  Onnondages  att  Aranhag^;  the  Gov-  gave  orders 
not  to  meddle  with  them,  upon  that  the  Onnondages  gave  a  greate 
shout  and  went  their  way,  and  the  army  went  along  the  shore- 
side  to  a  passage  that  goes  to  the  Cayouges ;  the  day  following  they 
saw  a  Brigantine  att  anker,  and  all  the  army  went  ashore  and  lay 
there  that  night.  Some  of  the  French  went  aboard  the  Brigan- 
tine where  Arnout  was,  as  this  Examinant  has  heard  ;  next  day 
the  army  went  along  and  att  Jedandago,  the  Gov^^  landed  fifty 
men  to  discover  the  place  and  the  rest  went  on  to  lerondokat 
where  alt  the  same  time  they  mett  with  the  French  that  came  from 
Twightwig  and  Dowaganha  with  their  Indians,  then  the  Gov' 
ordered  the  Xtian  Maquasse  and  some  other  Indians  to  bee  putt 
in  the  middle  of  the  army  and  stayed  there  three  dayes  till  the 
Fort  was  finished,  in  the  meane  time  four  or  five  Indians  came 
and  asked  what  the  matter  was,  and  why  the  French  came  so 
strong  in  their  Country,  the  French  answered  (by  a  Xtian  Ma- 
quasse) wee  come  to  meet  you,  the  Sinnakes  asked  againe,  and 
said,  why  doe  you  make  a  Fort,  you  should  butt  come  on,  for  we 
intend  to  kill  you  all  in  a  short  time.  The  third  day  the  army 
marched  in  the  afternoone  and  came  that  night  about  half  way 
between  the  Lake  and  Sinnakes  Castle  :  next  morning  very  early 
after  prayers  they  marohed  on  all  the  Indians  being  putt  on  the 


1  I 


!      i 


■■:■.?., 


•Jl 


360 


dkboVtillkHi  k&psditioii  to  the 


.;r 


T     1- 
l 
1.      ■- 


If '      ^ 


right  side  somewhat  before  the  French,  and  we  Barekeil  on  till 
about  noone,  then  the  Indians  would  boyle  their  potts,  butt -the 
Gov  bid  them  march  on,  till  they  cane  upon  a  greate  hUt  from 
whence  the  QoV  sent  three  Dowaganhas  to  i^e  towarda  the 
Sinnakea  Castle,  who  were  out  butt » little  time,  and  returribg 
said  that  the  Sinnakes  w«re  nesjce  by  and  lay  in  the  passage^  upon 
which  the  Gov  gave  order  that  one  hundred  Indians  should  bee 
chosen  out  and  sent  to  discover  the  Sinnakes,  who  went  but  mA 
farr  before  the  army  then  the  Gov'  sent  out  againe  four  Dowa- 
ganhas Indians  and  one  Frenchman  to  discover,  who  went  out, 
and  stood  in  the  path  till  the  army  came  to  them,  and  a  little  time 
after  fouer  hund'^  SinijUres  appeared  att  the  fight  side  of  the 
army,  where  the  Fren^  Indians  were  and  with  grcate  cry  or  shout, 
fyred  «pon  them  widnrnt  wounding  one  mann  being  too  fur;'  off, 
butt  the  Sinnakes  advancing  came  nearer  by,  and  fyred  againc, 
then  the  French  Indians:  got  some  wounded,  who  fyred  also  upon 
the  Stiuiakes  and  wounded  some  of  them,  but  the  Sinnakes  caiii« 
so  neare,  and  tooke  an  Indian  out  of  the  French  army,  and  eutt 
off  htt  bacds,  the  rest  firing  stoutly  upon  one  and'  the  other, 
till  the  Douwaganhas  and  other  French  Indians  fledwitiiottt  k- 
tufning  tOf  the  fight,  butt  the  Maquass  came  up  agaiae  and  stnod 
thmr  ground  till  the  whole  body  of  the  French,  came  firing  ail  att 
once  upon  the  Sinnakes,  soe  that  the  Sinnakes  retreated,  having 
got  some  dead  and  wounded  in  that  firing ;  the  OoV^  fotbidd  fol- 
lowing of  them  having  gott  seven  Frenchmen  killed  and  many 
wounded  and  five  dead  Indians  and  several  wounded  ;  of  the:Sin- 
nakes  were  killed!  sixteene  and  some  wounded ;  forthwith  the 
Gov'  gave  orders  that  the  army  should  fortify  theraselvca  at  the 
aame  place  wiierie  the  Battle  was  and  so  stood  there  all  that  aight. 
Next  mornJAg  the  whole  army  march^  towarck  the  Sinnake;! 
GaiKleeBQedKohoserag^e,  leaving  their  dead  Frenchmen  unburried 
but  the  Indians  hurried  their  dead,  and  earried  all  the  wounded 
French  and  Indians  with  them  to  the  aforesaid  Castle,  where  one 
of  the  wounded  men  died  at  said  Castle ;  they  found  itt  all 
burned,  then  the  Gov'  gave  orders  that  the  Christian  Ittdiaas 
Aould  eutt  downe  and  destroy  the  Indians  corne,  which  they  re- 
fitted: •««  Frenchmen  were  sentaQiddegttoyed  all  th^  they  cooM 


find. 

small 

should 

the  sai 

they  d 

they  h 

fioateff 

ries,  so 

burnt  ai 

they  coi 

would  n 

allarms. 

Prom  tl 

went  ba( 

being  bu 

there,  thi 

directly  1 

would  rel 

forthwith 

and  stopt 

hetter  tha 

till  one  Si 

rest  of  th( 

wee  shoul 

it  J  come, 

persuaded, 

<ieavaured 

that  thay  t 

soe  were  ft 

Lake  till  tl 

where  the 

^^  Pattare 

son,    Aftei 

returned  to 

some  men, 

there  this 

to  their  Gas 


i  • 


i"^! 

^m^ 


O^KHg^X  OCVSXUX  4VD  NIAGJJU.  Ml 

I 

find.  Afterwards  the  Gov'  sent  four  hundred  men  to  another 
small  castle  neare  by,  to  surround  tbfi  sfone  till  the  whole  army 
should  come,  thinking  the  Sinnakes  might  bee  there,  butt  found 
the  same  burned  also,  butt  found  ^  great  deale  of  provisions  which 
thej  destroyed,  takeing  onlj  some  beanes  along  with  them,  for 
they  had  provisidns  enough,  every  man  carried  some  and  (he 
Boates  were  loaden  at  Jerondekott  with  corne  and  other  necessa- 
ries, soe  the  army  went  to  every  place  where  the  Castles  were 
burnt  and  lay  att  every  Ctistle  one  night  destroying  all  the  corne 
they  conkf  finde  except  some  out  fields,  which  the  Xtian  Indians 
would  not  show  thiem,  TheSinnekes  made  severall  times  small 
allarmst  butt  never  attacked  the  French,  since  the  first  fight. 
From  the  last  Sinnekes  Castle,  called  Theodehacto,  the  amy 
went  back  againe,  by  another  way,  as  they  came  to  Jerondekatt, 
being  butt  one  night  by  the  way,  and  were  butt  two  dayes  still 
there,  then  the  Gov<^  gave  orders  tiiat  the  whoTe  army  should  goe 
directly  to  Oneageragh  butt  the  Xtian  Indians  refused  itt  butt 
would  returne  to  Kadanigkie,  and  soe  went  that  way,  the  OoV 
forthwith  followed  them  with  seven  Qanoes,  each  seven  menn, 
and  stopt  them  saying,  what  is  the  matter  that  you  leave  us,  it  is 
better  that  wee  goe  and  returne  together ;  butt  they  would  not, 
tin  one  Smithis  John  stood  up  and  spoke  very  loud,  saying  to  the 
rest  of  the  Xtian  Indians,  you  hear  what  the  Gov'*'  will  is,  that* 
wee  should  goe  up  with  him,  if  wee  doe  nut,  he  will  force  us  to 
it ;  come,  you  are  lusty  men  let  us  goe  with  him,  soe  they  were 
persuaded,  and  returned  baek  with  the  Gov',  severall  Canoes  en- 
deavQUced  yett  to  escape,  butt  w«re  soe  watched  by  the  French, 
that  thfty  could  not  except  two  or  three  Canoes  tibat  stole  away  : 
soe  were  forced  to.  goe  mth  the  French  along  the  shore  side  of  the 
Lake  till  they  come  to  Oneagoragh  being  two  datys  by  the  way, 
where  the  French  made  a  Fort  and  putt  two  great  gunns  and  seve- 
ral Pattareras  in  it  with  four  hundred  men  to  bee  there  in  Gara- 
son,  After  they  had  been  there  five  dayes,  the  rest  of  the  army 
returned  to  Cadarachque  and  slept  there  one  night,  and  left  there 
some  men,  from  whence  they  went  to  Mont  Royall  in  two  dayes, 
there  this  deponent  left  the  Gov'  and  the  Christian  Indians  went 
to  their  Castles. 


s.  ! 


* 


r'  |:. 


H.  \ 


i- 


■,f  ■■'■ ' 


268 


DKMONTILLB'S  BXPBDinOM  TO  TBS 


¥^ 


%f 


[Ftrom  Ooonell  If  In.  Y.] 

Councill  held  at  ffort  James 

Thurs  day  y«  I8t»»  of  Aug'.  1687.  (O.  S.)    , 
Present  His  Ezcel«7  the  Gover'  &c. 

The  account  of  the  Expence  that  has  been  about  the  Seneckai 
&  the  fifrench,  Read 

Resolved  that  it  be  taken  into  Consid'ation  that  the  Councill  Do 
tomorrow  give  their  oppions  about  a  Method  for  Rainng  it, 

Councill  held  at  ffort  James 

ffriday  y«  19th  Aug"*  1687 

The  Councill  give  their  opions  about  Raising  mony  to  Defray 
y^  expence  about  yo  Indyans  &  y"  ffrench 

Resolved  that  a  penny  in  y*  pound  besides  the  former  tax  of  a 
halfepenny  in  y*  pound  be  raised  out  of  y"  Estates  of  the  ffrehold" 
Inhabitants  of  Kings  County  queens  County  Dukes  County  Dutch- 
eses  County  Countys  of  Richmond  Orange  Suffolk  &  Westchester 
&  one  halfepenny  in  y«  pAind  out  of  y*  Estates  of  y*  Inhabitants 
&  ffreehold'*  of  y"  Cittys  &  Countys  of  New  York  and  Albany 
&  County  of  Ylster  and  the  mony  be  brought  in  to  y*  Kings 
Collector  at  y'  Custome  house  on  or  before  y'  first  day  of  May 
liext. 

Ordered  that  two  bills  be  Drawn  up  for  the  same  Accordingly 


Councill  held  at  ffort  James 


•  liPvn 


■fii 


Saturday  August  y«  20»'«  1687 
The  Bill  for  Raiseing  a  penny  in  y«  pound  out  of  y"  Estates 
of  y«  ffreehold"  &  Inhabitants  of  y«  Kings  Queens  Dukes  & 
Dutcheses  Countys  the  Countys  of  Richmond  Orange  Westchester 
&  Suffolk,  Read  and  approved  Passed  and  Signed  by  y«  Govern' 
&  Councill 


,^i^:u?<^ 


■ ':  .  '■•  rti'f  ''i^',- 


May  it 
Last 
Canada, 
[for?]  ; 
Indians 
Then 
thought 
tells  us  tl 
Antho  al 
1    Th 
release  oi 
"upply  th 

2  Thi 
the  Sinne 
our  peopli 

3  Ths 
of  the  In 
Indians  pr 

4  He 
Christian  '. 
the  Maqui 
their  breth 
all  means 
see  5  Onn 
presents  to 
to  warr- 

6  The 
Indians,  ex 
also  if  the} 
children 
where  they 
ation — 


.! 


OKtraSEE  OOUMTRT  AND  WIAOA&A. 


863 


BIK.  SCHUYLER  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 


(Lond.  Doo.  Y.] 


t  Sept.  1687. 


Jtfay  it  please  your  Excellency 

Last  night  AnthT  Lesjinard  &  Jean  Rosie  arrived  here  from 
Canada,  have  been  twenty  days  upon  the  way,  have  letters  from 
[for  1]  your  Excell:  have  therefore  dispatched  Antho7  with  2 
Indians  down,  his  compagnion  being  sick,  could  not  goe — 

The  news  your  Excell:  will  hear  of  Anth^.  neverthelesse  have 
thought  fitt  to  examine  his  compagnion,  who  is  an  honest  man, 
tells  us  these  following  news,  of  which  your  Excell:  may  discourse 
Anth<*  about  at  large — 

'^'  1  That  he  heard  of  father  Valiant  that  the  French  will  not 
release  our  people.  Except  that  your  Excell:  will  promise  not  to 
supply  the  Sinnokes  with  amunition  or  any  other  assistance — 

2  That  Antho  told  him  he  heard  one  of  the  Fathers  say,  if 
the  Sinnekes  got  any  of  there  people  prisoners  would  exchange 
our  people  for  them,  man  for  man. 

3  That  they  had  now  a  great  advantage  of  your  Excell:  and 
of  the  Indians  also,  having  so  many  of  our  people  and  of  the 
Indians  prisoners — 

4  He  heard  the  Jesuits  say  that  Cryn  and  the  rest  of  the 
Christian  Indians,  were  no  ways  inclined  to  engage  in  the  war  if 
the  Maquas,  Oneydes  and  Onnondages  were  concern'd,  because 
their  brethren  sisters,  uncles  ants  ettc  were  there  ;  and  therefore 
all  means  was  used  to  engage  said  three  nations  to  sit  still,  for  he 
see  5  Onnondage  Christian  Indians  dispatched  with  belts  and 
presents  to  the  Onnondages  26  days  agoe,  to  persuade  them  not 
to  warr — 

5  The  French  were  not  minded  to  warr  with  any  of  the 
Indians,  except  the  Sinnekes,  and  would  make  a  peace  with  them 
also  if  they  would  deliver  to  them  10  or  12  of  the  best  Sachims 
children  fpr  hostage  and  then  they  would  appoint  them  places 
where  they  should  hunt:  and  so  gett  them  wholly  to  their  dispo- 


sition— 


I';''-'  a-' 


>♦»■;' 


**    • 


354 


DBIIOMVILLB^I  EXFEOITIOir  TO  TSK 


rr 


6  The  Goveraour  of  Canida  sent  for  all  the  Bosslopers  that 
were  at  Ottowawa  and  ordered  them  to  come  only  with  their 
arms  and  u.eet  him  at  Cadarachqua  which  they  did,  being  about 
300  men  under  the  command  of  three  French  Capt"*  and  left  their 
Bevers  in  the  Jesuits  house  at  Dionondade,  and  so  marched  with 
the  Oovernour  of  Canida  to  the  Sinoekes,  in  the  mean  tisM  a 
fortunate  fyer  takes  the  house  and  bums  them  all  to  the  number 
of  30|000  Bevers,  when  the  news  came  to  MooRoyal  the  Bo8»- 
k)per8  were  like  to  go  distracted — 

7  He  beard  by  beat  of  Drumra  proclaimed  throu  Mon  Royall 
that  as  soon  as  the  peace  wag  made  with  the  Sinnekes  the  Otto- 
wawa trade  should  be  farm'd  out,  which  displeased  the  Bosslopers 
much  and  said,  that  if  that  was  done  they  were  all  ruined — 

8  Many  of  the  Bosslopers  were  inclined  to  come  here  not 
being  minded  to  fi^t  agaiast  the  Sinnekei,  but  dare  not  come  for 
fear  of  the  Indians  by  the  way — 

9  Itt  was  generally  beleev'd  that  the  Sinnekes  would  come  to 
Canida  and  begg  for  peace,  because  there  corn  was  destroyed, 
and  if  they  were  supplyed  by  them  of  Albany  they  would  come 
hither  in  the  winter  and  plunder  this  place,  having  1600  pare  of 
snow  shoes  r^y  mad«,  and  if  they  found  that  we  gave  the  Sin- 
aakes  any  the  least  assistance}  they  would  not  let  the  Childe  in 
the  cradle  live — 

10  He  heard  further  of  a  Merchant  that  if  we  would  supply 
the  Sinnekes  they  would  send  our  people  away  all  several!  ways, 
some  to  Spain,  some  to  Portugal!  some  to  the  Islands,  and  it  was 
no  more  than  the  English  had  done  to  Mons'  Pere  whom  they 
kept  18  months  in  close  prison  at  Londcm 

11  The  French  all  acknowledge  the  Sinnekes  fought  very 
well,  and  if  there  number  had  been  greater  it  would  have  gone 
bard  with  the  French  for  the  new  men  were  not  used  to  the  Sin- 
nekes hoop  and  hollow,  all  the  officers  falling  down  closse  upon 
the  ground,  for  the  CMicers  jeard  on  ani^her  about  it  att  Mont 

This  is  what  Jean  Rosie  Anth°  Lespinard's  compagnion  doth 
relate  being  an  inhabitant  of  this  towne,  and  a  verry  honest  man, 
although  a  frenchman,  they  were  kept  5  weeks  in  arrest  aA€f  they 


came  i 

not  be 

advice 

consid( 

att  wai 

put  do' 

about  1 

extrean 

Wehav 

1  wotnai 

at  the  p 

will  hav. 

strong  I 

they  tab 

7«ur  £xc 

months  m 


MyLofff 

latelligeae 

war  with  1 

I  send  tl 

their  Invad 

ifyourLod 

true  accomi 

The  Sent 

giving  thei 

necessary 


OBMMEB  OOUMTBT  AND  MIAOABA. 


S66 


came  toCanidaupon  pretence  that  there  passe  was  false,  for  could 
not  beleive  your  Excell°T  was  here  butt  gone  hoice  hareing  such 
advice  from  the  French  ambaasadour  he  prays  your  Ezcell:  would 
consider  the  pains  aiid  trouble  ^d  the  loss  of  time  that  has  been 
att  waiting  for  an  answer  from  the  French  Oorcrnour;  wc  have 
put  down  these  articles  that  your  Excell:  may  examine  Anth" 
about  them  (since  he  knows  nothing  of  this)  because  he  was 
extream  familliar  with  the  Govern'  and  all  there  great  men  there : 
We  have  the  news  of  Keman  that  the  Indians  have  taken  8  men 
1  woman  and  8  crownes  or  scalpes,  and  kild  neer  upon  20  more 
at  the  place  where  the  Barks  are,  the  particulars  your  Exodl: 
will  have  In  R  Levingstone's  letter — We  find  that  the  selling  of 
strong  Liquor  to  the  Indians  is  a  great  hindrance  to  all  designs 
they  take  in  hand.  lay  a  drinking  continually  at  Skinechtady,  if 
your  Excell:  would  be  pleased  to  prohibit  itt  for  two  or  three 
months  would  do  very  well :  We  remain 

Your  Excellency  'f-^^ 

^)    .     •  '    ?  T'  most  humble  and  most 
,ji  ■-.  ft'        obedient  servant 

.         P' ScRtrVEJtB. 


!/|i,  Bti  '• 


m,.;* 


«V^) 


idtpf-" 


COL  DONGAN  TO  THE  LORD  PRESIDENT. 

[Loud.  Doe.  V.]  .m  -  , 


My  Lord-— I  gave  your  Lodp  an  ace*  in  my  last  letter  that  I  had 
latelligeace  the  Frendi  were  <iome  on  this  ade  of  the  Lake,  to 
war  with  the  Sennekes 

I  send  the  Bearer  Judge  Palmer  to  give  his  Matr  an  account  of 
their  Invading  his  territories  without  any  manner  of  Provocation 
if  your  LodP  will  please  to  read  his  Instructions  you  will  find  a 
true  accompt  of  their  Proceedings 

The  Senekas  desired  assistance  of  men  but  I  put  them  off  by 
giving  them  Powder,  Lead,  Arms  and  other  things,  fitting  & 
necessary  for  them  (§1  also   by  making  such  Propositions  as  I 


'iM 


•ft'-  ' 


ii 


l>    ■ 


I     I 


256 


DEITOMVILLB's  EXPICDITION  TO  TUX 


ft  m-'  '}. 


'II::,- 


thought  would  please  them  being  unwilling  actually  to  ingage 
the  French  until  I  knew  his  Maty'"  pleasure 
•»i    I  must  needs  say  of  y«  French  without  being  Partiall  that  they 
are  very  unjust,  to  enter  the  Kiijg's  Territories  in  a  hostile  man- 
ner after  the  offers  I  made  them 

I  know  their  Pretence  will  bee,  that  our  Indians  have  wronged 
them,  but  it  is  not  soe,  for  the  Beaver  Trade  is  the  sole  end  of 
their  Designs,  whatever  Colour  they  give  to  their  Actions  which  is 
only  hindred  by  the  Five  nations  of  Indians  on  this  side  of  the 
Lake  who  have  submitted  themselves®  their  Lands  to  the  King's 
subjection.  Those  Five  nations  are  very  brave  @  the  awe  @ 
Dread  of  all  y«  Indyans  in  these  Parts  of  America,  and  are  abetter 
defence  to  us,  than  if  they  were  so  many  Christians 

The  Claim  the  French  can  make,  to  the  farther  Indians,  or  any 
on  this  side  y«  Lake  is  no  other  than  what  they  may  have  to  Jap- 
pan  which  is  that  some  of  their  Priests  have  resided  amongst 
them 

Peace,  or  Warr,  it  will  be  very  necessary  to  send  over  men  @ 
to  build  those  Forts,  I  have  mentioned  in  my  Instructions  to 
Judge  Palmer,  for  the  French  are  encroaching  as  fast  as  they  can, 
and  a  little  thing  can  prevent  now  what  will  cost  a  great  expence 
of  Blood  @  Money  hereafter.  My  Lord  there  are  people  enough 
in  Ireland  who  had  pretences  to  Estates  there  ®  are  of  no  advan- 
tage to  the  country  ®  may  live  here  very  happy  I  do  not  doubt 
if  his  Maty  think  fitt  to  employ  my  Nephew  he  will  bring  over  as 
many  as  the  King  will  find  convenient  to  send  who  will  be  no 
charge  to  his  Mat7  after  they  are  Landed,  Provided  all  Connec- 
ticut @  East  @  West  Jersey  be  added  to  this  Government  ®  to 
add  any  thing  of  Conecticut  to  Boston  is  the  most  unproportiona- 
ble  thing  in  the  world  they  having  already  a  hundred  times  more 
Land,  Riches  @  People  than  this  province  @  yet  the  charge  of 
this  Governm*  more  than  that    .' r;-  r  j<  Jrt  v  ^.-'i' . 


UTf 


^-h  ";-. 


^ 

-ra.fe  '^f.'.' 

;   j\jt     J  •  .'■; 

■■if'   Jft:^ 

.f'r-'i 

'•    *■* 

.y*  r  «  >•»'' 

!  J^^B 

1 

-1  f-r^^r'W/ 

;,;   !yi. 

t 

A 

t 

f   ■ 

'% 

)   i 


OEMtfBC  OOVirrRY  AMD  MUOA&A. 


S67 


1;' 


of 


GOVEENOR  DONGAN'S  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  CAPT.  PALMER. 

[Load.  Doo.  V.) 

8th  8«pt.  1W7. 

You  are  to  inform  his  Matr  that  in  May  last  I  had  letters  from 
Albany  ®  Informacons  of  Indians  that  came  from  Canada,  That 
the  Governor  of  Canada  vrcnt  from  Monte  Royall  with  a  great 
many  French  and  Indyans  in  Boats  and  Canno's  towards  Cada- 
raque  with  an  Intention  to  come  on  this  side  of  the  lake  ®  war 
against  the  Sennekes  upon  Receipt  of  which  I  called  the  Councill 
®  the  letters  @  Information  were  read  upon  which  the  Councill 
thought  convenient  to  give  what  assistance  possibly  we  could  to 
our  Indians,  and  to  that  intent  I,  Major  Brockhells  yourself  ® 
other  gentlelmen  went  up  to  Albany  where  there  was  from  time 
to  tiou  such  orders  and  Instructions  sent  ®  given  to  the  Indyans 
as  waff  thought  fitt  for  their  security 

The  French  Pretence  for  Coming  into  the  King's  Territories  ® 
warring  with  our  Indians  is  that  they  war  with  the  further  nation 
of  Indyans  who  lye  on  the  back  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  ®  Carolina, 
which  is  only  a  feigned  pretence  for  that  I  have  sent  sev''  Letters 
to  Mons'  La  Bar  who  was  Governor  of  Canada  to  signify  that  if 
our  Indians  had  done  them  any  injury  they  should  make  them  all 
reasonable  satisfaction,  but  that  would  not  satisfy,  for  he  came  to 
Cayonhage  where  the  Indians  would  have  me  build  a  Fort  ® 
there  made  a  Peace  with  the  Indians  so  that  what  the  Indians 
had  done  before  this  Govm*  came  was  concluded  and  agreed 
thereby  tho  they  had  not  done  any  thing  to  the  French  but  what 
was  in  Pursuance  of  his  own  orders 

And  as  to  their  Warring  with  the  farther  Indyans  that  is  more 
hurtfull  to  us  than  the  French  they  being  inclined  to  trade  with  us 
rather  than  them  which  by  their  Warring  is  hindred  ®  in  my 
opinion  the  Christians  ought  not  to  meddle  with  the  Indians 
warring  one  with  another  it  being  the  ruin  of  themselves  And  as 
for  this  present  Governor  of  Canada  Mons'  de  Nonville  he  has 
no  ground  for  what  he  does,  for  I  have  from  time  to  time  o£fered 
to  do  him  Justice  for  any  ill  the  Indians  should  committ  and  sent 


I     i: 


1    I 


258 


DENONVILLE  S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


a  messinger  this  Spring  to  him  for  ti.?.c  purpose;  to  take  away  all 
pretence  whatsoever  @  also  sent  him  word  that  those  five  Nations 
on  our  side  of  the  Lake  had  delivered  themselves  @  their  Lands 
under  the  subjection  of  our  King  @  that  I  had  caused  the  Kings 
arms  to  be  sett  upon  all  their  Castles 

But  their  reason  for  this  Warr  is  that  the  Indyans  would  not 
submitt  @  joyn  themselves  to  the  French  wuo  have  used  all  other 
meanes  to  e0ect  it  @  those  failing  have  caused  this  attempt  so  that 
we  find  they  have  a  further  design  which  is  by  the  Ruin  of  those 
Indians  to  engross  both  the  ''rade  @  Country  wholly  to  them- 
selves, and  to  that  intent  the  French  King  has  sent  over  upwards 
of  3000  men  besides  what  came  this  last  spring  and  alsoe  has 
built  a  Fort  at  a  place  called  Shamblee  and  another  at  Monte 
Royall  and  another  at  Trois  Riviers  one  atCataraque  at  the  other 
side  of  the  Lake  and  this  spring  an  other  on  our  side  of  the  La  e 
at  a  place  called  Onyegra  where  I  had  thought  to  have  built  one 
it  being  the  place  where  all  our  Traders  8l  Beaver  HuntenT  must 
pass. 

So  that  they  are  resolved  to  Ruin  all  those  Indians  @  if  they 
compass  their  design  it  will  be  of  very  ill  consequence  to  all  his 
Maty*  subjects  in  those  parts  of  America  for  they  are  a  better 
Bullwark  against  the  French  and  the  other  Indians  than  so  many 
Christians,  @  if  the  French  have  all  that  they  pretend  to  have 
discovered  of  these  Parts,  the  King  of  England  will  not  have  100 
miles  from  the  sea  any  where,  for  the  people  of  Canada  are  poor 
@  live  only  on  the  Beaver  @  Peltry  and  the  Kings  subjects  here 
living  plentifully  have  not  regarded  making  discoveries  into  the 
country  until  of  late  being  encouraged  by  me  one  Roseboon  had 
leave  in  the  year  1685  to  go  with  some  young  men  as  farr  as  the 
Ottawawe  &  Twiswicks,  where  they  were  very  well  rec*  @  invited 
to  come  every  year,  and  they  desired  that  the  Sinnekas  being 
their  enemies  would  open  a  path  for  them  that  they  might  come 
to  Albany. 

But  a  little  after  their  being  there  a  party  of  our  Indians  being 
out  attacked  a  Castle  of  theirs,  took  6  or  600  prisaners  and  brought 
them  away  to  their  own  country,  which  when  I  heard  of  I  ordered 
the  Indians  to  deliver  to  Roseboom  @  to  one  Major  McGregory  a 


Scots 
some 
as  ma] 
Gov  ( 
@3oi 
taken 
with  tL 
And 
Indians 
the  war 
men  out 
governir 
we  find  1 
other  yc 
Beavers  \ 
peltry  in 
The  C 
passed  t\ 
Albany,  t 
nent  @  ] 
do  not  ad 
160>i»  P  a 
To  seen 
Country : 
awe  over  ( 
Corlars  La 
French,  o: 
and  anothc 
Schonecta( 
^18  can 
rope,  @  in 

Governmer 

lower  Cour 

and  will  be 

If  the  mt 

very  convei 

well  di6cov< 


GBNES^E  COUNTRY  AND  lOAGARA. 


259 


Scots  gent"  (who  went  with  60  of  the  young  men  of  Albany,  and 
some  of  Albany  Indians  a  Beaver  trading  to  those  further  nations) 
as  many  of  those  prisoners  as  were  willing  to  return  home,  the 
Gov'  of  Canada  hearing  of  their  going  that  way  sent  200  French 
@  3  or  400  Indians  to  intercept  them,  has  taken  them  Prisoners 
taken  their  goods  from  them  @  what  they  further  desi^  to  do 
with  them  is  not  yet  known. 

And  for  this  Government  which  is  too  poor  of  itself  to  help  our 
Indians  without  adding  Connecticut  @  East  @  West  Jersey  in  case 
the  war  continues  without  the  assistance  of  our  Neighbors  @  some 
men  out  of  Europe  will  be  wholly  impossible,  for  we  are  the  least 
government  @  the  poorest  @  yet  are  at  the  greatest  charges  @ 
we  find  this  year  that  the  Revenue  is  Very  much  diminished  for  in 
other  years  we  are  used  to  Ship  off  for  England  35  or  40,000 
Beavers  besides  Peltry  @  this  year  only  9000  and  some  hundreds 
peltry  in  all 

The  Council  to  show  their  readiness  to  serve  the  King  have 
passed  two  acts  for  raising  1^  P'  lb  at  New  York,  Isopus  @ 
Albany,  these  three  places  being  the  only  support  of  the  Govern- 
ment @  l^d  on  Long  Island  @  the  rest  of  the  Government  who 
do  not  advance  the  Kings  Revenue  neither  by  Excise  nor  Customs 
150>«»  P  ann: 

To  secure  the  Beaver  &  Peltry  Trade  @  the  Kings  right  to  the 
Country  :  It's  mine  and  the  Councils  opinion  (alsoe  to  have  an 
awe  over  our  Indians  @  make  them  firm  to  us)  to  build  a  Fort  at 
Corlars  Lake;  to  secure  us  that  way  from  the  Incursion  of  either 
French,  or  Indians,  another  at  Cayonhage  upon  the  great  Lake, 
and  another  at  Onyegra  @  two  or  three  little  other  Forts  between 
Schonectade  @  the  Lake  to  secure  our  people  going  @  coming 

This  cannot  possibly  be  done  without  4  or  500  men  out  of  Eu- 
rope, ®  in  case  Connecticut  @  the  two  Jerseys  be  added  to  this 
Government,  with  some  help  from  Pensylvtnia,  @  the  three 
lower  Countys  it  may  be  effected  Without  any  charge  to  the  King, 
and  will  be  a  great  security  to  all  these  parts  of  America 

If  the  metes  @  bounds  could  be  adjusted  at  home  it  would  be 
very  convenient,  provided  always  that  the  Country  were  first 
well  discovered  by  us  in  which  the  French  at  present  have  much 


l:i 


i  I 


1   ! 


1    r   i 


■''>H\ 


260 


denonyillb's  expedition  to  tBE 


the  advantage.  And  it  is  very  unreasonable  that  the  French  who 
lye  so  much  to  the  Northward  of  us  sh^  extend  themselves  soe  far 
to  the  Southward  @  Westward  on  the  Backside  of  his  Maty* 
Plantacons  when  they  have  so  vast  a  quantity  of  land  Lying  Di- 
rectly behind  y^  dominions  they  now  possess,  to  the  Northward 
@  Northwest  as  far  as  the  South  sea 

Whether  Peace  or  War  it  is  necessary  that  the  Forts  should  be 
built,  @  that  religious  men  live  amongst  the  Indians. 

I  have  that  influence  over  our  Indians,  that  I  am  sure  they  will 
not  war  on  any  Indians  living  amongst  His  Maty"  subjects. 

The  monies  that  are  now  to  be  raised  is  for  defraying  the 
charge  of  Arms,  Powder,  Lead  @  other  presents  given  to  the 
Indians  this  summer  as  also  to  make  some  preparations  against 
the  Spring  in  Case  of  Necessity.  l 

Whatsoever  is  his  Maty"  pleasure  I  desire  that  My  Lord  Sun- 
derland, will  by  the  first  conveniency  either  by  the  way  of  Mary- 
land, Virginia  or  Boston  let  me  know  and  send  me  orders,  how  I 
shall  proceed  in  this  affair, 

You  are  so  well  acquainted  with  all  that  has  passed  in  thi« 
Government,  concerning  this  affair  with  the  French,  and  my  con- 
stant EndeavoRS  to  preserve  a  good  correspondence  with  them,  that 
what  I  have  here  omitted  I  desire  you  will  take  care  to  inform 

his  Maty. 

Thos  Dongan 

Dated  the  8th 

September  1687 


( 


I 


M  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[ParU  Doo.  III. }  Lond.  Doe.  V.] 

Auguit  72,  1687. 
Sir — The  respect  I  entertain  for  the  King  your  Master  and  the 
orders  I  have  from  the  King  to  live  in  harmony  with  His  Bri- 
tannic Majesty's  Subjects  induce  me.  Sir,  to  address  you  this 
letter  on  the  present  state  of  affairs,  so  as  not  to  have  any  thing 
to  reproach  myself  with. 

On  seeing.  Sir,  the  letter  you  were  at  the  trouble  to  write  mc 
on  my  arrival  in  this  government  I  persuaded  myself  by  your 


proj 

the 

ousl 


■'»:- 


GENSSEE  COUNTBT  AND  NIAGARA. 


261 


frank  discourses  that  we  should  live  in  the  greatest  harn^ony  and 
best  understanding  in  the  world,  but  the  event  has  well  proved 
that  your  intentions  did  not  at  all  accord  with  your  fine  words. 

You  recollect,  Sir,  that  you  positively  asked  me  in  that  same 
letter  to  refer  the  difference  about  boundaries  to  the  decision  of  our 
Masters;  letters  more  recently  received  from  you  fully  con- 
vince me  that  you  received  that  which  I  wrote  you  in  reply  to 
your  first  to  shew  you  that  I  willingly  left  that  decision  to  our ' 
Masters.  Nevertheless,  Sir,  whilst  you  were  expressing  these 
civilities  to  me  you  were  giving  orders  and  sending  passes  to  des- 
patch canoes  to  trade  at  Missilimaquina  where  an  Englishman  had 
never  set  his  foot  and  where  we,  the  French,  are  established 
more  than  60  years.  I  shall  say  nothing  of  the  tricks  and  intrigues 
resorted  to  by  your  people  and  by  your  orders  to  induce  all  the 
Savage  tribes  domiciled  with  the  French  to  revolt  against  us.  I 
tell  you  nothing,  either,  of  all  your  intrigues  to  engage  the  Iro- 
quois to  declare  war  against  us.  Your  Traders  at  Ciange  have 
made  noise  enough  about  it,  and  your  presents  of  munitions  of 
war  made,  with  this  view,  last  year  and  this,  are  convictions 
sufficiently  conclusive  not  to  entertain  a  doubt  of  it,  even  were 
there  not  proofs  at  hand  of  your  wicked  designs  against  the  sub- 
jects of  the  King  whose  bread  you  have  eaten  long  enough  and  by 
whom  you  have  been  sufficiently  well  entertained  to  cause  you  to 
have  more  regard  for  His  Majesty,  though  you  had  not  all  the 
orders  from  his  Britannic  Majesty  that  you  have  to  live  well  with 
all  the  subjects  of  the  King,  his  antient  friend. 

What  have  you  not  done.  Sir,  to  prevent  the  Senecas  surren- 
dering to  me  the  Outaouas  and  Huron  prisoners  of  Missillimaquina 
whom  they  treacherously  captured  last  year,  and  how  many  goings 
and  comings  have  there  not  been  to  the  Senecas  on  your  part  and 
that  of  your  traders  who  do  nothing  but  by  your  orders,  to  prevent 
the  restitution  of  the  said  prisoners  by  the  said  Senecas  who  were 
solicited  at  the  village  of  the  Onontagues  to  give  me  satisfaction. 

I  avow  to  you.  Sir,  that  I  should  never  have  expected  such 
proceedings  on  your  part,  which  without  doubt  will  not  please 
the  King  your  Master,  who  will  never  approve  your  so  strenu- 
ously opposing  by  threats  of  chastisement  the  Iroquois  coming  to 


■I  a 


D&NORVILI.K'*  CXPBDITION  TO  TIIS 


V 

J 


'S : 


U 


II 


.; 


y  whon  I  invited  them  to  visit  me  to  arrnnge  with  thorn  the 
eautirs  of  discoatcnt  that  I  had  on  account  of  their  violences. 
Throe  years  ago^  Sir^  you  made  use  of  them  to  wage  war  against 
the  French  and  their  allies,  you  took  great  pains  to  give  thcni, 
for  that  purpose,  more  lead,  powder  and  arms  than  they  asked. 
Yo«  did  moTC)  Sir;  for  you  promised  them  reinforcements  of 
men  to  sustain  them  agninxt  the  King*s  subjects ;  quite  recently, 
Sir,  you  would  hure  ugsin  pushed  your  ill  will  farther  by  sending 
two  Parties,  oomiuandud  by  men  carrying  your  orders,  to  Mis- 
silimaquina  to  etpel  us  iVora  there  and  put  you  into  possession, 
contrary  to  the  word  you  have  givon  not  to  undertake  any  thing 
before  the  arrangement  of  their  Majesties,  our  Masters. 

You  have,  Sir,  still  surpasstd  all  that ;  fOr  after  the  pains  you 
had  taken  to  prevent  the  Iroqoob  assembling  at  Catarocouy  where  i 
T  expected  to  meet  thum  to  settle  all  our  differences  and  receive  > 
from  them  the  satisfltction  they  sho\ild  have  afforded  me,  as  well 
in  regard  to  the  Huron  and  Outaouas  prisoners  they  would  have 
given  ap  to  me  had  you  not  opposed  it,  as  for  the  pillagings  and 
robberici  that  they  hav«  committed  on  us,  and  all  the  insults  they 
daily  offer  our  missionaries^  as  well  those  they  may  have  actually 
among  them  as  those  they  have  expelled  after  an  infinite  amount 
of  \\\  treatment  during  SO  years  they  lived  in  their  villages  ;  after 
yoU)  Sir,  having,  I  say,  so  little  regard  foi^the  interests  of  the 
King^s  subjects  and  the  good  of  Religion  whose  progress  you  thus 
prevent,  you  havfc.  Sir,  quite  recently  contravened  the  last  treaty 
entered  into  between  our  masters,  a  copy  of  which  you  have  re- 
ceived with  orders  to  observe  it,  and  of  which  you  have  also  sent  me 
o^y.  Road  it  well.  Sir,  if  you  please,  and  you  will  there  remark 
how  strongly  their  Majesties  have  it  at  heart  to  preserve  their  sub* 
jeets  in  good  union  and  understanding,  so  that  their  Majesties  un- 
derstand that  the  enemies  of  one  are  the  enemies  of  the  other. 
If  the  avarice  of  your  merchahts  influenced  you  less  than  the  de- 
sire to  execute  the  orders  of  the  King  your  master,  doubtless.  Sir,  I 
should  alrea<ly  have  had  proofs  of  your  good  disposition  to  execute 
the  said  treaty,  according  to  which  you  ought  not  to  afford  either 
refuge  or  protection  to  the  savages,  enemies  of  the  French  Colony, 
much  less  asnst  them  with  ammunition  to  wage  war  against  it. 


1/ 


GBMIfiiEK  OOUNTltY  AND  MIAOAIU. 


863 


the 


It. 


NeverthelcMB}  I  annert  poiitivcly  that  you  havC|  Bince  the  publica- 
tion of  said  treaty  of  neutrality,  contravencii  it  in  this  particular, 
nince  nothing  is  done  in  your  government  save  by  your  orders. 

After  that,  judge,  Sir,  what  just  grounds  I  have  to  comphtin  of, 
and  be  on  my  guard  againnt,  you. 

On  my  return  from  the  campaign  which  I  just  made  against  the 
Senecas,  I  received  the  letter  that  you  took  the  trouble  to  write 
me.  Sir,  on  the  ll''*  (20t>i)  June  of  this  year.  You  send  me  copy 
of  the  Treaty  of  Neutrality  entered  into  between  our  masters  of 
which  I  also  tranamitted  you  a  copy  as  I  had  rec'  it  from  th« 
King  and  it  was  publiHhed  in  this  country.  Nothing  more  is  re 
quired  therein,  Sir,  than  to  have  it  fully  and  literally  executed  as 
well  on  your  part  as  on  mine.  To  do  that  you  must  discontinue 
protecting  the  enemies  of  the  Colony  and  cease  to  receive  them 
among  you,  and  to  furnish  them  with  munitions  as  you  hate  done. 
You  must,  also,  observe  the  promise  you  gave  me  at  the  time  of 
my  arrival,  that  you  would  leave  the  decision  of  the  limits  to  our 
masters.  You  must,  likewise,  not  undertake  any  expedition 
against  us  in  any  of  our  establishments,  the  greatest  portions  of 
which  were  before  Orange  (Albany)  was  what  it  is,  or  any  of 
Manate  were  acquainted  with  the  Iroquois  and  the  Ouatouas. 

When  you  arrived  in  your  present  government,  did  you  not  find, 
Sir,  in  the  whole  of  the  five  Iroquois  villages,  all  our  Missionaries 
sent  by  the  King  almost  the  entire  of  whom  the  heretic  merchants 
have  caused  to  be  expelled  even  in  your  time,  which  is  not  hono- 
rable to  your  government.  It  is  only  three  years  since  the  greater 
number  have  been  forced  to  leave  ;  the  fathers  Lambrevillc  alone 
bore  up  against  the  insults  and  ill  treatment  they  received  through 
the  solicitations  of  your  traders.  Is  it  not  true.  Sir,  that 
you  panted  only  to  induce  them  to  abandon  their  mission  ? 
You  recollect,  Sir,  that  you  took  the  trouble  to  send  under  a  guise 
of  duty  so  late  as  last  year  to  solicit  them  by  urgent  discourses  to 
retire  under  the  pretext  that  I  wished  to  declare  war  against  the 
village  of  the  Onnontagu<'!S.  What  certainty  had  you  of  it,  Sir, 
if  it  were  not  your  charge  and  prohibitions  you  had  given  them, 
against  giving  me  up  the  prisoners  I  demanded  of  them,  and  thty 
surrendered  to  me?  You  foresaw  the  war  I  would  make  because  you 


H' 


264 


DEMONVILL^S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


\n  ^ 


f ' 


wished  me  to  make  it  against  them  and  because  you  obliged  me  to 
wage  that  against  the  Senecas.  In  this  way,  Sir,  it  is  very  easy 
to  foresee  what  occurs. 

I  admire,  Sir,  the  passage  of  your  last  letter  of  the  ll^''  June 
of  this  year  in  which  you  state  that  the  King  of  England  your 
Master  has  juster  title  than  the  King  to  the  Posts  we  occupy,  and 
the  foundation  of  your  reasoning  is  that  they  are  situate  to  th« 
South  of  you,  just  on  the  border  of  one  portion  of  your  dominion 
{domination).  In  refutation  of  your  sorry  reasonings.  Sir,  it  is 
only  necessary  to  tell  you  that  you  are  very  badly  acquainted 
with  the  Map  of  the  country  and  know  less  the  points  of  the 
compass  where  those  Posts  are  relative  to  the  situation  of  Menade, 
(New  York).  It  is  only  necessary  to  ask  you  again  what  length 
of  time  we  occupy  those  Posts  and  who  discovered  them — ^You  or 
we  ?  Agun,  who  is  in  possession  of  them  1  After  that,  rei;d 
the  5^i>  article  of  the  treaty  of  Neutrality  and  you  will  see,  if  you 
were  justified  in  giving  orders  to  establish  your  trade  by  force  of 
arms  at  Missilimaquina.  As  I  send  you  a  copy  of  your  letter 
with  the  answer  to  each  article,  I  need  not  repeat  here  what  is 
embraced  in  that  answer.  Suffice  it  to  say  this  in  conclusion, 
that  I  retain  your  officer  Mr.  Gregory  here  and  all  your  orders  for 
your  pretended  expedition,  who  were  taken  within  the  Posts 
occupied  by  the  King.  My  first  design  was  to  send  them  back  to 
you  but  as  I  know  that  you  entertain  and  give  aid  and  comfort 
to  the  Iroquois  Savages  contrary  to  the  Treaty  of  Neutrality  of 
the  IG*'*  Nov'  1686  agreed  to  by  our  Masters,  causing  them  to 
be  supplied  with  all  munitions  necessary  to  wage  war  against  us, 
I  have  determined,  in  spite  of  myself,  to  retain  all  your  people 
until  you  have  complied  with  the  Intentions  of  the  King  your 
Master  and  executed  said  Treaty,  being  obliged  to  regard  you 
as  the  King's  enemy  whilst  you  entertain  his  enemies  and  contra- 
vene the  treaties  entered  into  between  the  King  of  England  and 
the  King  my  Master. 

All  that  I  can  tell  you  for  certain,  Sir,  is,  that  your  conduct 
will  be  the  rule  of  mine,  and  that  it  will  remain  with  yourself  that 
the  said  Treaty  be  thoroughly  executed.  I  must  obey  my  Master 
and  I  have  much  respect  and  veneration  for  one  of  the  greatest 


GENESEE  OOUNTBY  AND  K|AOAAA. 


265 


Kings  in  the  world,  the  protector  of  the  Church.  You  pretend 
that  the  Iroquois  are  under  your  dominion.  To  this  I  in  no  wise 
agree,  but  it  is  a  question  on  which  our  Masters  will  determine. 
But  whether  they  be  or  be  not,  from  the  moment  that  they  are 
our  enemies  you  ought  to  be  opposed  to  them  and  be  their  ene< 
mies,  and  if  you  comfort  them,  directly  or  indirectly,  I  must 
regard  you  as  an  enemy  of  the  Colony  and  I  shall  be  justified  in 
subjecting  the  prisoners  I  have  belonging  to  your  government 
to  the  same  treatment  that  the  enemies  of  the  Colony  will  observe 
towards  us. 

Hereupon,  Sir,  I  will  expect  news  from  you  as  well  as  the 
fitting  assurances  you  will  please  give  me  that  I  may  be  certain 
you  do  not  employ  the  Iroquois  to  wage  war  on  us  by  gi>ing 
them  protection. 

Rely  on  me  Sir.  Let  us  attach  ourselves  closely  to  the  execution 
of  our  Masters'  intentions ;  let  us  seek  after  their  example  to  pro- 
mote Religion  and  serve  it;  let, us  live  in  good  understanding 
according  to  their  desires.  I  repeat  and  protest.  Sir,  it  remains 
only  with  you.  But  do  not  imagine  that  I  am  a  man  to  suffer 
others  to  play  me  tricks. 

I  send  you  back  Antoine  Lespinard,  bearer  of  your  passport 
and  letter.  I  shall  await  your  final  resolution  on  the  restitution 
of  your  prisoners  whem  I  wish  much  to  give  up  to  you,  on  con- 
dition that  you  execute  the  treaty  of  Neutrality  in  all  its  extent 
and  that  you  furnish  me  with  proper  guarantees  therefor. 

Your  very  humble  &  very  ob*  Serv* 
The  M.  de  Denonville. 


[From  Council  Min.  y.] 
^  Council  held  atffort  James ^ 

Monday  the  ffifth  day  of  September  1687 
Present  His  Excelcy  the  Goven'  &c. 
Proposed  that  Some  Course  may  be  taken  about  Major  McGre- 
gorie  &  his  Company  who  are  prisoners  in  Cannada. 

Resolved  that  a  lett'  be  sent  by  a  ffitt  person  to  y«  Governor 
of  Cannada  about  that  and  the  oth'  injurys  he  has  done  his 
Majties  subjects  of  this  Government  .'''•" 


H 


■<<  '  *■ 


U ' 


M  9  1  .  i 


*,'; 


1 '  t 

SI        ! 


til 


/ 


dkkomville's  expeoitiok  td  thk 

Councill  held  atffwt  JameSj 

Wednesday  y»  Seaventh  day  of  Septefflb  1687. 

Present  His  £xcel*^7  the  Govern'*  &c. 

It  being  now  plaine  that  y«  firench  are  Resolved  to  Bo  all  the 
Prejudice  they  can  to  the  Kings  Subjects  of  this  Government  It 
is  for  y°  preventon  thereof 

Ordred  that  ye  people  of  y<!  City  and  County  of  Albany  th 
Cutt  Pallasadoes  and  by  y^  five  and  twentieth  day  of  March  next 
Cart  them  to  y°  s^  Citty  and  y»  towne  of  Schanechtade  to  fortifye 
those  places  in  y^  Spring  That  in  y^  mearietime  they  Keep  a 
careful  Watch  there  and  that  this  ord'  be  sent  to  y<>  Justices  of  y« 
Peace  of  y»  s^  County  who  are  to  take  Care  that  it  Be  put  in 
Execution. 

That  ye  Mayor  of  Albany  send  ord"""  to  y"  North  Indyans  to 
Keep  thirty  or  forty  Indyans  allways  towards  Corlaers  lake. 
That  the  s"*  Mayor  if  he  be  in  Albany  send  a  belt  of  Wampum  to 
Each  of  the  five  Nations  with  ord"  that  y^  Christian  Indyans  who 
Come  from  Caunada  to  them  be  sent  Hith'  to  his  ExT  y«  Govern' 
and  to  encourage  y^  Indyans  to  look  out  Carefully  letting  them 
Enow  the  Govern'  will  be  up  early  there  y«  next  Spring 

Ordred  that  a  Proclamacon  be  Drawn  up  Prohibiting  y«  Bring- 
ing any  Indyan  Come  or  Pease  Out  of  y*'  Countys  of  Albany  and 
Vlster  until  further  Ord" 

Ordred  that  Peiter  Schuyler  take  examinacSns  of  y«  antientest 
traders  In  Albany  how  many  yeares  Agon  they  or  any  others  first 
traded  with  y^  Indyans  y*  had  the  Straws  or  Pipes  thro*  their 
noses  and  the  ffarther  Indyans. 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 


^•-' 


ft-;'. 


[Par.  Doe.  III.  ;  Lond.  Doe.  V.] 

8th  Sopl.  1687. 

Sir — ^Yours  of  the  21'^  of  August  last  I  have  receired  and  am 

sorry  that  Mons'  de  Nonville  has  so  soon  forgot  the  orders  he  had 

received  from  bis  master  to  live  well  with  the  King  of  England's 

subjects,    but  I  find  the  air  of  Canada  has  strange  effects  on  all 


's 

ill 


C»BNE8E£  OOVNTRY  AMD  NIAOAXA. 


9m 


the  Oovernoui's  boddys,  for  I  no  sooner  came  into  this  province 
than  Mons'  de  la  Barr  desired  my  assistance  to  warr  against  the 
Sinnekes,  upon  which  I  went  to  Albany  and  sent  for  the  fine 
nacdns  to  come  to  me,  and  when  they  came  was  rery  angry  with 
them  for  offering  to  doe  any  thing  to  the  French  that  might  dis- 
turb their  hunting,  or  otherwise,  on  which  they  answered  me  that 
they  had  not  don  anything  to  the  French,  but  what  Mons'  de  la 
Barr  ordered  them,  which  was  that  if  they  mett  with  any  French 
hunting  without  his  passe  to  take  what  they  had  from  them,  not- 
withstanding if  any  of  their  people  which  were  abroad  had  don 
any  injury  they  knew  not  of,  they  assured  me  they  would  give 
satisfaction.  I  send  him  word  of  all  this,  and  assured  him  satis- 
fiaction,  butt  notwithstanding,  he  comes  in  a  hostile  manner  on 
this  side  of  the  lake  to  a  place  called  Kayonhaga,  and  there  by  the 
mesms  of  the  Onnondages  made  a  peace  with  the  Sinnekes,  so  if 
they  have  committed  any  fault  before  that,  it  was  all  concluded 
there,  but  I  appeal  to  any  rational  man  whatever  whether  it  was 
fitt  for  any  Govern''  of  Canada  to  treate  or  make  any  peace  with 
his  Majesty's  subjects  without  the  advice  and  knowledge  of  the 
Governour  of  the  Provinc  they  lived  under,  butt  I  finde  the  de- 
sij^ne  to  mine  those  five  nations  (Since  you  cannot  with  bribes 
or  other  means  gain  them  to  be  of  your  party),  is  of  a  longer  date 
than  three  of  foure  yeares.  ^nce  Mons'  Denonuille  follows  the 
same  steps  his  predecessors  trod  in,  tho'  he  proposed  to  himselfe 
so  fair  a  beginning,  I  am  sure  he  will  not  make  so  good  an  end 
for  no  sooner  was  Mons<^  Denonuille  in  possession  of  his  govern- 
ment butt  he  began  to  build  a  great  many  boates  and  cannoes, 
and  putt  a  great  deal  of  provisions  and  stores  in  the  Cataraque  at 
which  our  Indians  on  this  side  of  the  lake  were  much  alarmed 
and  came  to  me,  to  know  the  meaneing  of  itt.  upon  which  I  sent 
to  you  by  the  way  of  Mons^^  Lamberville  to  know  what  you 
intended  by  all  these  preparations,  your  answer  was,  as  Mons' 
Denonville  may  remember  that  the  winters  being  long,  and  you 
resolving  to  have  a  good  number  of  men  at  Cataraque,  you  accor- 
dingly made  provision  for  them,  and  if  I  had  not  really  believed 
what  you  writt  to  be  true  I  might  have  bin  in  as  much  readynesse 
to  haifre  gone  on  the  other  ade  of  the  lake  as  Mons'  de  Nonuilie 


■  .t: 


;:. 


I 


I  \  '1. ' 


y  « 


dkmonville's  £xpeditiom  to  the 

was  to  come  on  this.  Now  sir,  I  will  not  answer  your  hayty  way 
of  expressions  in  your  own  stile  butt  will  plainly  let  you  know 
the  matter  of  fact  as  it  is  j  if  S'  you  [will]  please  to  peruse  those 
letters  I  from  time  to  time  sent  you,  you  will  find  that  I  still  couet' 
ted  nothing  more  than  to  preserue  that  friendshipp  which  is  between 
our  masters,  and  aught  to  be  between  their  subjects  here,  and  as 
you  well  remarke,  is  according  to  their  commands,  and  pray.  Sir, 
which  is  itt  of  us  both  that  hath  taken  the  way  to  unty  that  knott 
of  friendshipp — Mons'  de  Nonuille  invadeing  the  King  of  Eng- 
land's territorys,  in  a  hostill  manner,  (tho'  his  reception  has  not 
been  according  to  his  expectation)  is  soe  plaine  a  matter  of  fact 
that  it  is  undenayable  whether  you  did  it  designedly,  to  make  a 
misunderstanding  or  noe,  I  cannot  tell,  if  you  did  I  hope  itt  will 
take  noe  effect  butt  that  our  masters  at  home  notwithstanding  all 
your  trained  souldiers  and  greate  officers,  come  from  Europe  will 
suffer  us  poor  planters  and  farmers,  his  Majesties  subjects  in  these 
parts  of  America,  to  do  ourselves  justice  on  you  for  the  injuryes 
and  spoyle  you  have  committed  on  them,  and  I  assure  you  Sir  if 
my  master  gives  leave  I  will  be  as  soon  [with  you]  at  Quebeck  as 
you  shall  be  att  Albany,  as  for  Major  M<:Gregorie  and  those  others 
you  took  prisoners  they  had  no  passe  from  me  to  go  to  Missillima- 
quine  butt  a  pass  to  go  to  the  Ottowawas,  where  I  thought  it  might 
bee  as  free  for  us  to  trade  as  for  you,  and  as  for  giving  them  any 
commission  or  instructions  to  disturb  your  people  I  assure  you  do 
me  wrong,  and  if  you  please  to  read  his  instructions  you  will  find 
there  I  give  express  orders  to  the  contrary  and  for  your  pretences 
to  sixty  yeares  possession,  'tis  impossible  for  they  and  the  Indians 
who  wear  pipes  thro'  their  noses,  traded  with  Albany  long 
before  the  French  settled  att  Montreal!,  butt  in  case  it  weare  as 
you  alledge,  which  I  have  not  the  least  reason  to  believe,  you 
could  only  have  prohibited  their  trading  in  that  place  and  let 
them  goe  to  some  other  nation — 

It  is  verry  true  I  offered  you  to  leave  the  decision  to  our  masters 
at  home,  in  case  of  any  difference,  and  pray  Sir  lett  me  know  in 
what  I  in  the  least  have  acted  to  the  contrary  j  you  tell  me  I 
hindered  the  five  nations  on  this  side  the  lake,  who  have  subjected 
themselues,  their  countrys,  and  conquests  under  the  King  of  Eng- 


OCNESEE  COUNTRY  AMD  NIAGARA. 


269 


land  to  go  to  you  at  Cattaraque  :  Itts  very  true  I  did  so  and  thought 
itt  very  unjust  in  you  to  desire  their  comeing  to  you — for  the  King 
of  England  did  not  send  me  here  to  suffer  you,  to  give  laws  to  his 
subjects  of  this  Government — ^}'ou  also  alleage  that  I  have  given 
orders  to  those  Indians  to  pillage  and  warr  upon  your  people — sure 
Sir,  you  forgot  what  you  desired  of  me  j  if  you  will  please  to  re- 
flect on  one  of  your  owne  letters,  in  which  you  acquainted  me, 
that  many  of  your  people  run  away  into  this  Government,  and 
desired  that  I  would  take  and  send  back  any  should  be  found  upon 
this  side  the  lake  without  your  passe,  upon  which  I  ordered  those 
of  Albany  and  also  the  Indians,  to  seize  and  secure  all  persons 
whatever,  as  well  french  as  English,  they  should  finde  on  this 
side  of  the  lake  without  your  pass  or  mine — truly  Sir,  I  ought 
severely  to  be  rebukt  for  this,  itt  having  been  the  hindrance  of 
many  thousands  of  beavers  comeing  to  Albany:  further  you 
blame  me  for  hindring  the  Sinakees  deliuering  up  the  Ottawawa 
prisoners  to  you,  this  I  did  with  good  reason — for  what  pretence 
could  you  have  to  make  your  applications  to  them  and  not  to  me, 
neverthelesse  I  ordered  Major  M^Gregory  to  carry  them  to  the 
Ottawaways  and  if  your  claim  be  only  to  Missilimaquina  what 
cause  had  you  to  hinder  Magregory  to  go  to  the  Ottawawas — 

What  you  alleage  concerning  my  assisting  the  Sinnakees  with 
arms,  and  amunition  to  warr  against  you,  was  neuer  giuen  by 
mee  until  the  sixt  of  August  last,  when  understanding  of  your 
unjust  proceedings  in  invaeding  the  King,  My  Masters  territory s, 
in  a  hostill  manner,  I  then  gave  them  powder  lead  and  armes  ; 
and  united  the  five  nations  together  to  defend  that  part  of  our 
King's  dominions  from  your  injurious  invasion.  And  as  for  offering 
them  men  in,  that  you  doe  me  wrong,  our  men  being  all  biusy 
then  att  their  haruest,  and  I  leave  itt  to  your  judgement  whether 
there  was  any  occasion  when  only  foure  hundred  of  them  engaged 
with  your  whole  army. — ^You  tell  me  in  case  I  assist  the  Indyans 
you  will  esteme  me  an  ennemy  to  your  colony — Sir,  give  me 
leave  to  lett  you  know,  you  are  a  farr  greater  ennemy  to  your 
Colony  than  I  am,  itt  haueing  always  been  my  endevour  to  keepe 
those  Indyans  from  warring  with  you,  who  in  your  protecting, 
their  enemvs  that  have  killed  and  Robbed  them  in  their  hunting 


'    ■(' 


•■ ,  :i! 


1    : 


I   (I 


b>- 


1 

1 

) 

ii 


m 


DENONYILLK^t  EXPBOITIOM  TO  THT 


and  otherwise,  and  that  not  once  but  several  times  have  given 
them  great  provocations,  butt  you  have  taken  away  to  spill  a 
gpreat  deale  of  Christian  blood  without  gaining  the  point  you  aim 
att,  and  for  you  who  have  taken  the  King's  subjects  prisoners,  in  a 
time  of  peace  and  taken  their  goods  from  them  without  any  just 
grounds  for  so  doing,  how  can  I  expect  butt  that  you  will  use 
them  as  you  threaten ;  You  say  also  in  your  letter,  that  the  King 
of  England  has  no  right  to  the  five  nations  on  this  side  the  lake. 
I  would  willingly  know  if  so,  whose  subjects  they  are  in  your 
opinion,  You  tell  me  of  your  haucing  had  Missionaryes  among 
them,  itt  is  a  very  charitable  act,  but  I  suppose  and  am  very 
well  assured  that  giues  no  just  right  or  title  to  the  Government 
of  the  Country — Father  Bryare  writes  to  a  Gent:  there  that  the 
King  of  China  never  goes  any  where  without  two  Jessuits  with 
him  :  I  wonder  why  you  make  not  the  like  pretence  to  that  king* 
dome :  you  also  say  you  had  many  Missionaryes  among  them  att 
my  comeing  to  this  Goverment,  in  that  you  have  been  missin- 
formed  for  I  never  heard  of  any,  butt  the  two  Lamberuills  who 
were  at  Onnondages,  and  were  protected  by  me  from  the  Inso- 
lencys  of  the  Indians,  as  they  desired  of  me,  and  as  by  letters 
in  which  they  give  me  thanks  appears,  but  when  ihey  understood 
your  intentions  they  thought  fit  to  goe  without  takeing  leave :  butt 
their  sending  there  was  as  I  afterwards  found  for  some  other  end 
then  propagating  the  Christian  Religion  as  was  apparent  by  some 
letters  of  theirs  directed  to  Canada,  which  happened  to  come  to 
my  handfr— 

Now  you  have  mist  of  your  unjust  pretentions — you  are  willing 
to  refer  all  things  to  our  Masters,  I  will  endevour  to  protect  his 
Majestys  i-ubjects  here  from  your  unjust  inuasions  until  I  hear 
from  the  King  my  Master  who  is  the  greatest  and  most  glorious 
monarch  that  ever  set  on  a  Throne  and  would  do  as  much  to  pro- 
pagate the  Christian  faith  as  any  Prince  that  lines  and  is  as  tender 
of  wronging  the  subjects  of  any  Potentate  whatever,  as  he  is  of 
suffering  his  owne  to  be  injured—- 

Itt  is  very  true  that  I  have  eat  a  great  deale  of  the  bread  of 
France  and  have  in  requittall  complyed  with  my  obligations  in 
doing  what  I  ought  and  would  preferr  the  service  of  the  French 


QEKOrCK  COUMTllY  AKD  JtlAGAEA. 


271 


king  before  any,  except  my  owne,  and  hiiv«  a  great  deal  of 
retipect  for  all  the  people  of  quality,  c  T  your  nation  vrhich  enga- 
gci  me  to  aduise  Mons'  Denonuille  to  send  home  all  the  Chris- 
tians and  Indians  prisoners  the  King  of  England's  subjects  you 
unjustly  do  ^eteine,  this  I  thought  fitt  to  answer  to  your  reflecting 
and  provoking  letter, 
a  true  coppy. 


of 

in 

kch 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  THE  LORD  PRESIDENT. 

[Load.  Doe.  v.]  « 

N«w  York,  8«pt.  12,  1687. 

My  Lord — Since  writing  my  other  Letter  some  messages  hav« 
come  to  my  hands  from  Albany  of  their  apprehensions  of  the 
French,  which  obliges  me  to  carry  up  thither  two  hundred  men, 
besides  the  Garrison  @  go  and  stay  there  thb  Winter,  and  to  get 
together  five  or  six  hundred  of  the  five  nations  about  Albany  @ 
Schonectade  which  will  be  a  great  charge  but  I  see  no  remedy 
for  it 

My  Lord  it  is  a  great  misfortune  for  this  Qoverm^  that  there 
are  so  few  of  his  Matr*  natural  born  subjects,  the  greater  part 
being  Dutch,  who  if  occasion  were,  X  fear  would  not  be  very  fitt 
for  service 

I  am  sending  to  the  further  Indians  to  try  if  I  can  make  a 
Peace  between  them  @  the  Sennekes  and  also  to  the  Christian 
Indians  about  Canada  who  have  a  mind  to  come,  I  will  do  what 
is  possible  for  me  to  save  the  Government  against  the  French  til 
I  have  further  orders  from  your  Lodp  Judge  Palmer  has  more 
papers  to  show  your  Lodp  that  came  from  Albany,  by  those  he 
carries  with  him  your  Lodp  may  perceive  the  grounds  I  have  for 
my  proceedings 

I  am  your  Lodps  most  obed* 
and  Humble  Serv* 

TuO  DoNGAN 


•/(..■-f:' 


)   ! 


I    1 


N 


*,»>•' 


-r..; 


■  \ 


272 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEmTION  TO  THE 


[Council  Min.  Y.] 
Councill  Held  at  ffort  James  ; 

flfriday  the  Ninth  of  September  1687. 

Present  His  Excy  the  Govern'  &c. 

Informacon  being  given  to  his  ExcJ  and  some  of  ^e  Members 
of  ye  Board  that  y"  ffrench  at  Cannada  are  providing  ffifteen 
hundred  pair  of  Snowshews, 

Ordred  that  y*  Mayor  and  Magistrates  of  Albany  send  ord"  to 
the  five  Nations  to  bring  Down  their  Wives  Children  and  old 
men  least  y*  flfrench  come  uppon  them  in  the  "Winter  and  none  to 
stay  in  the  Castles  but  yo  yong  men.  That  they  who  come  be 
setled  some  at  Cats  Kill  Levingstons  land  and  along  y^  River 
where  they  can  find  Conveniency  to  be  neer  us  to  assist  them  if 
they  should  want  and  that  they  send  Downe  with  them  all  y« 
Indyan  Come  that  can  be  spared  by  y®  Young  Men  who  are  to 
stay  in  y«  Castles.  ,       ,     ^^. 


-.♦ft.; 


'' '  Councill  Held  at  ffort  James  ; 

Sonday  the  IV^  of  Septemb',  1687. 
Present  His  Excr  the  Govern'  &c. 

Letters  from  Albany  giveing  account  that  the  people  there  are 
in  great  Consternation  thro  apprehension  that  y"  ffrench  will 
come  down  uppon  them  this  Winter 

Resolved  that  Every  tenth  man  of  all  ye  Militia  troupes  & 
Companys  within  the  Province  Except  those  who  were  out  y« 
last  yeare  a  whaling  be  Drawn  out  to  go  up  thither. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  D0N6AN. 


^. 


r .'  [Par.  Doc.  III.;  Lond.  Doc.  V.] 

Kebec,  2  0ctob.  16S7. 
Sir—  On  arriving  in  this  town  I  rec^  a  letter  from  the  King 
copy  of  which  I  send,  so  that  you  may  see,  Sir,  how  much  His 
Majesty  has  at  heart  that  we  should  live  on  good  terms.  This  has 
induced  me  not  to  await  your  reply  to  the  letters  I  had  the  honour 
tO  write  you  by  Antoine  Lespinard  regarding  the  complaints  I 
made  to  you  of  the  infraction  yourself  and  your  officers  at  Orange 


His 

has 
our 

IS  I 

Inge 


GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGXaA. 


273 


have  committed  and  continue  to  commit  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace 
and  Union  entered  into  between  the  Kings,  our  Masters.     .     . 

Though  I  have  quite  recently  again  cause  to  complain  of  you 
and  your  officers  since  you  have  a  short  time  since,  hired  a  party 
of  sixty  Mohawks  to  come  and  make  a  foray  in  the  country  of 
New  France,  which  is  a  truth  so  well  known  that  it  cannot  be 
doubted,  yet.  Sir,  in  conformity  with  my  Master's  orders  and  in 
response  to  the  intentions  of  His  Majesty  whose  will  I  follow, 
directing  me  to  do  all  in  my  power  to  contribute  to  the  union  that 
our  Masters  desire  should  exist  between  us,  I  have  determined  to 
send  you  back  Mr.  Gregory  and  all  those  whom  you  despatched 
under  his  orders,  being  very  happy  to  evince  to  you  thereby  the 
desire  I  have  to  live  well  with  you  and  to  avoid  every  subject  of 
quarrel;  which  will  be  very  easy  if  you  wish  to  remain  within  the 
rules  prescribed  by  our  Masters 

As  it  is  very  necessary  to  the  maintenance  of  good  correspond- 
ence between  us  according  to  our  Masters'  intentions,  that  I  be 
informed  of  your  last  resolutions  ;  in  order  to  afford  you  an  oppor- 
tunity to  communicate  with  me  I  retain  here  only  those  named 
Captain  Loquerman,  the  son  of  Arian,  Abraham  Squelar  (Schuyler) 
and  Jean  Blaquer  whom  I  shall  take  care  will  want  for  nothing 
until  I  have  replies  from  you  to  justify  me  in  not  doubting  that 
we  shall  live  hereafter  in  union  and  good  understanding. 


it- 


■"""'  [Council  Min.  V.] 

Councill  Held  at  fort  James; 
'—  tuesilay  the  IStJ"  day  of  March  168J. 

Present  the  Members  of  the  Council. 

Major  Baxter  now  come  ffrom  Albany  Informing  that  he  is 
Instructed  by  His  Excelcy  The  Governour  to  propose  to  this  board 
that  they  Consider  what  y«  amount  of  the  Extraordinary  Charge 
of  the  Expedic6n  ag*  y«  ffrench  will  be  this  year  and  what  will 
be  y«  best  &  easy  est  means  for  defraying  It  in  persuance  whereof 
Computacfin  being  made  the  Charge  of  the  new  Raised  forces 
with  yo  Incidentall  Charges  thereon  Is  Computed  to  bee  about 
Eight  thousand  Pound  and  finding  y*  last  tax  of  one  penny  halfe 
18 


:-'      1    i' 

i 

■  1 

t   i 


I   I' 


^ll 


p*'fr^ 


( 


Ml 


274 


DENONVILIiE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


penny  per  pound  will  not  amount  to  above  Twelve  hundred  pound 
of  which  many  of  the  Inhabitants  are  not  able  to  pay  their  own 
proportion,  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  board  that  this  Goverment 
alone  is  no  way  able  to  bear  so  great  a  burthen,  Whereuppon  It  is 
Resolved  that  a  lett""  be  sent  to  his  Excelcy  proposeing  this  Board's 
Opinion  that  It  will  be  Convenient  proposalls  be  sent  to  the  Neigh- 
bouring Collonyes  to  send  Commisslones  thither  to  treat  and  make 
some  settlement  for  defraying  the  Charges  of  the  said  Expedition 
as  will  be  Esteemed  most  Easy  and  Convenient 

I"  ■ 
Council  Held  atffort  James; 

Monday  the  thirtyeth  day  of  April)  1688. 

Present  His  Extellcy  the  Govern'  &c. 

Account  of  Disbursements  made  by  Robert  Levingston  at 
Albany  by  His  Excelcy*  Ord"  fTor  y"  Maintenance  of  his  Majties 
fforces  there  and  for  sundry  Guefts  &  p'sents  made  to  y"  Indyans 
and  Releife  of  y*  ffrench  Prisoners,  ffrom  y'  ll*"*  August  1687  to 
y'  first  day  of  June  1688  amounting  to  Two  thousand  sixty  seaven 
pound  six  shillings  and  four  pence  read.  '"' 

Council  held  at  ffott  James 

Monday  y'  third  day  of  May  1688. 

Present  His  Excelcy  the  Govern'  &c. 

Resolved  uppon  Debate  had  thereof  that  the  taxes  lately  made 
will  not  Raise  mony  sufficient  to  bear  y*  p'sent  necessary  Charge 
of  the  Govern^  and  that  a  new  Levy  of  ^2556.  4s.  be  made  to 
be  Paid  by  all  the  Inhabitants  and  ffreeholders  in  y°  Province  in 
mony  to  his  Majt'""  Collector  at  y*  Custome  house  in  New  York 
before  y*  first  day  of  Novemb'  next  in  manner  following  viz* 

^  id 

The  Citty  &.  County  of  New  Yorke  to  pay  Je434  :  10  :  00 

County  of  Westchester           .         .         .  186  :  16  :  00 

Citty  and  County  of  Albany       .        .         .  240 

County  of  Richmond      ....  185 

.    County  of  Ulster 408 

Kings  County        .         .        .        ,,       ,  308 

Queens  County          .                 .        .         .  308 


J 
C 

C 

tax 

Ai 

Th 

The  ( 

The  I 

TheC 

TheQ 

TheC 

TheT, 

TheTr 

Inth 

preparai 

New  yJ 

of  the  I 

against 

CountreJ 

in  New 

ston)  alj 

Countyel 


GONDII 


00:00 

1 

16  :00 

1 

00:00 

1           On  the 

08  :  00 

1       Six  hund 

08  :  00 

1       berg^res 

1       the  Marin 

GCNESEE  CODNTRT  AND  MIAOARA.  S>)r5 

County  of  Suffolk  .        .        .        .        434  :  10 :  00 

Dukes  County  .         .         .        .         .    040  :  00  :  00 

County  of  Orange  ....        010  :  00  :  00 

Ordred  that  y*'  Attorney  General!  Draw  upp  an  Act  for  y*  s** 
tax  accordingly. 

An  Establishment  to  be  Allowed  to  the  Officers  and  Soldiers 

who  hath  been  att  Albany  upon  the  present  Expedicon  viz^ 
The  Major  ten  Shillings  Curr"  Money  of  this  Province 

per  diem 

jeo.8.0 

0.4.0 
0.3.0 

.  0.1.6 
0.1.0 

.  0.1.0 
The  rest  of  the  private  men  0.0.8 


per  diem 

The  Capt"  of  horse  jeO.lO.O 

The  Liev*          d-  0.  7.0 

The  Cornett  .     0.  6.0 

The  Qurtermaster  0.  5.0 

The  Corporall       .  0.  2.0 

The  Tfumpiter  .     0.  2.0 

The  Troopers  0.  1.6 


The  Cap*  off  ffoott 
The  Liev* 
The  Ensigne    . 
'1  he  Sergeant 
The  Corporall 
The  Drumbeater 


[Lond.  Doc.  IX.] 

In  the  year  1687  when  the  French  at  Canada  were  making 
preparations  to  attack  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  belonging  to 
New  York,  Coll.  Dongan  then  Gov'  there  sent  some  of  the  forces 
of  the  Countrey  to  Albany,  &  went  himselfe  to  sustain  the  Indians 
against  the  French,  towards  the  charges  of  w*''*  Expedition  a 
Countrey  Rate  and  other  taxes  were  laid  by  the  Gov'  andCouncill 
in  New  York  amounting  to  j£3813  .6.4  whereof  Pet'  (Living- 
ston) al'ledges  J£1129 .  3  . 6  to  remain  yet  unpaid  in  the  severall 
Countyes. — Statement  of  Mr.  Livingston's  Case^  Sfc.  Sept.  1695. 


■Jt^Vv 


CONDITION  IN  WHICH  FOhT  NIAGARA  WAS  LEFT  IN  168a 

V-  [ParU  Doc.  IV.]     .         ,       ,     r  v'  .. 

On  the  fifteenth  day  of  September  of  the  Year  One  thousand, 
Six  bundred  and  Eighty  and  Eight,  in  the  forenoon,  Sieur  Des- 
berg^res  Captain  of  one  of  the  companies  of  the  Detachment  of 
the  Marine,  Commandant  of  Fort  Niagara  having  assembled  all 


i 

! 
i 

'     1 

,  \ 

Ij 


•?  \4 


3^   ", 
.   >'>■,'■■"    .i 


S76 


DEMOIfYILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE 


n 


1^ 


ft 


tf  J 


the  officers,'  the  Rer:  Path'  Millet  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  Mis 
•ionary ,  and  others,  to  communicate  to  them  the  orders  he  received 
from  the  Marquis  de  Denonville  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General 
for  the  King  in  the  whole  extent  of  New  France  and  Country  of 
Canaau,  dated  the  6^^  of  July  of  the  present  year,  wherein  he  is 
ordered  to  demolish  the  fortification  of  the  said  Fort,  with  the 
exception  of  the  cabins  and  quarters,  which  will  be  found  standing 
(en  nature) ;  Wc,  Chevalier  de  La  Motthe,  Lieutenant  of  a  detached 
company  of  the  Marine,  and  Major  of  said  Fort,  have  made  a  Proces 
Verbal,  by  order  of  said  Commandant,  containing  a  Memorandum 
of  the  condition  in  which  we  leave  said  quarters  which  will  remain 
entire,  to  maintain  the  possession  His  Majesty  and  the  French 
have  for  a  long  time  had  in  this  Niagara  district. 
Firstly  :— 
We  leave  in  the  centre  of  the  Square  &  large,  framed,  wooden 
Cross,  eighteen  feet  in  height,  on  the  arms  of  which  are  inscribed 
in  large  letters,  these  words : — 


which  was  erected  on  last  Good  Friday  by  all  the  officers  and 
solemnly  blessed  by  the  Rev.  Fath'  Millet. 

Jifem,  a  Cabin  in  which  the  Commandant  lodged,  containing  a 
good  chimney,  a  door  and  two  windows  furnished  with  their 
ningcs,  fastenings  and  locks,  which  cabin  is  covered  with  forty- 
four  deal  boards  and  about  six  other  boards  arranged  inside  into 
a  sort  of  bedstead. 

Itemy  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  said  Cabin  is  another  cabin 
with  two  rooms  having  each  its  chimney  j  ceiled  {lamhrises)  with 
boards  and  in  each  a  little  window  and  three  bedsteads,  the  door 
furnished  with  its  hinges  and  fastenings  ;  the  said  Cabin  is  covered 
with  fifty  deal  boards  and  there  are  sixty  like  boards  on  each  side. 

Jtemy  right  in  front  is  the  Rev.  Fath'  Millet's  Cabin  furnished 
with  its  chimney,  windows  and  sashes ;  with  shelves,  a  bedstead 
and  four  boards  arranged  inside,  with  a  door  furnished  with  its 
fastenings  and  hinges,  the  which  is  of  twenty-four  boards.    ■ 


Q£N£8EE  COUNTRY  AMD  MAGARA. 


277 


Jtenif  another  Cabin,  opposite  the  Cross,  in  which  there  is  a 
chimney,  board  ceiling  and  three  bedsteads,  covered  with  forty- 
two  boards,  with  three  like  boards  on  one  side  of  said  cabin,  there 
is  a  window  with  its  sash  and  a  door  furnished  with  its  hinges  and 
fastenings. 

Item^  another  Cabin  with  a  chimney,  a  small  window  with  its 
sash  and  a  door  ;  covered  with  thirty  deal  boards ;  there  are  three 
bedsteads  inside. 

Item^  a  bake  house  furnished  with  its  oven  and  chimney,  partly 
covered  with  boards  and  the  remainder  with  hurdles  and  clay ; 
also  an  apartment  at  the  end  of  said  Bakery  containing  two  chim- 
neys :  There  are  in  said  Bakery  a  window  and  door  furnished 
with  its  hinges  and  fastenings. 

Item^  another  large  and  extensive  framed  building  having  a 
double  door  furnished  with  nails,  hinges  and  fastenings,  with 
three  small  windows :  the  said  apartment  is  without  a  chimney  ;. 
'tis  floored  with  twelve  plank  {madriers)  and  about  twelve  boards 
are  arranged  inside;  without,  'tis  clapboarded  witli  eighty-two 
plank. ' 

Item,  a  large  storehouse  covered  with  one  hundred  and  thirty 
boards,  surrounded  by  pillars,  eight  feet  high,  in  which  there  are 
many  pieces  of  wood  serving  as  small  joists,  and  partly  floored 
with  several  unequal  plank.    There  is  a  window  and  a  sliding  sash. 

Item^  above  the  scarp  of  the  ditch  a  Well  with  its  cover. 

All  which  apartments  are  in  the  same  condition  in  which  they 
were  last  winter,  and  consequently  inhabitable.  Which  all  the  Wit- 
nesses, namely,  the  Rev.  Fath'  Millet  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
Missionary  ;  Sieur  Desberg^res,  Captain  and  Commander ;  Sieurs 
De  la  Motthe,  La  Rabellc,  Demuratre,  de  Clerin  and  Sieurs  de 
Gemerais,  Chevalier  de  Tregay  all  lieutenants  and  officers,  and 
Maheut  Pilot  of  the  Bark  the  General,  now  in  the  Roadstead, 
certify  to  have  seen  and  visited  all  the  said  apartments  and  have 
therefore  signed  the  Minute  and  Original  of  these  presents: — 
Pierre  Millet  of  the  Soc>  of  Jesus,  Desbergeres,  le  Chevalier 
De  La  Mothe,  De  La  Rabelle,  Mvrat,  De  Clezin,  de  la 
Gemesais,  Commander  de  Tsegimo,  and  Maheut. 

1  This  most  probably  was  the  Chapel. 


U 


1 


-I 


-THhi- 


v 


'  1 .  ^     ' 


t^v? 


"^ 


i  ■/{ 


i'( 


ti- 


.S   ;,>) 


['•'<;   -"'Aiii*- 


,% 


'I 


-th 


:nrV 


v»   ';i>ri;iS* 


it^  "("i 


V, 


.yi..  a;j/jf  t.'.fi 


r.i  J, 


VIII. 

NAMES 


OF  nn 


Uah  Snfiohttonta  of  Srlalfr  Cornrtq,  1689. 


1 1  '■•<<.;■ 


A  ROOL  OF  THE  NAMES  AND  SURNAMES 

OF  THKM  THAT  HAUE  TAKIN  THE  OlATH  OF  ALLEGIANCE  IN  Y®  OOUNTT 
OF  VLSt',  by  ORd'  of  his  EXOiXY  :  Y"  GODERNOR  J  Y*  FFIRST  DAY 
OF  SEFTEMB'  ANNO  Q*:  DOMINI  1689 — 


Cap**:  H'dtinery  Beekman 

Capo  Matthis  Matihison 

Left:  Abraham  Haesbrock 

Lowies  Bouier 

John  Hendricks  *'     ' 

Albart  Johnson  V:  Steenwicke 

Marten  Hoffeman 

William  Van  ffredingborch 

Lowranc.  Van  der  Bush 

Wessell  Tenbrock 

John  Boorehanc 

John  Willianson  Hogetilen 

Gerritt  Arsin  ' 

- :,  ..  1 1,: .7,.  r'f    . 

Tunis  Elison 

John  ifocken 

William  DeMy's:       •   .  ' 

Johanas  Schencke 

William  De  Lamontanij 

John  Johnson  Van  Osterenhoudt 

Jochijam  Hendricks 

Harrama  Hendricks 


.,,/ji 


!>)' 


.1, 


John  Haesbrock 
Cornel  is  Sweitts 
Burgar  Mind^'son 
Hendrick  Albertsa 
Abraham  ffranck  ford         ' 
William:  Danswick       ' 
Moses  Depuis  *'' *  ' 

William  Hoogtilin    '  '  '^' 
Gerritt  Wincoop  '.' ' 

Symon  Cool 
Isack  Dibois 
Benj»:  PrdYorist 
Jesely  Valleij 
Andries  Laffever 
Pett':  Dovo 
Abraham  Deboijs 
Moses  Laconta 
Petter  Hellibrandts 
Symon  Laffever        ' ' 
Sander  Rocslnkranc 
Cornells  Cool    -^^'^  ^^•^- 


<•  i-v .: 


■V   } 


t''; 


u-K 


:!..!' 


t    i 


880 


INHABITANTS  OT  UL8TEK  OOVNTT. 


J,  i '. 


'K  i,'' ' 


i-t 


Pctt':  Johnson 

Claes  Claes  Sluitt' 

Powlas  Powlas 

Thomas  Quick 

Nicolas  Anthony 

Johanas  Wincop 

Jost  Jansin 

Jacob  Arsin 

Matthies  Slecht 

John  Middag 

Hendrick  Cornelis  Bogard 

Oisbort  Albortsa 

Gerrit  Van  ffleitt 

Cornelis  Slecht 

Jacob  Cool 

Abraham  Rutton 

Abl  Westfalin 

Abraham  Lamiater  * 

Pett':  Jacobs 

Isack  Van  fifredingborch 

Gerrit  Cornelis 

Jacob  Lamiater 

Arrian  Tunis 

Claes  Westfalin  , 

John  Cottin  .   ,^.; 

Johanas  Westfalin 

Thomas  Johnson 

Hendrick  Johnson  Van  Bush 

Andries  Petters  , 

Gerritt  Jansa  Decker        ,•  1  ■ 

Lendart  Cool 

Cornelis  ffinehoudt 

Tunis  Jacobs 

Jacob  Schutt    > 

Leury  Jacobs       „^v. 

John  Elting 

Rollof  Swartwout 


/i.-V. 


,T(1 


Arrie  ffrance 

John  Osternhoudt  Juno*: 

Hendrick  Traphager 

Jacob  Decker 

Rollofif  Hendrickes 

Cornelis  VerNoij 

Hendrick  Van  Wien 

Hiuge  ffreri  Senior 

Hiuge  ffreri  Junior 

Pett':  Cornelis  • 

Gerritt  Johnson 

Anthony  Criupill 

Abraham  Carrmar 

Pett*:  Winniy 

John  Pett'son 

John  Josten 

Wallraven  DeMont  Junio' 

Johanas  Traphager 

Hendrick  in  the  ffeelt 

Petter  Criupill 

Gerrit  Gisborts 

Hendrick  Hendricks 

John  Gerrittsa  of  new  Church 

Hendrick  Arreyn 

John  Van  ffleitt 

Claes  Tunis  ' ,     ■ 

Andries  Dewitt      ,     ;        '^  [ 

Jacob  Van  Etta  •:   v^ 

John  Schutt  ^  . 

John  Dewitt 

Hendrick  Johnson 

Thomas  Swardtwout 

John  Van  Etta 

Anthony  Swartwoudt 

John  Jacosa  Stoll 

Heybert  Lambertsa 

William  Jacobs 


\ 


IMHABITAMTS  OF   ULSTER  OOUMTY. 


281 


Dirrick  Westbroclc 

Agbert  I^endricks 

Sami;  Berrey 

Lambert  Heybertsin 

Hendrick  Claes 

Brown  Hendricks 

Harrama  Pier 

John  David 

John  Blanchard 

Cornelis  Gerritts 

John  Smedis 

Bariant  Cuinst 

Hellebrandt  Lazer 

Johanas  Bush 

Pietter  Lhommedien 

August  Jay 

John  RuUand 

William  Traphager  Juno' 

Jochyam  Van  Ama , 

Aimi  canchi 

Jacob  Besteyansa 

Abraham  Larew 

Matthis  Blanzan  Junio' 

John  Lazier 

James  Bonamiz 

Dirrick  Hendricks  ;' 

John  Gerrittsa 

James  Cordaback 

Powlas  Powlason  Junoi" 

John  Williamson  y«  Duitcher 

William  Schutt 

Cornelis  Tacke 

John  Johnson  Poast 

Petter  Demarr 

Privie  go  Doon 

Lowies  Deboyes  Senior 

Jacob  Deboyes 


David  Deboyes 
Sallomon  Deboyes 
Evert  Wincoope 
Johanas  Westbrock 
John  Peteet 
Rutt  Jores 
Heibort  Sealand 
Jury  Tunies 
John  Broerson  Decker 
Roulof  Johnson 
John  Matthies 
Heymon  Roos 
John  Roos 
Arrie  Roos 
Petter  Pettersin 
Gerritt  Agbortsin 
Claes  Roosinffelt 
Jn<»:  Evedin 
Cornelis  Lambertsin 
Thomas  Harramansa 
Johanas  Dehogos 
Moses  Cantine 
Isack  Deboyes 
Cornelis  Mastin 
John  Euertsa 
Coinradt  Elvendorop 
Cornelis  Petterson 
Barrant  Jacobs      > 
Marines  Van  Acar 
Claes  Lazier 
Barrant  Coll 
Symon  Westfallin 
Arrent  Jacobs 
Artt  marten  son  Doom 
Cornelis  Bogardos 
Arrent  Van  Dick 


i 


882 


wnAMnAxns  of  uLSTsa  ooumtt. 


.!• 


i 


iUA 


These  flowing  persons  were  present  when  y*  Oath  wat  A 
givin.  but  Did  Reffeues  to  tiuke  it  Viz* 
Antony  Tilba  Joseph  ffocker 

Thomas  Van  der  Marrick  Jacob  Home 


These  ffollowing  persons 

John  Archer 

Livie  Larrow 

Maghell  DeMott 

Euert  Pelce 

Symon  Pelce 

Terrick  Claes  Dewitt 

Wallraven  Demont  Senior 

Dirrick  Schepmous 

Matthis  Tennick 

Claes  Tunis 

Gisbert  Crum 

Arre  Gerritt  Van  ffleitt 

Dirrick  Van  ffleitt 

Jno;  Lodlman 

Jury  Lodtman  , 


Did  nott  appeare  Viz* ' 

Hellebrandt  Lodtman 

Jacob  Brown  Alis  y"  Noorman 

Warnar  Hornebeak 

John  Lowrance 

Symon  Larow 

Cornelis  Hogoboom 

Cornelis  y«  Duitcher 

Gombart  Powlasin  | 

Jn°:  Meueson.     AlisJnDepape 

William  Wallaffish 

Jno  Pollin 

Antony  Bussalin 

Gerritt  Aylberts 

Dirrick  Keizer 

Thouas  Chambers 


'■. 


I 


^    -      -  t   '    ■ 


.\,h 


i/iisU 


IX. 


PAPERS 


BU&TWa  TO 


€^t  SnnaBton  of  l^m-fmk 


€l}t  ISurmng  of  |f[imfrtQbi) 


THE  FRENCH. 


1090. 


/  i 


i"!  ■ 


i    '.1 


■ 

1; 

1 

^ 

1 

,;  '      ^'1 

1 

':          ^     'j 

1 

1 

'■ 

PROJECT  OF  THE  CHEVALIER  DE  CALLIERES, 

OOTKRNOR   or   MONTREAL     AND    COMMANDING    BY   COMMISSION   THE 
TROOPS  AND  MILITIA  OF  CANADA,  REOARDINO  THE  PRESENT  STATE 

or  ArrAiRS  or  that  country.    January,  1689. 

[Pari!  Doo.  lY.] 

To  Monseigneur^  the  Marquis  of  Seignelay, 

At)  the  recent  Revolution  in  England  will  change  the  face  of 
American  affairs  it  becomes  necessary  to  adopt  entirely  new  mea- 
sures to  secure  Canada  against  the  great  dangers  with  which  it  is 
threatened. 

Chevalier  Andros,  now  Governor  General  of  New  Englcnd 
and  New  York,  having  already  declared  in  his  letters  to  M.  de 
Denonville  that  he  took  all  the  Iroquois  under  his  protection  as 
subjects  of  the  Crown  of  England  and  having  prevented  them 
returning  to  M.  de  Denonville  to  make  peace  with  us,  there  is  no 
longer  reason  to  hope  for  its  conclusion  through  the  English  nor 
for  the  alienation  of  the  Iroquois  from  the  close  union  which  exists 
with  those  in  consequence  of  the  great  advantages  they  derive 
from  thence,  the  like  to  which  we  cannot  offer  for  divers  reasons. 

Chevalier  Andros  is  a  proteslant  as  well  as  the  whole  English 
Colony  so  that  there  is  no  reason  to  hope  that  he  will  remain 
faithful  to  the  King  of  England  [James  II.]  and  we  must  expect 
that  he  will  not  only  urge  the  Iroquois  to  continue  the  war  against 
us  but  that  he  will  even  add  Englishmen  to  them  to  lead  them  and 
seize  the  posts  of  Niagara,  Michilimakinak  and  others  proper  to 
render  him  master  of  all  the  Indians  our  allies,  according  to  the 
project  they  have  long  since  formed,  and  which  they  began  to 
execute  when  we  declared  war  against  the  Iroquois  and  when  we 
captured  70  Englishmen  who  were  going  to  take  possession  of 
Michilimakinak,  one  of  the  most  important  posts  of  Canada ;  our 


1    ! 


I    i 


z86 


INVASION  OF  NEW-TORK 


|)    '' 


:« 


entrep6t  for  the  Fur  Trade  and  the  residence  of  the  Superior  of 
the  Rev.  Jesuit  Fathers,  Missionaries  among  our  Savages,  and 
which  belongs,  incontestably,  to  us. 

It  is  to  be  expected,  then,  that  they  are  about  to  endeavour  to 
invest  all  Canada  and  raise  all  the  Savages  against  us,  in  order  to 
deprive  us  wholly  of  every  sort  of  Trade  and  draw  it  all  to  them- 
selves by  means  of  the  cheap  bargains  of  merchandize  they  can 
give  them,  nearly  a  half  less  than  our  Frenchmen  can  afford 
theirs,  for  reasons  which  will  be,  elsewhere,  explained,  and  thus 
become  masters  of  all  the  peltries ;  a  trade  which  sustains  Canada 
and  constitutes  one  of  the  chief  benefits  that  France  derives  from 
that  Colony. 

No  sooner  will  the  English  have  ruined  our  Trade  with  the 
Savages  than  uniting  with  them  they  will  be  in  a  position  to  fall 
on  us,  burn  and  sack  our  settlements,  scattered  along  the  River 
St.  Lawrence  to  Quebec,  without  our  being  able  to  prevent  them, 
having  no  fortress  capable  of  arresting  them. 

Things  being  thus  disposed,  the  only  means  to  avoid  this  mis- 
fortune is  to  anticipate  it  by  the  expedition  which  will  be  hereafter 
explained  and  which  I  offer  to  execute  forthwith,  if  it  please  His 
Majesty  to  confide  its  direction  to  me  on  account  of  the.  particu- 
lar knowledge  I  have  acquired  of  the  affairs  of  that  country  during 
five  years  that  I  bad  the  honour  to  serve  His  Majesty  and  to 
command  his  troops  and  military  there,  after  twenty  years  service 
in  the  army. 

The  plan  is,  to  go  straight  to  Orange  (Albany)  the  most  ad- 
vanced town  of  New- York,  one  hundred  leagues  from  Montreal, 
which  I  would  undertake  to  carry,  and  to  proceed  thence  to  seize 
Manathe,  the  capital  of  that  Colony  situated  on  the  seaside ;  on 
condition  of  being  furnished  with  supplies  necessary  for  the  success 
of  the  expedition.  i 

I  demand  for  that  only  the  troops  at  present  maintained  by  His 
Majesty  in  Canada  if  it  be  pleasing  to  him  to  fill  them  up  by  a 
reinforcement  of  soldiers  which  they  require  in  consequence  of 
sickness  that  has  produced  the  deaths  of  many  among  them. 

These  troops  number  35  companies  which  at  60  men  each  ought 
to  pve  1750.    Yet  at  the  review  made  when  I  left,  there  were 


AMD  BDBMING  OF  SCHKNECTAOY. 


287 


found  only  about  1300,  so  that  450  soldiers  are  still  required  to 
complete  them ;  thus  it  would  be  necessary  that  His  Majesty 
should  please  to  order  the  levy  of  at  least  400  men,  and  to  have 
them  enlisted  as  quick  as  possible  in  order  that  they  may  be  em- 
barked in  the  first  vessels. 

The  use  I  propose  to  make  of  these  1700  men  is  to  take  "  the 
pick"  {Petite)  of  ihem  to  the  number  of  1400  and  to  adjoin  to 
them  the  elite  of  the  Militia  to  the  number  of  600,  so  as  to  carry 
these  2000  men  necessary  on  this  expedition ;  leaving  the  300  re- 
maining soldiers  to  guard  the  principal  outposts  at  the  head  of  our 
Colony  in  order  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  seizing  and  burning  them 
whilst  we  should  be  in  the  field. 

I  propose  embarking  these  2000  men,  with  the  supplies  neces- 
sary for  their  subsistence  in  a  sufficient  number  of  canoes  and  flat 
Batteaux  which  we  already  employed  in  the  two  last  Campaigns 
against  the  Iroquois. 

My  design  is,  to  lead  them  by  the  Ricl.elieu  River  into  Lake 
Champlain  as  far  as  a  Carrying  Place  which  is  within  three  leagues 
of  the  Albany  River  that  runs  to  Orange.'  I  shall  conceal  this 
expedition,  which  must  be  kept  very  secret,  by  saying  that  the 
King  has  commanded  me  to  proceed  at  the  head  of  His  troops  and 
Militia  to  the  Iroquois  Country  to  dictate  Peace  to  them  on  the 
conditions  it  has  pleased  His  Majesty  to  grant  them  without  the 
interference  of  the  English,  inasmuch  as  the  Iroquois  are  his  true 
subjects  ;  without  letting  any  one  know  our  intention  of  attacking 
the  English  until  we  have  arrived  at  the  point  whence  I  shall  send 
to  tell  the  Iroquois,  by  some  of  their  Nation,  that  I  am  not  come 
to  wage  war  against  them  but  only  to  reduce  the  English,  who 
have  caused  our  division,  and  to  re-establish  the  good  friendship 
that  formerly  existed  between  us  j  therefore  they  had  better  avoid 
coming  to  their  aid  if  they  wish  not  to  be  treated  with  the  greatest 
rigor,  the  said  English  being  unable  to  protect  them  from  the 
force  I  lead  against  them,  and  that  il  shall  turn  against  the  said 
Iroquois,  if  they  dare  assist  them 

As  the  Batteaux  cannot  proceed  further  than  the   Carrying 

1  This  "  Carrying  Place"  or  portage  is  now  traversed  by  that  section  of  tlie 
Ghamrlain  Canal  extending  from  Fort  Anne  to  Sandy  Hill. 


!'  ',. 


i  i 


288 


INYASION  OF  KEW-TOBK 


■V- 

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V 

i-^, 

';;' 
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1 

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■    A 
\        ■ 

1 

1 

,  1  '     ■; 

i 

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1 

1           1 

i 
1 

Place,  my  intention  is  to  erect  there  a  small  log  fort  {un  petit  fort 
de  pieux  terrass^s)  which  I  shall  have  built  in  three  days,  and  to 
leave  200  men  in  it  to  guard  the  Batteaux ;  thence  march  direct 
to  Orange,  embarking  our  supplies  on  the  River  in  canoes  which 
we  shall  bring  and  which  can  be  convoyed  by  land,  we  marching 
with  the  troops  along  the  river  as  an  escort. 

I  calculate  to  seize  in  passing  some  English  Villages  and  Set- 
tlements where  I  shall  find  provisions  and  other  conveniences  for 
attacking  the  town  of  Orange. 

That  town  b  about  as  large  as  Montreal,  surrounded  by  picquets 
at  one  end  of  which  is  an  Earthen  Fort  defended  by  palisades  and 
consisting  of  four  small  bastions.  There  is  a  garrison  of  150 
men  of  three  companies  in  the  fort  and  some  pieces  of  Cannon. 
Said  town  of  Orange  may  contain  about  150  houses  and  300 
inhabitants  capable  of  bearing  arms,  the  majority  of  whom  are 
Dutch  and  some  French  Refugees  with  some  English. 

After  having  invested  the  Town  and  summoned  it  to  surrender 
with  promise  not  to  pillage  if  it  capitulate,  I  propose  in  case  of 
resistance  to  cut  or  burn  the  palisades,  in  orJer  to  affor«l  an 
opening,  and  enter  there  sword  in  hand  and  srize  the  fort. 
These  being  only  about  14  feet  high  can  be  easily  escaladed  by 
means  of  the  conveniences  we  shall  find,  when  Masters  of  the 
town,  or  by  blowing  in  the  gate  with  a  few  petards  or  two  small 
field  pieces  which  may  be  of  use  to  me  and  I  shall  find  means  of 
conveying  there,  if  his  Ma*y  will  please  to  have  them  furnished 
at  La  Rochelle  to  take  with  me,  and  some  grenades  and  other 
munitions,  a  list  of  which  I  shall  hand  in  separately,  and  which 
will  be  deducted  from  the  funds  His  Majesty  destines  for  Canada 
so  as  not  to  increase  the  expenditure  of  preceding  years. 

After  I  shall  have  become  Master  of  the  town  and  fort  of 
Orange,  which  I  expect  to  achieve  before  the  English  can  afford 
it  any  succor,  my  intention  is  to  leave  a  garrison  of  200  men  in 
the  fort  with  sufficient  supplies  which  I  shall  find  in  the  City,  and 
to  disarm  all  the  Inhabitants,  granting  at  His  Majesty's  pleasure 
pardon  to  the  French  deserters  and  inhabitants  I  shall  find  there, 
so  as  to  oblige  them  to  follow  me. 

I  shall  seize  all  the  barks,  batteaux  and  canoes  that  are  at 


Ain>  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


289 


Orange,  to  embark  my  force  on  the  river  which  is  navigable 
down  to  Manathe,  and  I  shall  embark  with  the  troops  the  neces- 
sary provisions  and  ammunition,  and  some  pieces  of  Cannon 
to  be  taken  from  Fort  Orange  to  serve  in  the  attack  on  Manathe, 
[New  York.] 

This  place  consists  of  a  town  composed  of  about  200  houses 
and  can  put  about  400  inhabitants  under  arms.  They  are  di- 
vided into  four  Companies  of  Infantry  of  50  men  each,  and  three 
Companies  of  Cavalry  of  the  same  number,  the  horses  being 
very  common  in  that  country.  This  town  is  not  enclosed,  being 
situated  on  a  Peninsula  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  that  falls  into 
a  Bay  forming  a  fine  harbour.  It  is  defended  by  a  Fort  faced 
with  stone  having  four  Bastions  with  several  pieces  of  cannon, 
commanding  the  Port  on  one  side  and  the  town  on  the  other. 

I  contemplate  first  carrying  the  town  by  assault,  it  being  all 
open,  and  making  use  of  the  houses  nearest  the  Fort  to  approach 
the  latter  j  forming  a  battery  of  the  Cannon  I  shall  have  brought 
from  Orange  and  of  that  I  may  find  in  the  stores  of  the  town, 
where  the  vessels  arm  and  disarm. 

It  is  necessary  for  the  success  of  this  Expedition  that  H.  M. 
give  orders  to  two  of  the  ships  of  War  destined  this  year  to  escort 
the  merchantmen  who  go  to  Canada  and  Acadie  or  the  fishermen 
who  go  for  Cod  to  the  Great  Bank,  to  come  after  having  con- 
voyed the  merchants,  towards  the  end  of  August,  into  the  Gulf 
of  Manathe  and  cruize  there  during  the  month  of  September,  as 
well  to  prevent  succor  from  Europe  which  may  arrive  from  Eng- 
land or  Boston,  as  to  enter  the  port  when  I  on  my  arrival  shall 
give  the  signal  agreed  upon,  so  as  to  aid  us  in  capturing  the  Fort 
which  they  may  cannonade  from  aboard  their  ships  whilst  I  at- 
tack it  on  land.  They  can  in  case  of  necessity  even  land  some 
marines  (to  replace  the  400  men  I  shall  have  left  on  the  road 
guarding  Orange  and  the  Batteaux);  also  some  pieces  of  Cannon 
if  we  require  them.  They  might  reimbark  and  return  to  France 
in  the  month  of  October  after  the  capture  of  the  Fort  and  carry 
the  intelligence  thereof.  ?     .vi 

After  we  should  have  become  masters  of  the  town  and  fort  of 
Manathe  I  shall  cause  the  Inhabitants  to  be  disarmed  and  send  my 

19 


( 

I*  1 
I  ! 


I '  i 


S80 


VfYA^9V  OF  fra;w-YQK|C 


i  ,! 


Canadians  back  by  the  Albany  river  to  Orange  on  their  way  to 
their  batteaux  and  on  their  return  home.  I  should  winter  at 
Manathe  with  all  the  troops  I  would  have  brought  with  me  except 
the  200  soldiers  left  to  guard  Orange;  and  as  I  shall  have  nothing 
to  fear  from  the  land  side,  being  master  of  the  rivers,  I  would 
work  through  the  winter  to  strengthen  myself  against  attacks  of 
the  English  whilst  waiting  until  H.  M.  should  be  pleased  to  send 
^hat  may  be  necessary  to  secure  this  important  conquest. 

It  would  render  H.  JNf .  absolute  Master  of  the  whole  of  Iroquois 
who  derive  from  this  Colony  all  the  arms  and  ammunition  witl^ 
which  they  make  war  on  us.  This  will  afford  the  means  to  dis- 
arm them  whenever  considered  necessary,  and  thereby  impose  on 
them  such  laws  as  H.  M.  may  please;  the  town  of  Boston,  the 
capital  of  New  England  being  too  far  from  them  to  afford  any  aid. 

Having  mastered  the  Iroquois  we  shall  have  equal  control  of 
all  the  other  Savages  who  will  come  without  hesitation  and  bring 
us  all  their  peltries.  7^^  "^^^^  cause  the  trade  of  our  Colony  to 
flourish ;  will  considert^bly  augment  H.  M.'s  revenues  and  evet^t,- 
ually  diminish  the  expences  he  is  obliged  to  incur  for  the  preser- 
vation of  Canada* 

It  will  firmly  establish  the  Christian  Religion  as  well  ?mong 
the  Iroquois  as  among  the  other  Savages  to  whom  we  shall  be  able 
to  speak  as  Masters  when  they  are  encircled  on  the  side  of  Canada 
as  well  as  of  New  York,  ^t  will  secure  and  facilitate  the  Co^ 
fishery  which  is  carried  on  along  our  Coasts  of  la  Cadie  and  on 
the  Great  Bank.  It  will  giv^  H.  M.  one  of  the  ^nest  harbours 
in  America  which  can  be  entered  during  almost  all  seasons  of  the 
year  in  less  than  one  month  of  very  easy  navigation;  whilst  that 
from  France  to  Quebec  cannot  b^  prosecuted  except  in  syinmer  oi^ 
account  of  the  Ice  which  closes  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  itself 
long  and  perilous. 

It  may  be  objected  to  this  plan,  that  the  Colony  of  Orange  and 
M&nathe  may  remain  faithful  to  the  King  of  England,  apd  in  this 
case  it  would  not  be  fipropos  to  attack  it  ^d  (Iraw^  down  an 
open  war  with  that  English  Colony  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Treat j 
of  Neutrality  concluded  between  th?  two  nations. 

^t  m^y  be  answered  to  this,  ^hat  the  colpjiy  of  |l|Iapathe  ^nd 


I  ■ 


AND  WtWl^Q  OF  SCHIlNECrADT. 


291 


this 
an 


Orange,  being  the  same  as  that  formerly  called  New  Netherland 
which  the  English  took  from  the  Dutch,  and  the  greater  part  of 
which  is  still  of  this  latter  nation  and  all  Protestants,  it  is  nut  to 
be  doubted  but  that  they  would  receive  the  orders  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange  and  even  force  their  Governor,  did  he  not  consent,  to  ac- 
knowledge him,  and  therefore  we  must  look  on  as  certain  a  war 
between  that  Colony  and  us,  and  not  give  it  the  time  to  push  its 
intrigues  with  the  Savages  to  ruin  us  by  means  of  them,  if  we  do 
not  anticipate  them.  And  in  case  that,  contrary  to  all  appearances, 
they  remain  faithful  to  the  King  of  England  during  the  general 
rebellion  of  the  English,  we  might,  if  H.  M.  thought  proper,  being 
on  terms  with  that  King,  confide  to  him  the  secret  of  this  expedi- 
tion, draw  from  him  an  order  to  the  Commandant  of  Orange  and 
of  Manathe  to  surrender  these  places  into  H  M.'s  hands,  who 
would  keep  them  for  him  and  prevent  the  Rebels  becoming  masters 
of  them,  so  as  to  have  an  opportunity  to  treat  them  as  rebels  did 
they  not  obey  that  order,  being  besiiles  this,  in  a  position  to 
force  them  to  it,  on  condition  of  negotiating  eventually  with  the 
King  for  that  Colony,  which  is  the  only  means  of  securing  Canada, 
firmly  establi-shing  Religion,  Trade  and  the  Kings  authority  through- 
out all  North  America.  If  the  favorable  opportunity  which 
presents  of  becoming  master  of  that  Colony  be  neglected,  it  may 
surely  be  calculated  that,  through  its  intrigues  with  the  Iroquois 
and  other  Savages,  it  will  destroy  Canada  in  a  little  time  ;  whose 
ruin  will  entail  that  of  the  establishment  at  Hudson's  bay,  the 
beaver  and  other  peltry  trade ;  that  of  Acadia,  the  local  fishery, 
and  that  of  Newfoundland ;  and  if  we  be  forced  to  abandon 
Canada,  it  will,  hereafter,  in  consequence  of  the  frequent  chasing 
of  our  fishermen  by  English  vessels,  render  very  difficult  and  dan- 
gerous for  H.  M.'s  subjects  the  Codfishery  on  the  Great  Bank, 
wiiich  produces  several  millions  to  France,  and  is  one  of  the  most 
prc^table  investments  that  we  have. 


II. 


•   11 


v:  I    .  ♦ 


md 


nn 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YOBK 


■•ft 


il 


f| 


MEMOIR  OF  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  COUNT  DE  FRONTENAC 

RESPECTING  THE  EXPEDITION  AGAINST   NEW-YORK.   7tH  JUNE,   1689. 

[Paris  Doc.  IV.] 

The  King,  having  examined  the  proposition  made  him  by  Sieur 
Chevalier  de  CalliSres  Bonnevue  of  Montreal  to  attack  New- York 
with  his  Majesty's  troops  in  Canada  and  "a  number  of  the  militia' 
of  that  country,  has  the  more  willingly  assented  to  it  as  he  knows 
that  the  English  inhabiting  that  quarter  have  resolved  since  the 
last  year  to  excite  the  Iroquois  Nation,  His  Majesty's  subjects, 
and  force  them  to  wage  war  against  the  French,  having  furnished 
them  for  that  purpose  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  endeavoured 
in  every  way,  even  to  the  prejudice  of  the  King  of  England's  or- 
ders and  the  ftiith  of  Treaties,  to  usurp  the  trade  of  the  French  in 
the  country  in  possession  of  which  they  have  been  from  all  time. 

To  accomplish  this  project  His  Majesty  has  given  orders  to 
Sieur  Begon  to  prepare  the  munitions  necessary  for  the  expedition 
and  has  caused  two  of  his  ships  of  war  to  be  equipped  in  the  port 
of  Rochefort  under  the  command  of  Sieur  de  la  Caffini^re  whom 
he  has  ordered  to  follow  exactly  the  directions  which  said  Sieur 
de  Frontenac  will  give  him  regarding  this  expedition. 
^  He  will  set  out  with  all  diligence  to  embark  at  Rochelle  in  on 
of  the  ships  and  sail  without  loss  of  time  for  the  entrance  of  the 
gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  Campseaux  bay,  where  he  will  embark 
in  the  best  of  the  merchantmen  that  will  follow  and  repair  to 
Quebec.  »*###•- 

Therefore  on  his  arrival  at  Quebec  he  will  take  advantage  of 
the  state  in  which  he  will  find  things,  to  complete  the  suitable 
arrangements  for  departing  with  batteaux,  canoes  and  all  the  equi- 
page necessary  for  this  expedition  with  the  Chevalier  de  Calli^res 
who  will  command  the  troops  under  his  orders. 

i-k'  will  despatch  by  land  or  water  as  he  shall  deem  most  cer- 
tain, orders  and  instructions  to  Sieur  dS  la  Caffini^re,  to  the 
place  he  will  have  designated,  as  to  what  he  shall  have  to  do,  in 


AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


293 


I  of 
}le 
lui- 
[res 

[et- 
the 
in 


order  to  repair  to  Manathe,  he  making  use  of  the  cypher  \vhich 
shall  have  been  furnished  him. 

He  will  order  him  to  sail  directly  and  without  undertaking  any 
thing  along  his  course,  follow  the  coast  of  Acadie  (where  he 
will  leave  in  passing  what  he  shall  have  for  the  said  coast  of 
Acadie)  down  to  Manathe,  and  order  him  to  anchor  as  safely  as 
posible  and  to  observe  well  the  quarter  where  he  will  make  his 
landing  when  said  Sieur  de  Frontenac  shall  have  arrived  there. 

He  will  give  orders  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Caffini^re  to  seize  the 
vessels  he  will  find  in  the  bay  of  the  said  Manathe,  without  ex- 
posing himself  to  any  accident  that  may  render  him  unable  to 
cooperate  in  that  enterprise. 

As  it  is  impossible  to  fix  on  a  certain  rendezvous  for  the  arrival 
of  said  vessels  at  Manathe  at  the  same  time  that  the  Sieur  de 
Frontenac  will  arrive  there  with  the  troops,  without  alarming 
those  of  that  place,  the  two  vessels  of  war  must  go  right  into  the 
bay,  more  especially  as  the  attack  on  the  frontier  post  of  New- 
York  will  give  warning  to  those  of  Manathe  j  and  the  vessels 
thus  arriving  before  the  land  forces,  will  cause  a  diversion. 
»  #  *  •  • .  •  • 

The  said  Sieur  de  Frontenac  having  informed  himself  of  the 
route  he  is  to  take,  of  which  he  will  make  more  particular  enquiries 
on  the  spot,  as  regard  the  convenience,  security  and  expedition  of 
the  troops.  His  Majesty  will  not  enter  into  further  detail  on  this 
subject,  nor  on  the  attack  on  Orange  and  Manatte  nor  on  any 
thing  that  relates  thereto.  He  will  solely  recommend  him  to  act 
as  much  as  possible,  in  such  a  manner  that  those  of  Orange  may 
not  be  advised  of  his  march,  so  that  he  may  surprise  this  first  post 
and  cut  in  below  Oranfje  to  secure  the  number  of  vessels  he  may 
require  to  descend  on  Manathe,  and  to  place  things  in  such  order  as 
not  to  be  uneasy  when  he  shall  depart  for  and  be  established  at,  the 
said  Manathe.  For  this  purpose  he  ought  to  leave  a  confidential 
officer  at  Orange  with  such  detachment  as  he  will  find  necessary 
to  be  left  there,  with  orders  to  be  on  his  guard  and  to  fortify  him- 
self, and  obtain  all  information  possible  for  the  success  of  the 
expedition  against  Manathe.  He  will  also  cause  all  the  inhabitantsto 
be  disarmed  and  their  effects  to  be  seized,  giving  them  to  hope  every 


i 

t 

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i 

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lirVASION  OF  NSW-TOAS 


good  treatment  with  which  they  can  flatter  themselves  until  he 
entertuns  no  further  apprehensions ;  then  His  Majesty  desires  that 
irhat  is  hereinafter  prescribed  to  him,  may  be  executed. 

He  wishes  particular  care  to  be  taken  to  prevent  any  plunder  o) 
jtrovisions,  merchandize,  ammunition,  property,  cattle,  utensils  and 
principal  household  furniture ;  and  as  his  object  must  be  to  place 
Forts  Orange  and  Manathe  in  a  $tate  of  defence,  and  to  support 
the  Frenchmen  who  will  have  riemained  there,  he  must  not  only 
Victual  the  forts  for  the  longest  time  possible  but  collect  there  all 
bt  can  of  provisions,  and  in  default  of  a  Sufficient  quantity  of 
magazines  in  s^id  forts,  hb  will  lock  them  up  in  the  towns,  taking 
care  not  to  touch  those  which  he  should  deposit  in  said  forts 
<tQccept  when  obliged. 

His  Majesty  does  not  wish  any  suspected  inhabitants  be  left  in 
ttlat  Colony.  His  intention  also  is  thii  an  exact  Inventory  be  made 
in  the  settlements  and  plantations  by  CommiiSsary  Gaillard  (whom 
His  Majesty  wishes  him  to  take  with  him,)  of  all  cattle,  grain, 
merchandize,  furniture,  effects  and  utensils  he  may  find  in  each  of 
the  said  settlements ;  that  he  select  from  among  the  inhabitants 
of  Canada  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  troops  those  who 
irill  be  found  qualified  to  maintain  and  improve  them,  and  that  he 
ifurhish  th^se  with  farms  in  His  Majesty's  name  leaving  them  of 
^e  provisions  that  will  be  found  there,  as  ibuch  as  shall  be  neces- 
sary to  support  them  until  they  have  produced  some ;  and  he  will 
diamine,  one  with  another,  those  to  whom  he  will  think  proper 
td  grant  said  farms,  so  as  to  distribute  the  greater  number  in  pro- 
portion to  their  skill  and  strength,  observing  to  associate  several 
in  the  same  settlement  when  he  shall  deem  such  necessary.  He 
will  inform  his  Majesty  of  all  he  shall  have  done  in  this  regard  by 
lending  him  the  enumeration  of  all  that  he  shall  have  left  in  each 
such  settlement,  and  furnish  his  opinion  of  the  Quit  rents  which 
they  will  be  in  a  condition  to  pay  him.  After  having  settled  on 
wbat  he  shall  judge  absolutely  necessary  to  leave  to  those  to 
whom  he  will  have  given  these  farms,  he  will  place  in  store 
all  the  surplus,  such  as  grain,  whale  oil  and  all  sorts  of  merchan- 
dize and  other  principal  effects  of  which  also  inventories  shall  be 
made  to  be  equally  sent  to  his  Majesty. 


&i 


ere. 


AND  BURNING  OF  SCBESTkCTADT. 


m 


He  will  examine  into  the  means  of  distributing  said  propertj 
80  that  from  what  he  will  acquire  there,  his  Majesty  may  order, 
on  his  advice,  the  gratuities  he  shall  judg6  fitting  to  bestOMi^  on 
said  militia,  the  artny  and  navy  officers,  soldiers  and  sailors  Whio 
shall  have  distinguished  themselves  and  given  individual  marks  df 
that  satisfaction  which  he  expects  from  their  zeal  Atod  industry  tiU 
tUs  occasion. 

If  he  find  among  the  inhabitants  of  I^ew  York,  whether  £2h'^- 
lish  or  Dutch,  any  Catholics  on  whose  fidelity  he  considers  hii 
can  rely,  he  may  leave  them  in  their  habitations  after  making 
them  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  provided  thef^ 
be  not  too  many  of  them  and  they  do  not  excite  any  suspicion, 
having  regard,  in  that,  only  to  ^hat  will  best  promote  the  pVe- 
servatibn  and  advantage  of  the  Colony  and  its  security  at  ihi 
same  time  as  well  as  that  of  the  French. 

He  may  likewise  retain,  if  he  think  proper,  mechanics  and  other 
^6tking  p(^ople  necessary  to  cultivate  the  land  and  work  at  forti- 
ftiiations  in  the  capacity  of  prisoners,  distributing  them  among  the 
French  inhabitants  who  may  require  thiem,  until  matters  being  in 
a  state  of  entire  security,  they  may  be  restored  to  liberty. 

Thie  officers  and  principal  inhabitants,  from  whom  ransoms  Can 
bit  exacted,  toust  be  detained  in  prison.  /  '    "    "^^ 

Respecting  all  other  foreigners,  men,  women  and  children,  Hfs 
Majesty  deems  it  proper  that  they  should  be  put  out  of  the  Colony 
and  sent  to  New  England,  Pennsylvania  and  to  such  other  quat- 
ters  as  shall  be  considered  expedient,  either  by  land  or  sea,  tog*^ 
ther  or  in  divisions — all  according  as  he  shall  find  will  best  secuil^ 
their  dispersion  and  prevent  thiem,  by  reunion,  affording  enemies 
an  6ppbrtunity  to  giet  up  expedition^  against  that  Colony. 

He  will  send  to  France  the  Frehch  Refugees  whom  he  will  find 
diere,  particularly  those  of  the  pretended  Reformed  religion. 
T^hin  he  will  have  captured  the  fort  and  conquered  that  Colony 
he  must  think  particularly  of  his  return  to  Canada  to  convej^ 
thither  the  Militia  and  Soldiers  he  shall  deetti  niecessary  for  the 
Kiiig^s  service,  according  to  the  disposition  in  which  he  shall 
find  things  both  as  regards  the  Iroquois  as  Well  on  the  side  of 
Oahida  as  on  that  of  New  York,  and  iii  ptoportiota  to  wM 


II 


I    / 


1)^ 


m' 


If-  ,^_ 


mi ':, 

i 

1- 

li' 

1 

1': 

m 

\  '':      ■ 

\j:/) 

1':  ^ 

1 

1'  ■  ' 

, 

i 

i 

1 
] 

S96 


INVASION  OF  NEW- YORK 


troops  he  will  calculate  necessary  to  be  left  to  guard  the  forts  and 
country. 

And  as  nothing  appears  more  important,  after  his  expedition, 
than  to  take  advantage  of  the  season  to  return  to  Canada,  he 
must,  in  case  he  cannot  execute  all  that  is  above  contained,  con- 
fide its  execution  to  Sieur  Chevalier  de  Calli6res,  giving  him 
orders  conformable  and  according  to  what  he  shall  consider  most 
fitting  the  King's  service  j  His  Majesty  having  determined  to 
confer  on  the  said  Chevalier  de  Calli6res  the  Government  of 
New  York)  and  of  the  town  and  fort  of  Manathe  in  particular, 
under  the  authority  of  His  Majesty's  Lieutenant  General  in  New 
France. 

He  will  select,  before  leaving,  the  officers  and  soldiers  he  will 
deem  proper  to  leave  at  New  York  and  put  over  the  posts  those 
officers  best  qualified  to  maintain  and  fortify  them. 

In  case  he  fin^,  after  having  provided  sufficient  troops  lor  New 
York  and  concluded  on  the  number  of  soldiers  necessary  for  His 
Majesty's  service  in  Canada,  that  he  has  a  superabundance,  he 
can  send  ;i>ome  to  France  in  the  King's  Ships,  and  retain  thirty- 
five  to  forty  men  to  be  sent  eventually  to  Acadia. 

His  Majesty  is  very  glad  to  observe  to  him  on  this  head,  that 
he  must  regulate  himself,  as  regards  the  number  of  men  he  will 
leave  in  New  York,  by  the  means  of  subsistence  there  and  the 
necessity  of  guarding  the  country ;  and  he  will  also  consider 
that  his  return  to  Canada  will  be  more  convenient  for  those  he 
will  have  to  convey  back  there,  when  they  will  not  be  more 
numerous. 

In  case,  contrary  to  all  appearance,  the  season  be  too  far 
advanced  to  admit  his  return  to  Canada  during  the  remain- 
der of  the  Fall,  he  will  give  advice  of  his  expedition  and 
sojourn  there  until  the  Spring,  and  he  will  employ  himself 
during  winter  in  securing  his  conquest  and  waging  war  on  the 
enemy. 

However  that  be,  he  ought  if  he  be  obliged  to  remain,  either 
personally  or  through  Chevalier  de  Calli^res,  if  that  be  conven- 
ient, profit  by  circumstances  to  conclude  a  solid  and  advantageous 
peace  with  the  Iroquois,  whom  he  will,  doubtless  find  disposed  to 


AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


297 


sue  for  it,  being  deprived  of  aid  from  and  communication  with 
the  English. 

In  onler  to  deprive  the  English  of  the  facility  of  undertaking 
land  expeilitions  against  New  York  from  New  England,  His 
Majesty  desires  that  the  English  Settlements  adjoining  Manathe 
iind  further  off  if  necessary,  be  destroyed  j  and  that  the  more 
distant  be  put  under  contribution. 

He  will  send  an  exact  report  of  all  the  observations  he  will 
be  able  to  make  regarding  the  trade  of  the  new  inhabitants  of 
New  York,  the  security  of  the  navigation  thence  to  France,  the 
communication  with  Canada,  so  that  His  Majesty  may  give  him 
on  those  points  the  necessary  orders  to  derive  from  that  conquest 
all  the  advantages  to  be  expected  from  it.  But  should  this  ex- 
pedition contrary  to  all  appearances,  and  for  reasons  which  His 
Majesty  cannot  foresee,  not  be  executed,  he  will  convey  his  orders 
to  the  said  Sieur  de  la  f^afHiii^re  to  make  war  against  the  English, 
and  to  range  along  the  Coasts  of  New  England  and  New  York  to 
capture  there  as  many  prizes  as  possible,  and  to  remain  there  until 
he  have  no  more  provisions  than  are  necessary  for  his  return  to 
France.  .  .    .  , 


/'^•. 


AN  ACCOUNT 


'sti- 


OF  THE  MOST  REMARKABLE  OCCURRENCES  IN  CANADA  FROM  THE  DE- 
PARTURE OF  THE  VESSELS,  FROM  THE  MONTH  OF  NOVEMBER  1689 
TO  THE  MONTH  OF  NOVEMBER  1690,  BY  MONS.  DE  MONSEIGNAT, 
COMPTROLLER  GENERAL  OF  THE  MARINE  IN  CANADA. 

[Paris  Doc.  IV.]  j<  f 

[Extract.]  The  orders  received  by  M.  le  Comte  (de  Frontenac) 
to  commence  hostilities  against  New  England  and  New  York, 
which  had  declared  for  the  Prince  of  Orange,  afforded  him  con- 
siderable pleasure,  and  were  very  necessary  for  the  country.  H« 
allowed  no  more  time  to  elapse  before  carrying  them  into  execution 
tlian  was  required  to  send  off  some  despatches  to  France — imme- 
diately after  which  he  determined  to  organize  three  different 
detachments,  to  attack  those  rebels  at  all  points  at  the  same  mo 


Mi 

'     ■■'! 


i    I 


1      ! 


!^ 


INTASION  Of  KCW-YOKI^ 


1:1  i 


I 


nient,  and  to  punish  them  at  various  places  for  having  afTorded 
protection  to  our  enemies,  the  Mohawks.  The  first  party  wan  to 
rendezvous  at  Montreal,  and  proceed  towards  Orange  j  the  second 
at  Three  Rivers,  and  to  make  a  descent  on  New  York,  at  somt 
place  between  Boston  and  Orange;'  and  the  third  was  to  depart 
frbm  Quebec,  and  gain  the  seaboard  between  Boston  and  Penta- 
gouet,  verging  towards  Acadia.  They  all  succeeded  perfect!^ 
W6ll,  and  I  shall  communicate  to  you  the  details.     •     •    •    • 

The  detachment  which  formed  at  Montreal,  may  have  been 
composed  of  about  two  hundred  and  ten  men,  namely:  eighty 
tevag.'s  from  the  Saulf,  and  from  La  Moniagne;  sixteen  Algon- 
quin* ;  and  the  remainder  Frenchmen — all  under  the  command 
off  the  Sieur  Le  ^toyne  de  Sainte  Helene,  and  Lieutenant  Daille- 
bo'ut  de  Mantet,  both  of  whom  are  Canadians.  The  Sieurs  le 
Mbyne  d'  Iberville  arid  Repentigny  de  Montesson  commanded 
tiAder  these.  The  best  qualified  Frenchmen  were,  the  Slcurs  de 
Bonrepos  and  de  La  Brosse,  Calvinist  officers,  the  Sieur  la  Moyne 
de  Blainville,  Le  Bert  du  Ch^ne,  and  la  Marque  de  Montigny, 
who  all  served  as  volunteers.  They  took  their  departure  from 
Montreal  at  the  commencement  of  February. 

After  having  marched  for  the  course  of  five  or  six  days,  they 
called  a  council  to  determine  the  route  they  should  follow^  and 
the  point  they  should  attack. 

The  Indians  demanded  of  the  French  what  was  their  intention. 
Messieurs  de  Sainte  Helene  and  Mantet  replied  that  they  had  left 
in  the  hope  of  attacking  Orange,  if  possible,  as  it  is  the  Capital 
of  New  York  and  a  place  of  considerable  importance,  though 
they  had  no  orders  to  that  effect,  but  generally  to  act  according 
as  they  should  judge  on  the  spot  of  their  chances  of  success, 
without  running  too  much  risk.  This  appeared  to  the  savages 
iomewhat  rash.  They  represented  the  difficulties  and  the  weak- 
ness of  the  party  for  so  bold  an  undertaking.  There  was  even 
dhe  among  them  who,  his  mind  filled  with  the  recollections  of  the 
diitosters  which  he  had  witnessed  last  year,  enquired  of  our  French- 
ftien,  "  since  when  had  they  become  so  desperate  1"     In  reply  to 

1  Thii  detachment  entered  New  Hampshire  where  they  burned  a  place  called 
Sdtnon  Falls. 


ing 

ge« 
lak. 

ren 
Ithe 
Ich- 
to 

kled 


'  AND  DVmNINO  OF  SCHUrECrADT. 

their  raillery,  'twas  answered  that  it  was  our  intention,  now,  to 
regain  the  honor  of  which  our  misfortunes  had  deprived  us,  and 
the  sole  means  to  accomplish  that  was  to  carry  Orange,  or  to 
perish  in  so  glorious  an  enterprise. 

As  the  Indians,  who  had  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
localities,  and  more  experience  than  the  French,  rould  not  be 
brought  to  agree  with  the  latter,  it  was  determined  to  postpone 
coming  to  a  conclusion  until  the  party  should  arrive  at  the  spot 
where  the  two  routes  separate — the  one  leading  to  Orange,  and 
the  other  to  Corlear  (Schenectady).  In  the  course  of  the  journey, 
which  occupied  eight  days,  the  Frenchmen  judged  proper  to  di- 
verge towards  Corlear,  according  to  the  advite  of  the  Indians  j 
and  this  road  was  taken  without  calling  a  new  council.  Nine 
days  more  elapsed  before  they  arrived,  having  experienced  incon- 
ceivable difficulties,  and  having  been  obliged  to  march  up  to  their 
kncis  in  water,  and  to  break  the  ice  with  their  feet  in  order  to 
find  a  solid  footing. 

They  arrived  within  two  leagues  of  Corlear  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  and  were  harangued  by  the  great  Mohawk  chief 
of  the  Iroquois  from  the  Sault.  He  urged  on  all  to  perform  their 
duty,  an«l  to  lose  all  recollections  of  their  fatigue,  in  the  hope  of 
taking  ample  revenge  for  the  injuries  they  had  received  from 
the  Iroquois  at  the  solicitation  of  the  English,  and  of  washing 
them  out  in  the  blood  of  the  traitors.  This  savage  was  without 
contradiction  the  most  considerable  of  his  tribe — an  honest  man — 
as  full  of  spirit,  prudence  and  generosity  as  it  was  possible,  and 
capable  at  the  same  time  of  the  grandest  undertakings.  Shortly 
after  four  Squaws  were  discovered  in  a  wigAvam  who  gave  every 
information  necessary  for  the  attack  on  the  town.  The  fire  found 
in  their  hut  served  to  warta  those  who  were  benumbed,  and  they 
continued  their  route,  having  previously  detached  Giguieres,  a 
Canadian,  with  nine  Indians,  on  the  look  out.  They  discovered 
no  one,  and  returned  to  join  the  main  body  within  one  league  of 
Corlear.".  ''  ^     . 

At  eleven  of  the  clock  that  night,  they  came  within  sight  of  th* 
town,  resolved  to  defer  the  assault  until  two  o'clock  of  the  morn- 
ing.    But  the  excessive  cold  admitted  of  no  further  delay. 


1 

i 

1 

I 

! 

! 

1 

i  ■ 
i 

■ 

1 

i 

i 
i 
i 
i 

i 

m 

''4i  y. 

.i 

'^H 

'1 

It 

■ 

1 

1- 

Ir 

1 

* 

too 


INVASION  OF  NEW- YORK 


The  town  of  Corlear  forms  a  sort  of  oblong"  with  only  two 
gates — one  opposite  the  road  we  had  taken;  the  other  leading  to 
Orange,  which  is  only  six  leagues  distant.  Messieurs  de  Sainte 
Helene  and  de  Mantet  were  to  enter  at  the  first  which  the  squaws 
,  pointed  out,  and  which  in  fact  was  found  wide  open.  Messieurs 
d'Iberville  and  de  Montesson  took  the  left  with  another  detach- 
ment, in  order  to  make  themselves  masters  of  that  leading  to 
Orange.  But  they  could  not  discover  it,  and  returned  to  join  the 
remainder  of  the  party.  A  profound  silence  was  every  where  ob- 
served, until  the  two  commanders,  who  separated,  at  their  entrance 
into  the  town  for  the  purpose  of  encircling  it,  had  met  at  th« 
the  other  extremity. 

The  signal  of  attack  was  given  Indian  fashion,  and  the  entire 
force  rushed  on  simultaneously.  M.  de  Mantet  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  a  detachment,  and  reached  a  small  fort  where  the  gar- 
rison was  under  arms.  The  gate  was  burst  in  after  a  good  deal 
of  difficulty,  the  whole  set  on  fire,  and  all  who  defended  the  place 
slaughtered. 

The  sack  of  the  town  began  a  moment  before  the  attack  on  the 
fort.  Few  houses  made  any  resistance.  M.  de  Montigny  dis- 
covered some  which  he  attempted  to  carry  sword  in  hand,  having 
tried  the  musket  in  vain.  He  received  two  thrusts  of  a  spear — 
one  in  the  body  and  the  other  in  the  arm.  But  M.  de  Sainte  He- 
lene having  come  to  his  aid,  effected  an  entrance,  and  put  every 
one  who  defended  the  place  to  the  sword.  The  Massacre  lasted 
two  hours.  The  remainder  of  the  night  was  spent  in  placing  sen- 
tinels, and  in  taking  some  repose. 

The  house  belonging  to  the  Minister  was  ordered  to  be  saved, 
so  as  to  take  him  alive  to  obtain  information  from  him  j  but  as  it 
was  not  known  it  was  not  spared  any  more  than  the  others.  He 
was  slain  and  his  papers  burnt  before  he  could  be  recognized. 

At  daybreak  some  men  were  sent  to  the  dwelling  of  Mr.  Coudre 
[Sander],  who  was  Major  of  the  place,  and  who  lived  at  the  other 
side  of  the  river.  He  was  not  willing  to  surrender,  and  began  to 
put  himself  on  the  defensive  with  his  servants  and  some  Indians ; 
but  as  it  was  resolved  not  to  do  him  any  harm,  in  consequence  of 
the  good  treatment  that  the  French  had  formerly  experienced  at 


He 


AND  B'RNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


301 


his  hands,  M.  d'lberville  and  the  great  Mohawk  proceeded  thither 
alone,  promised  him  quarter  for  himself,  his  people,  and  his  pro- 
perty, whereupon  he  laid  down  his  arms,  on  parole,  entertaining 
them  in  his  fort,  and  returned  with  them  to  see  the  commandants 
of  the  town 

In  order  to  occupy  the  savages,  who  would  otherwise  have  taken 
to  drink  and  thus  rendered  themselves  unable  for  defence,  the 
houses  had  already  been  set  on  fire.  None  were  spared  in  the 
town  but  one  house  belonging  to  Coudre,  and  that  of  a  widow 
who  had  six  children,'  whither  M.  de  Montigny  had  been  carried 
when  wounded.  All  the  rest  were  consumed.  The  lives  of  be- 
tween fifty  and  sixty  persons,  old  men,  women  and  children,  were 
spared,  they  having  escaped  the  first  fury  of  the  attack.  Some 
twenty  Mohawks  were  also  spared,  in  order  to  show  them  that  it 
was  the  English  and  not  they  against  whom  the  grudge  was  en- 
tertained. The  loss  on  this  occasion  in  houses,  cattle  and  grain, 
amounts  to  more  than  four  hundred  thousand  livres.  There  were 
upwards  of  eighty  well  built  and  well  furnished  houses  in  the 
town. 

The  return  march  commenced  with  thirty  prisoners.  The 
wounded,  who  were  to  be  carried,  and  the  plunder,  with  which 
all  the  Indians  and  some  Frenchmen  were  loaded,  caused  consi-  ' 
derable  inconvenience.  Fifty  good  horses  were  brought  away. 
Sixteen  only  of  these  reached  Montreal.  The  remainder  were 
killed  for  food  on  the  road. 

Sixty  leagues  from  Corlear  the  Indians  began  to  hunt,  and  the 
French  not  being  able  to  wait  for  them,  being  short  of  provisions, 
continued  their  route,  having  detached  Messieurs  d'lbervile  and 
Du  Chesne  with  two  savages  before  them  to  Montreal.  On  the 
same  day,  some  Frenchmen,  who  doubtless  were  very  much 
fatigued,  lost  their  way.  Fearful  that  they  should  b^  obliged  to 
keep  up  with  the  main  body,  and  believing  themselves  in  safety 
having  eighty  Indians  in  their  rear,  they  were  found  missing  from 
the  camp.  They  were  waited  for  next  day  until  eleven  o'clock, 
but  in  vain,  and  no  account  has  since  been  received  of  them. 

Two  hours  after,  forty  m^  more  left  the  main  body  without 
acquainting  the  commander,  continued  their  route  by  themselves, 


ivP 


i 


i' 


S  ! 


W^iji- 


h  ill: 


If      >',    ♦ 


808 


INVASION  OF  NEW -YORK 


ii 


r 


I .  t 


and  arrived  within  two  leagues  of  Montreal  one  day  ahead,  so  that 
there  were  not  more  than  fifty  or  sixty  men  together.  The  even- 
ing on  which  they  should  arrive  at  Montreal,  being  extremely  fa- 
tigued from  fasting  and  bad  roads,  the  rear  fell  away  from  M.  de 
Sainte  Helene,  who  was  in  front  with  an  Indian  guide,  and  wht 
could  not  find  a  place  suitable  for  camping  nearer  than  three  or 
four  leagues  of  the  spot  where  he  expected  to  halt.  He  was  not 
rejoined  by  M.  de  Mantet  and  the  others  until  far  advanced  in  the 
night.  Seven  have  not  been  found.  Next  day  on  parade,  about 
ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  a  soldier  arrived  who  announced 
that  they  had  been  attacked  by  fourteen  or  fifteen  savages,  and 
that  six  had  been  killed.  The  party  proceeded  somewhat  afflicted 
at  this  accident,  and  arrived  at  Montreal  at  3  o'clock,  p.  m. 

Such,  Madame,  is  the  account  of  what  passed  at  the  taking  of 
Corlear.  The  French  lost  but  twenty-one  men,  namely  four  In- 
dians and  seventeen  Frenchmen.  Only  one  Indian  and  one  French- 
man were  killed  at  the  capture  of  the  town.  The  others  were  lost 
on  the  road. 


ff 


[From  M ortfaf*  Book  B*  la  Oonnty  Clk's  Offloe,  Albany.] 


Mt 


Mbany  y^  9th  day  of  February  16l\ 
Die  Sabbathi. 

This  morning  about  5  o'Glock  y«  alarm  was  brought  here  by 
Symon  Schermerhoorn  who  was«hott  threw  his  Thigh  y*  y*^  french 
and  Indians  had  murthered  y«  People  of  Skinnechtady ;  haveing 
got  into  yB  Towne  about  11  or  12  a  Clock  there  being  no  Watch 
Kept  (y«  Inhabitants  being  so  negligent  &  Refractory)  and  yt  he 
had  much  adoe  to  Escape  they  being  very  numerous.  They  fyred 
•everall  times  at  him  at  last  throw  his  Thigh  and  wounded  his 
horse  and  was  come  over  Canatagione*  to  bring  y*  news. 

The  allarm  being  given  all  People  Repared  to  there  Post  y* 
fort  fyred  severall  gunns  to  give  y"  alarm  to  y"  farmers  but  few 

,,M'.  ...  .  ./  1  Now,  NiskajruBiu    .  _:     _  •    _;  v:  ..•*:■.»;••■ -^ 


Pre^entl 
C.  Bull, 
|Jns.  Benr 
Resolvel 
Compy  to 
come  dour 


few 


AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


m 


oeara  there  being  such  an  Extream  Snow  above  Knee  Deep  Se- 
Tfrall  yo  People  haveing  Escaped  y®  Cruelty  of  ye  Trench  and 
there  Indians  came  Running  here  &  told  us  y  Village  was  a  fyre 
and  y*  they  had  mu{j^a,doe,^o  Escape  for  all  y^  streets  were  full 
Qf  french  and  Indies,  &  y*  many  People  were  murthered  and  y\ 
y?  ^eroy  were  inarching  hither  which  news  was  Continually  Con- 
|)in;iied  tiU  afternooi;!  Letters  were  sent  forthwith  to  Sopus  for  y4 
aai^istance  of  a  hundred  pien  an  Expresse  sent  to  Skachkook  but 
|)y  reason  of  y^  highwater — deep  snow  &  yse  could  not  Proceed 
notice  was  given  to  all  y^  farmers  of  Kinderhook  Claverak  &*'*  of 
y«  fiad  news,  Some  horse  men  sent  out  to  Discover  y  Enemies 
force  and  there  march  but  were  forced  to  Return  y»  snow  beiqg 
|o  Deep  yet  some  were  sent  out  again  who  got  thither,  Laurence 
ye  Indian  with  y«  Maquase  y*  were  in  Town  were  sent  out  also 
to  Skinnechtady  to  Dispatch  posts  to  y«  Maquase  Castles  for  all 
yo  Indians  to  mme  doune,  but  unhappily  sa^  Indians  comeing  to 
Skinnechtady  w  c  ov.  much  amazed  to  see  so  many  People  mur- 
thered and  DfciSi  ,y  i  (hat  they  omitted  y*  sending  up  to  y«  Ma- 
quase Castles  according  to  there  Engagement,  While  y^  Enemv 
yf,2^  at  N.  Scotia  a  man  came  to  Ensign  Joh :  Sander  Glen  anH 
said  he  would  goe  to  y^  Maquase  Castles  and  warn  y?  Maquase  to 
come  doune  who  was  ordered  to  goe  in  all  haste  but  comeing  to 
y«  Upper  Plantation?  went  for  fear  along  with  some  of  y*  oyf 
Inhabitants  into  y®  Woods  and  never  went  to  y®  Maquase  Castleet^ 
this  night  we  gott  a  letter  from  Skinnechtady  Informing  us  y*  thjP 
Enemy  y*  had  done  y*  MischieflFe  there  were  about  one  hundred 
|nd  fifty  or  200  men  but  that  there  were  1400  men  in  all ;  One 
army  for  Albany  j^  anoy'  for  Sopus  which  hindred  much  y* 
parching  of  any  force  out  of  y*  Citty  fearing  y*  y«  enemy  might 
watch  such  an  opportunity.  . 

The  lOth  dciy  of  February. 

Present.  P'  Schpyler  May  D.  Wessels  ReC,  J.  Bleecker, 
C.  Bull,  Capt  StaetSj  Aid.  Shaick,  Aid  Ryckman,  Joh.  Cuyler, 
^ns.  Bennett. 

Resolved  y*  Capt  Jonathan  Bull  be  sent  w*''  5  men  out  of  eac|i 
Compy  to  Skinnechtady  to  bury  y«  dead  there  &  if  y"  Indians  ^ 
come  doune  to  joyn  with  them  &  Pursue  y"  Enemy. 


n 


!i; 


'■         a 


1  ! 


h  i 


304 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YOBK. 


Instructions  for  Capt  Jonathan  Bull.  « 
You  are  to  goe  w*"*  all  Convanient  speed  with  ^  .  .  .  men 
to  Skinnechtady  &  there  Bury  ye  dead  which  are  Killed  by  ye 
Enemy  and  give  such  succor  and  RelieflFe  t|  y®  Poor  People  left 
alive  at  Skinnechtady  as  y"  can,  and  if  there  be  any  considerable 
number  of  friendly  Indians  at  Skinnechtady  y°  are  w^^*  all  speed 
to  Pursue  &  follow  after  the  french  and  Indian  Enemy  &  them 
Spoylc  and  Destroy  what  in  y"  Lyes  and  use  all  means  Imagi- 
nable to  Rescue  ye  Prisoners  which  they  have  Carried  along  with 
them. 

You  are  to  take  Especiall  Care  to  have  always  Spyes  and 
Skouts  out  on  both  sides  of  y"  Path  where  y"  Marcu  y  Men  and 
to  be  as  Carefull  as  Possible  for  ambushes  of  y**  Enemy  and  to 
Keep  y  men  in  good  order  and  Discipline 


,i  i,t 


LIST  OF  Y=  PEOPLE  KILD  AND  DESTROYED 

BT  Y^  FRENCH  OF  CANIDA  AND  THERE  INDIANS  AT  SKINNECHTADY 
TWENTY  MILES  TO  ve  WESTWARD  OF  ALBANY  BETWEEN  SATUR- 
DAY AND  SUNDAY  Y^  Q^h  DAY  OF  FEBRUARY  16|§. 

Myndcrt  Wemp  killd  

Jan  van  Eps  and  his  Sonne  &  2  of  his  Children  kild 

a  negroe  of  dito  Van  Eps 

Serj*  Church  of  Cap*  Bulls  Compy 
Barent  Jansse  Killd  and  Burnd  his  Sonne  Kild 
And*  Arentse  Bratt  shott  and  Burnt  &  also  his  child" 
Mary  Viele  wife  of  Dowe  Aukes  &  her  2  children  killd 

and  his  Negro  Woman  Francyn 
Mary  Alolff  Wife  of  Cornells  Viele  Jun'  Shott 
Sweer  Tcunise  Shott  &  burnt  his  wife  kild  &  burnt  v    all 
Antje  Janz  doughter  of  Jan  Spoor  kild  &  burnt       /   in 
Item  4  Negroes  of  y*  said  Sweer  Teunise  y^  same  /[one 


death  ...... 

Enos  Talmidge  Leift  of  Capt  Bull  kild  &  burnt 
Hend  Meese  Vrooman  &  Bartholomeus  Vrooman 

kild  &  burnt  ... 


house 


4 
1 


''YBT  OF 
TAKEN 
9»'«  DA^ 

Johannes 

John  Wei 

Symon,  A 

all  6  SOI 

Jan  Baptis 

Albert  &  J 

Isaack  Cor 

a  negroe  oi 

Amout  ye 


AND  BURNING  OF  8CHCNECTADT. 

Item  2  Negroes  of  Hend  Meese  y«  same  death 
Gerrit  Marcellis  and  his  Wife  &  childe  kild  * 

Rob*  Alexander  sould'  of  Capt  Bulls  Shott  , 

Rob*  hesseling  shott  

Sander  y^  Sonne  of  gysbert  gerritse  kild  &  burnt 
Jan  Roeloffse  de  goyer  burnt  in  y«  house 
Ralph  grant  a  souldier  in  y^  fort  shott 
David  Christoffelse  &  his  wife  yr*^  4  Children  all 

burnt  in  there  house 

Joris  Aertse  shott  and  burnt  W™  Fieterse  kild 

Job:  Potman  kild  his  wife  kild  &  her  skalp  taken  off 

Dome  Petrus  Tassemaker  y«  Minister  kild  &  burnt 

in  his  house        .         .        .... 

Frans  harmense  kild  

Engel  the  wife  of  Adam  Yroman  shot  &  burnt  her 

childe  the  brdns  tlashed  out  against  y«  wall 
Reynier  Schaets  and  his  sonne  kild 
Daniel  Andries  &  George  2  souldiers  of  Capt  Bull 
a  french  girl  Prisoner  among  y°  Mohogs  kild 

A  Maquase  Indian  kild 

Johannes  ye  Sonne  of  Symon  Skermerhoorn     >»         v 
3  Negroes  of  Symon  Skermerhoorn 


> rt:  ■■■}■ 


In  all 


306 

S 
3 


6 
2 
2 

1 
I 

2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
I 
3 

60 


LTST  OF  y"  FERSONES  WHICH  Y*  FRENCH  AND  THERE  INDIANS  HAVE 
TAKEN  PRISONERS  ATT  SKINNECHTADY  AND  CARIED  TO  CANIDA  Y« 
9th  Dj^y  OF  FEBRUARY  16 |l 

Johannes  Teller  and  his  negroe        \        .        .         .        .  2 

John  Wemp  sonne  of  Mynd*  Wemp  &  2  negroes  3 
Symon,  Abraham,  Phillip,  Dirck  &  Claes  Groot 

all  5  sonnes  of  Symon  Groot 5 

Jan  Baptist  sonne  of  Jan  Van  Epps          ....  1 

Albert  &  Johannes  Yedder  sonnes  of  harme  Vedder            .  2 

Isaack  Cornelise  Switts  &  his  Eldest  sonne        ...  2 

a  negroe  of  Barent  Janse 1 

Amout  y*  sonne  of  Arnout  Corn :  Viele  y'  Interp'              .  1 
80 


tlM^ 

,  i 

4. 

^tf^iS^    i\ 

I 

, 

'ii 

i 

! 

i    i 


>K' 


I        :■     I 


f5  » 


f-t 


306 


I^VASIOi;  OV  NBW-YOBJC 


Stephen  y«  sonne  of  Gysbcrt  Gerritse 
Lawrence  sonne  of  Claes  Lawrence  Purmurent 
Amout  Sonne  of  Paulyn  Janse 
Barent  y*  sonne  of  Adam  Vroman  &  y«  neger 
Claes  sonne  of  Frans  H^rmense 
Stephen  adopted  sonne  of  Geertje  Bouts 
John  Webb  a  souldier  Belonging  to  Capt  Bull 
David  Burt  belonging  to  y«  same  Comp« 
Joseph  Marks  of  y"  same  Comp®  . 


In  all 


1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 

1 

t 

27 


THE  WAY   HOW  T*   BLOODY   FRENCH   AND   INDIANS   COMMITTED  THIS 

TRAGEDY  WAS  THUS. 

After  they  were  gott  into  y^  Toune  without  being  discovered 

(no  watch  or  guard  being  kept,  notwithstanding  several  gent"  of 

Albany  no  longer  then  3  days  before  were  up  there  to  Perswade 

yn  to  it)    The  french  &  y"  Indians  besett  each  house  and  after 

they  had  murthered  y^  People  they  burnt  all  y^  houses  and  barns 

Cattle  &ca  Except  6  @  6 :  which  were  saved  by  Gap*  Sander  to 

whom  they  were  kinde  as  they  had  Particular  orders  so  to  be  by 

reason  of  y^  many  kindnesse  shewne  by  his  wife  to  y'  french 

Prisoners.  • 

Albany  y*  22  day  qffebruary  16|f . 

Symon  Van  Ness  and  Andries  Barents  who  went  out  y«  first 

^th  ye  Maquaese  returning  told  ;  they  had  Pursued  y«  Enemy  to 

y«  great  Lake  &  would  have  overtaken  them  had  they  not  been 

spyed  by  some  of  y^  Enemy  Indians  that  went  out  to  looke  for  2 

Negroe  boys,  y*  were  Runn  away  from  them,  &  y*  y«  Indians  & 

Christians  were  all  Tyred  when  they  came  to  y*  Croune  Point 

neer  y«  Lake  j  some  went  further  till  they  came  to  where  y»  Ise 

was  Smoth ;  where  the  french  had  with  horses  that  they  carried 

from  Skinnechtady  &  Skeets  and  Yse  Spurrs,  made  all  the  way 

they  could  over  y"  Lake  in  so  much  that  our  People  could  gain 

nothing  upon  them  $  whereas  at  first  they  went  2  of  there  days 

journeys  in  one  ;  neverthelesse  Laurence  y*  Maquase  and  about 

140  Mohoggs  &  River  Indians  are  gone  in  Pursuite  of  them,  & 

will  follow  them  quite  to  Qanida. 


AM)  mmn^a  of  schenictadf. 

307 


1 


To  our  great  grfefe  I  „,„,,  ^^^^^ ;• '«» to-^s-l .« ,o„  Wiuu... 
rable  massacre  which  happened  at  !t.7^  f     '  ™''  '»''  ^'P'o- 
french  and  their  WiansX  /a.:*;^""''''^'"  ^"'-y  by  the 
-I»y  &  Sunday  at  eleaven  of  Z  dJC^J  ^  '''"'«'  S""™- 
^on  then,  &  „„,.  barbaron  */„    ted       ."*"  '""  ■»»  <•"' 
»  children  4  bnmed  the  place  Teft  W  .  ""^  '""  ""»  *°»«' 
«|r„ed  away  captive  27  the  res  l,!  .*  "  *  '""'«»  -"burned 
about  26  persons  much  damnmedTv^h    T"^."' *"«''  "''"B 
cbyld  npt  up,  children  alive  Zwn^.^"'"'     """"^  ^th 
b«.*  dashed  ag.  the  doo^VwinT  ,■"  """■'''  «""«*«, 

■»?lecl  of  their  not  watchL   7    ^  *"  "^'oned  by  the  r 
■^i  of  .l..Con,n,is«w"|j2""/  I"  """^  "■""  "■«  ^" 
-■y  spared  withai.  which^wrhi:':  'V""""'™''"  ■«'"« 
"  '■"bouse  &  he himselfe  torele^thel       ^  ^^'^''  "^'"^ »« 
Nov'ber  a  certain,  nuniber  of  ^Mi^rT" ''"'""'''    '«« 
•ke-nselve,  the  convention  &  ruKnJt .?  t'  "*  ^^^"^  ""»S 
arEdmond  &  encouraged  &  ^oLi  ^k'''''''"''^  ^""'^-on  of 
creature,  „f  Sir  EdmTnd,  i^T2      ^'  '""'  "'  ««  ^'^M 
g"-.«  ammunition  &mo„evbeW./^^  "'  "''"""'««  of  men 
-e  bave  sent  62  men  6orn,295Z  "'f  ''^»"''   ">  -"o- 
«"ynng  there  ag.  their  eine.,!.?  P"""""'  boulits  etc  wch 

were,e«thereb?.heTn      C.°;;sirr';i'r''"^'™*-    * 

Wmter  &  commissioned  one  Capf  with  S'        ^7  ''"'  "P  "'" 
confederate  Indians  to  warre  JaJf   ^  "'""°  •'°'"«  «'b  our 
b.»dred  by  the  ,-  rebells,  whlrltTd  '*  '''"''*''  "'"•  "«« 
P»»»hed  for  rebell,  if  thjy  mett  °bt "      "'"'°  J""'"^  »^  ''«»g 
prevented  to  goe,  we  wouW  et  haJe  ^  ""    ^  "^^  ^»' 
prevented  that  disaster  '  ''"™"«''  »be  enemy  & 


fit''  ( 


308 


INVASION  OF  NEW- YORK 


fort  William  March  4tli  168!> 
Honorable  Sir  Governor  of  Boston: 

Yours  of  the  8'*"  instant  by  M«"  Pembroke  I  received  &  I  re- 
turne  yow  many  thanks  for  the  care  I  perceive  yow  have  had  for 
our  packet,  Since  your  last  wee  have  received  the  sad  &  misera- 
ble newes  from  Skenectedy  neere  Albany  whereof  wee  understand 
is  laid  to  your  woeful  account  it  is  such  newes  as  wee  feared 
long  since,  Alace  what  could  there  be  expected  of  a  certaine 
number  of  rebellious  people  that  remained  rulling  under  that 
arbitrary  Commissions  of  sir  Edmund  at  Albany  within  this  pro- 
vince, and  encouraged  and  supported  by  Connecticoatt  by  order- 
ing their  forces  sent  thither  to  observe  the  directions  of  the  s*' 
rebells  named  a  Conventione,  being  well  assured  the  same  is  sup- 
ported more  especially  by  that  waylerous  John  Allan  the  Secre- 
tary of  that  CoUony.  „,„ 


■■^<  • . 


,r. 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  BISHOP  OF  SALISBURY,  31  March  1690. 

[Lond.  Doc.  VII.] 

May  it  please  your  Lordship — ^The  foregoing  being  sent  via 
Boston  p"^  the  agents  for  New  England  which  we  hope  are  safely 
arrived  ere  this  date,  we  take  ieave  to  add,  that  [to]  a  certain  village 
named  Schanectede  24  miles  to  the  northward  of  Albany  on 
Saturday  the  9'^  of  Febr.  last  about  11  a  clock  at  night,  came 
200  French  and  Indians  near  100  each  and  attacqued  the  same 
whilst  it  snowed  thick,  barbarously  destroying  the  Inhabitants  all 
being  dutch ;  they  murthered  60  persons,  and  bore  away  with 
them  27  prisoners,  wounding  some  others  so  that  there  remain 
but  about  one  sixth  part  of  them  having  their  cattel,  goods  and 
provisions  destroyed  and  arrested  from  them,  the  remnant  shel- 
tering themselves  at  Albany,  where  is  provision  made  for  them 
from  New  Yorke.  Being  alarmed  by  the  daily  expectations  of  the 
French  and  Indians  advancing  towards  us  with  a  considerable 
number  of  2500  french  besides  their  Indians  at  Mont-Real,  ende- 
vouring  to  obtaine  upon  the  allyed  Indians  with  us,  viz*  The 


^  BURNING  OF  SCHIlNECTilDY. 


Macquaes,  Oneydauns   Onnn  ^  ^  ^^ 

Pe«o„s  .0  „ee.  .ie«  at  A^bZ  iX^r'  T  '"'  W"""" 
™y  to  ,„,e„ep,  the  Ennemie,  larl  T.  °.r™"  ""'  >«»« 
S':"'»='P"ofeoftheirfidemvIT  '■  ^'^"'i''-"  having 

-^ayng  twenty  five  of  them  whX~d  T" """"''  """8  '""I 
">  rayse  n,„,e  than  ,000  „  J^^  Zf  '  '  "'"'  '"^  P'™"e 
"t'oi  we  have  „eare  raysed  VT?  "  •"'^"'  **"■  <«>  of  our, 

"■ef  abom  60.  ihat  „po„  Z  eLZ  ""''  ^''"^™»  »  "um- 

[orhfied,  .0  the  hest  of  our  powe  a!^  .  ^"""^  ""<"' "«  iave 
13  canon,  10  Barrel!,  of  powfe  »  .T""'"''  *'  <•<»*  having 
other  habiliments;  the  tlTn!"!"'!^'^"'  '"  g«"»on  with 
'«ast  worts  within,  but  warHa n'^n     '"^  """"'  «""  -Wng 


and  Indians  before  your  ipaCfyf  *T''r^  "-y  ^  French 
tened  their  motion  at  WhiiehaM  ^''"' ^««'-  -"ight  y  more 
»  r«br  las.  a  Comp,  of  250  F^  era":;  ff  ■»'"'•    "^  r  9-' 
place  when  they  were  all  =.1         i       ""  ^"**»'  'ame  upon  v. 
MM  and  des.ro  ed  60  m  n  w  ^ t]  'IZ'^'"''  =*  -SHaid 
and  boys  prisoners  and  burntTCwn  "''"'  '^"J"'  ^^men 

-'  -«d  by  Cap..  Sander,  ^hm.he?^':!'  "^"—hich 
«presse  command  to  meddl.     iT       ^  *''  ""'  '""^h.  having 
;f  =  sake,  Who  had  Zl^^^^^Zl  ."'  V""""^  '"'  ^^ 
The  people  of  .ha.  Towne  w„        t        '"  ^  ^™'^h  prisoners 
-°"M  no.  obey  any  JrZlT^'''"'''' '"  ^^^^'^  *at  h  t 
'»i»  r  aouldiers  se/t  thifhef  C  c™      f"  ^''"'  "-^^  »'- 
»"  sen.  from  Ley„„  wo„IdY.h^:  C"  "' °" ''  """""^  h«.  ' 


,'    f 


:ii 


^.1 


i   I   if 


m 


310 


INTASION  or  NCW-YORK 


mf- 


■J: 


I' 


Thus  had  Leyslcr  perpcrted  y*  poor  people  by  his  seditious  let- 
ters now  founde  all  bloody  upon  Skinnechtady  streets,  with  the 
notions  of  a  free  trade,  boalting  &c.  and  thus  they  are  destroyed ; 
they  would  not  watch,  and  where  Capt.  Sander  commanded,  there 
they  threatened  to  burn  him  upon  y«  fire,  if  he  came  upon  the 
garde.  We  were  much  alarm'i  at  Albany ;  we  sent  y«  Maquase 
yt  were  at  hand  out,  and  to  y*  Maquase  Castles ;  but  y«  Mes- 
senger being  so  timorous  did  not  proceed ;  so  y*  it  was  3  days 
before  we  could  get  y«  Maquase  downe  to  pursue  them,  who  being 
joyned  with  our  men,  foUow'd  them  to  the  Great  Lake,  where  y" 
Yse  being  good  and  y«  French  haveing  robb*d  sundrey  horses,  put 
ther  plunder  upon  sleds  and  so  over  y«  Lake ;  however  y«  Indians 
pursued  and  gott  10,  and  afterwards  5,  and  killed  3.  Who  being 
examined  relate,  y*  y*  French  design  to  attacke  Albany  early  in 
y«  Spring,  haveing  120  batoes  100  birch  canoes  and  12  light 
raorter  peeces  and  severall  other  engines  ready,  and  are  to  come 

with  1500  men Poor  Sharpe  islame 

being  wounded  with  a  great  gunn  y*  split  when  ye  alarm  came 
[to  Albany]  of  Skinnechtady.  ^ 


'J 


JACOB  LEISLER  TO  THE  GOVERNOUR  OF  BARBADOES. 

[From  Vol.  endOnMl,  Letters  in  LeUIers  tioie  &c.] 

\  Ao  1690  !  17  May  in  fort  William. 

Honorable  Sir — ^The  French  of  Cannada  with  their  Indianes 
committed  six  bloody  masacres  in  this  province  three,  &  in  New 
England  three,  they  have  destroyed  Skanectady  a  vilage  20  milles 
fromk  Albany,  murdered  sixty  three  men  women  and  children, 
carried  captive  27:  &.  have  committed  the  greatest  tyranny  ima- 
ginable, rypt  up  women  with  chyld  throwed  children  alive  into 
the  flame,  dasht  others  ag*  door  post  till  their  brains  stuck  to  it, 
another  murder  of  eleaven  people,  and  one  or  two  committed 
since  last  fall,  we  send  fifty  men  up  to  guard  that  place,  but  a 
certaioe  number  of  people  there  maintaining  the  comissions  from 
Sir  Edmond  Andross  &  Coll.  Dongan  deryving  from  the  authority 
of  the  lale  King  James  would  not  accept  them  there,  but  keept  the 


fort  by  virtue  of  the  sJ  r„™-.-   •      .  "' 

««lesne,  that  too  „„f„rt„„„""irKT*"y  cowai««  ,„j 
kapened  there,  the  rive"ber.  f  t  '"~»""*  ""W^t  he, 

•«■'  "P  the  winter,  tbe"^,  ?,  T"  *"  "<*  '''"««  -^mZ 

-ko  kept  g,.rd  in'the  (^yl^e' .LT' '-"'''"'  ""'  """''"' 
•>«'  of  200  „ea)  had  advi«  ,h.  f  ]*'  '"""*  *  '"-"m  (i«  «■„. 
»  altered  ,h,  de,ig„e,  r.ha?„|l '"""."""'"""'e".  there  * 
»"'  Indiana  pnraued  then,  hi  d Itof  r,*"'  •*»' "'™""  'P*-** 
"  "cconnt  of  several!  troor„„,  f  ^""''"'"  »•■»  g»Ve  „, 
«00  fr«,eh  heaidea  thet^^l:"  "    *'«°'  '"  ""  '^^  -ith 

[Lond.  Doc.  vii.j 

M>y  it  Please^^your  Excellency,  »  «.„  ,«h^ 

^^e  your  Excel].".,  dewrl!^''"//'"'  '"•"'"'  *"«  againe 
Eastward  of  Boston,  hale  ","0  bf     7^''  '"""  ""P''  'o  I 
people  and  toote  28 U™ ^en^'r^^  Scheneghtade  killed  60 
Indians  and  50  yo„„g  „,/„^™ '"^/;y«  P^oners  :  About  160 
tooke  them  upon  the  lake  Mltd^     ""'''''  "■'  F-'ench  over- 
"Wch  the  I„di,„,  have  killed  1  .h"""  ""f  •°°'^'  '«  ^''"'^Z 
^-e  killed  eight  or  ,e„  pe    t   X::;"-  •  *«  f^nch  India"' 
tie  whole  country  i„  a„  alarm  and^r   ^^T,"'  "'"'''  ""a^  "ade 
t'ons.  Most  of  theAlbany  Wood  1     P^'P'"'"™  "-eir  planta- 
Sohuyler  went  with  ei^htr  !,"' ""'*''-Yo*e.  Aren, 
'  f^chman  X.T    "''""  "*  *'*-'"^.  ^"'ed  2  and  fol       ' 

*     ;  ll'Ond.  Doc.  VII.]  ' 

Honbie  Sir,-We  of  Albany  stoo^      ♦  \.        ^'^  ''""«•  '«^- 


m. 


I  ■:  if 


11  '     J       i 


'I   I 


312 


Unr A8I0M  OF  NKW-YORK,    ETC. 


vention  of  Albany  to  procure  assistance  from  the  neighbouring 
colonieS)  Leisler  sends  up  one  Jacob  Milborne)  formerly  a  servant 
to  a  man  in  Hartford)  but  now  a  fitt  tool  for  his  turn  with  160 
men,  who  gott  the  fort  surrendered  to  him,  after  I  had  maintained 
the  garrison,  and  all  publick  charge  to  the  12ti>  of  March,  turn'd 
out  all  the  Souldiers  but  12  or  13,  which  they  tooke  in  again,  and 
so  kept  there  for  some  weeks-  This  Jacob  Millborne,  John  de 
Bruine  and  Johannes  Provoost,  under  the  dominion  of  New- York , 
commiss'^  spending  their  time  with  drinking  and  quaffing,  while 
the  French  Indians  comes  and  cutts  off  the  people  at  Canastagione 
and  above  Synectady,*and  never  one  of  them  catcht.  We  have 
all  Leisler's  seditious  letters  secured  which  was  the  occasion  of 
the  destruction  of  Synechtady,  miraculously  found  in  the  streets, 
all  embrued  w*''  blood  the  morning  after  massacre  was  committed, 
so  that  we  want  nothing  but  a  Govern'  to  call  him  to  account. 


'I' 


I 


^^yil  LIST 


WTia 


Pmimt  of  3^m-fmk,  mi 

A  UST  OP  AU  THE  OFFICERS 


8«Uarya 


P-ond.  Doc.  IX.} 

Matthew CJarkson Esqr Secry «i].  'a..'        '  J 

pen  and  ink  pr  annL  '"''''  '^"^  ^°'  ^^P^r  /  ,, 

CWdley  Brook  Esqr  Collr  ^nd  R      •  '        *        •  1   ^°  ^  ^0 
ann.  ^00— *3o  «*    ,  Receiver  Gen"  pr , 

^^°  Sterl  pr  cent  advance        .      ^  ^  2f.O  00  00 

Tred.  Phillips  '^^'^  1^«<^^ 

Steph  Courtlandt  )  S^?;  ^"^"''' 

Nich  Bayard  /  ^*""  ^inhorne 

Will.  Smith  (p         ^*eter  Schuyler 

Gab:  Monveille  /^^^qrs.  John  Lawrence 

Chid.  Brook  l  John  Youngs 

W»NicolIs  I  ^aleb  Heathcote 


IMl 


i 


314 


CITIL  LIST  OF  NEW'YOBK. 


iM 


its  »■.!.-        ^ 

Jiii  ft-:      i 


I 


r    ■ ; '  i 


James  Grayham,  Esq'  Attorney  Gen'^ 

David  Jamison  Clerk  of  the  Council),  allowed  per 

annum 50  00  00 

Dan.  Honan  Accomptant-Gen"  p'  ann:  .  .  60  00  00 
Jarvis  Marshall  Doorkeeper  and   Messenger  of  y« 

Councill 30  00  00 

Justices  of  the  Supream  Court  of  Judicature  haveing  the 

power  of  Kings  Bench,  Comdn  Pleas  and  Exchequer. 

William  Smith  Esq  Chiefe  Justice  per 

Allowed  for  V      annum 130  00  00 

"ir^ft.  °    5  William  Pinhorne,  Esq.  2^  Justice  per 

'      annum,  100  00  00 

Steph  Courtlan^^  ^    ^.    ...     ^ 

Chid.  Brooke         Esq'"  Justices  ..    m      v 

John  Lawrence 

The  Secretary  is  Clerk  of  this  Court. 

Cttstome  House  Officers. 
Rob^  Livingston  Sub  Collector  att  Albany  per  annum  JS50  00  00 
W«n  Shaw,  Gauger  att  Albany  p'  anfi:     .         .        .      8  00  00 
Tho"  Munsey  Surveyor  att  New- York  p'  ann  .        .    40  GO  00 

James  Evetts  Waiter 30  GO  00 

Emmanuel  Young  waiter 30  00  00 

The  Guager  at  NewYork  paid  by  y«  cask 
Allowed  to  Godfredus  Dellius  for  teaching  and  con- 
verting the  Indians  p'  ann  .         .         .         .     60  00  00 
To  the  Interpretess  Helene  to  interprete  for  y«  Five 

Nations  p'  annum 20  00  00 

Allowed  for  their  Mat'^*  Barge  one  Coxwain  p'  ann: 

and  eight  oars  att  50«  each,  £20  .        .        .     30  00  00 

Allowed  to  a  printer  p^*  ann  .         .         .         .     40  00  00 

Clerk  of  the  Assembly  allowed  12«  p«"  dieia  dureing  y" 

Sessions 
Door  Keeper  and  Messenger  4*  p'  diem dureing  y»      '  ,,     ./; 

Sessions 

Allowed  the  Hon<>i«  N.  Blditbwayte  5  pf  cent  out  th«r 

Revenue  as  Auditor  Generall  -' — 

V  £l1d8  OO  00 


,  ■»  ■ 


CIVIL  LIST  OF  NEW-Yowfc 


810 


Abraham  Depeyster  Esq.  Mayor  &  ClJZ'    ^ 
■        James  Graham  Esqr  Recorder  ^'  ^''"^** 

The  Aldermen,  CoLtor  A         ^^ 
,.^^  ,    ollecto,.,  Assessors  and  Constables  are  elcc- 

i^ter  Schuyler  Esq    Mayor 
^rcfc  WessellsEsq   Recorder       ' 

"■*  any  two  of  the  three  nerttr      ^'f'"''  » '»  "»  »«»'erf 
■""  Mayo,  »„  Aide™";!  j!  irf?"''  "^  *«  P-«. 

Albany.  """"  '"  «««  Cittys  of  N.  York  & 

,^"^»»e  County  Of  S'tf^'^'^T  ^ 

Aldermen  in  the^QuarfefreLl^^^^^  ^'^  ''^''"'  ^--'^^  -d 

Eghbert  Theunisse       n  v  .  t_    « 

KHan  van  Ranslaer     ^  J^ichofes  Ri,p. 

Martin  Gerritse  f^r'    ^^"*^«'»  Glenn   , 

Dirck  Theunisse  )  n^^^'  Vosbrougb 

^  Gerryt  Theunisse 

Caleb  H..K    ff'^^'^'^'^^^^^'C^n^ 
^aJeb  Heathcote  Esqr  Judge  of  th^  n  « 

Joseph  Theale  %  ^        ,     Common  Pfcas. 

William  Barnes  U.r,    tr^^**       " 

Daniel  Strange  )  John  Hunt 

^  /  .         WmChadderton 

Benjan^in  Collier  Es,r  She,^' "^^^^^^'^ 

C„„    .^P^^'^  C^^rf^  of  the  County 
Collectors  Assessors  and  Constabl^elective     " 


&i 


U't 


hi' 


E^ii 


y  :: 


lii 


316  aVlL  LIST  OF  NEW-VOEK. 

Justices  in  the  County  of  Richmond 

Ellis  Duxbury  Esq'  Judge  of  the  Coin6n  Pleas 
Abraham  Cannor       \ 
Abraham  Lakeman  f 
Dennis  Theunisse     ^    ^^ 
John  Shadwell  ) 

John  Stilwell  Esq"  SherriflF 

Justices  in  the  County  of  Ulster 

Thomas  Garton  Esq'  Judge  of  the  Comdn  Fleas 
Henry  Beeckman 
Dirck  Shepmers 
Wessell  Tenbrook 
Abraham  Haasbrough 
Nicholas  Antonio  Esq'  Sherrifife 


Esq 


'I 


■;■»'■.-.-    ■;■: 


Justices  in  Suffolk  County 

Isaac  Arnold  Esq'  Judge  of  y*  Comdn  Pleas. 

John  Howell 
Samuell  Mulford  "^ 
Richd  Smith 

William  Barker  >Esq'" 

Matthew  Howell         '  ''*• 

i  Ebenetus  Piatt 

Tomas  Mapes  /  •     ; 

Josiah  Hobbart  Esq'  Sherriffe 

Justices  'n  Queens  County 

Thomas  Hix  Esq'  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas 
Richard  Cornwall 
Ellias  Doughty 
Dan.  Whitehead  ^Esq' 

John  Smith 
Tho.  Stevensant 
John  Harrison  Esq'  Sherriffe 
Andrew  Gibb  Gierke 


.^^■i 


o'.^ 


'i  •':■ 


CIVIL  LIST  OF  NEW- YORK.  317 

Justices  in  the  Kings  County 

Stephen  Courtlandt  Judge  of  y^  Common  Pleas 

Roeloffe  Martinse         v  Dirk  Huyle  v 

Nicholas  Stillwell         \  v    n    ^^^^  Theunisse  / 

Joseph  Hogeman  i      ^      Peter  Cortiliau  l     ^^ 

Henry  Filkin  )  StoflFell  Probasco  ) 

Gerryt  Strycker  Esqr  SherrifiF. 

Dukes  County  consisting  of  Nantuckett  and  Martins  Vineyard 
claimed  by  S' William  Phipps,  the  case  of  Martins  Vineyard  laid 
before  their  Ma'ties. 

Orange  County  not  above  twenty  families,  for  the  present  under 
the  the  care  of  New  York 

Dutchess  County  haveing  very  few  inhabitants  committed  to 
the  care  of  the  county  of  Ulster 

Surveyors  of  Highways,  Collectors,  Assessors  and  Constables, 
are  elective  throughout  the  whole  Province 

Jin  Account  of  all  Establishm**  of  Jurisdictions  within  this 

Province. 

Single  Justice  —  Every  Justice  of  the  Peace  hath  power  to 
determine  any  suite  or  controversy  to  the  value  of  forty 
shillings 

Quarter  Sessions — The  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  Quarter  Sessions 
have  all  such  powers  and  authorities  as  are  granted  in  a 
Commission  of  y«  Peace  in  England  r 

County  Court — ^The  County  Court  or  Common  Pleas  hath  cogni- 
zance of  civil  Acc6ns  to  any  value,  excepting  what  concerns 
title  of  land,  and  noe  Accon  can  be  removed  from  this  court 
if  the  damage  be  under  twenty  pounds. 

Mayor  and  Aldermen^The  Court  of  Mayor  and  Aldermen  hath 
the  same  power  with  the  County  Courts. 

Supreme  Court — The  Supreme  Court  hath  the  powers  of  Kings 
Bench,  Common  Pleas  &  Exchequer  in  England,  &  noe 
accon  can  be  removed  from  this  court  if  under  JCIOO. 

Chancery. — ^The  Governour  and  Councill  are  a  court  of  Chancery 
and  have  the  powers  of  the  Chancery  in  England,  from  whose 
sentence  or  decree  nothing  can  be  removed  under  JE300      , 


If 


» 

■  -i 

"i    : 

i  ; 

.'  1 

! 

! 

i 

W 


fi. 


r 


'-le 


318 


MILITIA  OF  MSW-YORK. 


Prerogative  Court. — The  Govemour  discharges  the  place  of  Or- 
dinary in  granting  Administrac6ns  and  proveing  Wills  &c. 
The  Secretary  is  Register.  The  Govern'  is  about  to  appoint 
Delegates  in  the  remoter  parts  of  the  Government,  -with 
Supervisors  for  looking  after  intestates  estates  &  provideing 
for  orphans 

Court  Marshall — ^The  Govern'  hath  established  a  Court  Martiall 
att  Albany  whereof  Major  IUch<i  Ingoldesby  is  President  & 
Robert  Livingston  Judge  Advocate  who  with  the  other 
cdmissionated  Captains  att  Albany  have  power  to  exercise 
Martiall  Law,  being  a  'rontear  Garrison  and  in  actuall  warr. 

.^(Imtra% —Their  Majesties  reserve  the  appointment  of  a  Judge, 

Register,  and  Marshall 

M.  Clarkson  Secry. 


t 


Men. 


A  STATE  OP  THE  MILLITIA 

IN  THEIR  MAJESTIES  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  IN  AMERICA,  APRIL  1693. 

[Load.  Doc.  IX.] 

Tlie  Millitia  of  the  Citty  and  County  of  New  Yorke  & 
Orange,  commanded  by  Coll:  Abraham  Depeyster,  being 
Eight  Companys  of  foot,  and  one  Troop  of  Horse,  consist- 
ing of       

The  Millitia  of  Queens  County  in  y*  Island  of  Nassaw, 
commanded  by  by  Coll.  Thomas  Willett  being  nine  Companys 
Foot,  and  one  Troop  of  Horse  consisting  of 

The  Millitia  of  SufFolke  County  in  the  Island  of  Nassaw 
commanded  by  Coll :  John  Young  being  nine  companys  of 
Foot,  consisting  of 

The  Millitia  of  Kings  County  in  y*  Island  of  Nassaw, 
commanded  by  Coll:  Stephanus  Van  Cortland,  being  six  Com- 
panys of  Foot  and  one  Troop  of  Horse,  consisting  of 

The  Millitia  of  the  county  of  Albany  com&nded  by  Major 
Peter  Schuyler  being  five  companys  of  Foot  and  one  Troop 
of  Horse,  now  formed  into  Dragoons  by  the  Govern*,  con- 
sisting of 


477 


580 


533 


319 


359 


MLITIA  OF  NEW- YORK. 


319 


The  Millitia  of  Ulster  and  Dutchess  Countys  comdnded  by 
Lieut  Coll.  Beeckman  being  four  Companys  of  Foot  and  one 
Troop  of  Horse  now  made  Dragoons,  consisting  of        -        277 

The  Millitia  of  the  County  of  Westchester,  com&nded  by 
Coll.  Caleb  Heathcott,  being  six  Companys  of  Foot,  con- 
sisting of  -> 283 

The  Millitia  of  the  County  of  Richmond  commanded  by 
Capt  Andrew  Cannon  being  two  Companys  of  Foot,  con- 
sisting of  .-..-.--        104 


In  all        -        2932 
Ben.  Fletcher 


i  ;f 


■-'.II I 


»     1 


XI. 


PAPERS 


Count  k  /rontmat»0  (gijieMllDii 


THE  ONONDAGOE& 


1896. 


A  u 


I      l!    '     ;  t 


HK) 


Ik 


iv.  .. 


tl 


ff;fl 


i  i 


FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION,  1696. 

[Council  Min.  YII.] 

At  a  Council  held  at  his  Ma'^^  ffort  in  New  Yorke  the  9t>>  of 
July  1696. 

Present  His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 

ffred  Philips  ^  Gab  Monvielle  ^ 

Steph.  Cortlandt  >  Esq"  Peter  Schuyler  V  Esq" 

Nich :  Bayard      j  John  Lawrence  3 

His  Excel! :  did  Communicate  intelligence  from  Albany  with 
the  examination  of  a  ffrench  prisoner  wherein  appears  there  is 
great  preparacdn  in  Canida  and  a  resolution  of  the  Govern'  of 
Canida  to  reduce  the  five  Nations  this  summer  that  all  the  men 
between  fifteen  &  fifty  in  Canida  are  ordered  to  be  in  readine^se 
and  that  all  the  ffrench  Indians  &  Ottaw;awaes  are  together  &  that 
they  are  to  joyn  the  Dawaganhaes 

•   His  Excell.  offered  his  opinion  to  march  up  400  men  to  the 
Castle  of  Onondage  to  encourage  and  confirme  the  Indians. 

The  Council  do  approve  thereof,  but  affirm  the  impossibility 
for  want  of  money  which  is  not  to  be  had  our  neighbours  having 
denyed  assistance  tthe  Revenue  lessened  much  by  the  decay  of 
trade  and  great  backwardnesse  in  brmging  in  the  taxes 

At  a  Council  held  at  his  M^^7^  ffort  in  New  Yorke  the  27t»>  of 
July  1696. 

Present  His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 

ffred  Phillips        )  John  Lawrence    }v» 

;■      •      Steph:  Cortlandt  >  Esq"  Caleb  Heathcote  J    ^ 

Gab  Monvielle      j 
His  Excell :  did  communicate  a  letter  from  Mr.  AUyn  of  Con- 
necticutt  giving  account  of  two  ffrench  men  taken  prisoners  neere 


i 


§1'' 


I 


3Si 


OOUmr  FBOMTENAG'B  CXPEDITIOM 


the  heads  of  their  rivers  and  that  they  report  there  is  1000  ffrench 
&  2000  Indians  marched  against  the  five  Nations. 

Also  a  lettt  r  from  Coll.  Ingoldesby  with  a  belt  from  Onondage 
bringing  intelligence  of  a  great  body  of  ffrench  &.  Indians  on  this 
fide  Mount  Reall  on  their  march  towards  them  12  dayes  aggo. 

His  Excell :  desired  the  advice  of  the  Council  what  is  to  be  done 
offering  his  readynesse  to  march  immediately  to  the  frontiers  in 
person  and  his  opinion  it  were  convenient  to  march  up  men  for 
the  frontiers  that  a  body  may  be  spared  to  go  to  Onondage  to  cover 
them  and  show  our  zeal  for  their  preservacon  which  will  give 
*ihem  encouragement. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Council  that  there  being  no  assistance  ^ 
of  men  from  the  neighbouring  Colonies  and  a  small  summe  of 
money  sent  from  Virginia  and  Maryland  to  assist  in  the  many 
great  charges  this  Pro vi;  ice  is  put  to  upon  the  alarms  of  the  enemy 
it  being  harvest  time  and  many  of  the  South  of  the  Province 
already  listed  to  recruit  the  Companyes  it  will  be  very  grievous 
to  take  the  people  from  their  labour  and  hardly  possible  there  is 
likewise  no  money  to  answer  the  charge  thereof  Do  therefore 
advise  that  a  letter  be  wrote  to  the  Indians  to  give  them  encou- 
ngement  and  to  acquaint  them  the  King  of  England  has  sent  them 
some  presents  &  desire  them  to  be  watchfull. 

At  a  Council  held  at  his  Ma^r*  ffort  in  New  Yorke  the  31**  day 
of  July  1696. 

Present  his  Excell:  Benjamin  Fletcher  etc      ->     '  ^    uaAj 
fired  Philips         1 

Steph:  Cortlandt  C  Esq"  Gab:  ^onvielle    >  Eg-,, 

Nich  Bayard        3  Caleb  Heathcote  > 

His  Excell:  did  communicate  to  the  Council  intelligence  from - 
the  frontiers  that  the  enemy  are  upon  their  march  that  the  Indians 
of  the  five  Nations  have  sent  to  call  for  assistance  of  Christian 
force  and  did  expresse  his  readynesse  to  go  to  Albany 

His  Excell:  did  desire  their  opinion  what  is  to  be  done  being 
there's  no  money  in  the  Coffers 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Council  that  there  may  be  men  found 
upon  the  frontiers  that  upon  encouragement  will  march  to  the 


AGAINST  THE  ONONDAOAS. 


3Sb 


km 
Ins 
Ian 


ig 


Indian  Country  if  there  were  a  fund  to  answer  the  charge  thereof 

Hi8  Excell.  did  declare  his  readynesse  to  go  provided  they  will 
finde  money  to  answer  the  necessary  charge  thereof 

Coll.  Cortlandt  profcrred  his  personall  credit  for  j£2(H)  towardf 
the  expedicon 

CoU  Bayard  offers  the  same  ffred  Philips  offers  the  same  L* 
Coll.  Monvielle  the  same  Coll  Heathcote  the  same 

His  Excell:  did  recommend  to  them  to  procure  the  creditt  each 
for  je200  forthwith. 


FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITIOxV  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGA 

INDIANS.    1696. 


.■p,i  i 


[Paris  Doc.  V.] 

The  Count  is  already  advised,  by  despatches  at  the  departure 
of  last  year's  ships,  of  the  preparations  for  a  considerable  expe- 
dition against  the  Iroquois  and  principally  ngainst  the  Onnonta- 
gues  which  is  the  chief  nation,  where  the  councils  of  the  other  five 
are  held,  the  most  devoted  to  the  English,  and  the  most  strenu- 
ously opposed  to  the  negociations  for  peace  of  preceding  years. 
It  became  of  importance  to  crush  them,  and  it  appeared  to  many 
more  advantageous  to  do  so  during  winter  inasmuch  as  it  was  cer- 
tain, said  they,  to  find  in  the  Village  at  least  all  the  women  and 
children  who  being  destroyed  or  captured  would  draw  down  ruin 
on  the  warriors  or  oblige  them  to  surrender  to  us. 

The  necessary  preparations  for  this  expedition  were  begun  last 
autumn,  but  the  large  amount  of  snow  produced  a  change  of  de- 
sign, the  rather  as  it  was  impossible  to  transport  the  Militia  {ha- 
hitans)  from  the  south  shore  and  the  Island  of  Orleans  to  the 
government  of  Quebec,  the  river  having  been  absolutely  impassa- 
ble from  the  sailing  of  the  vessels  to  the  commencement  of  this 
year. 

This  it  was  that  caused  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  to  proceed 
by  the  Mohawk  country  with  whatever  troops  could  be  collected 
capable  of  travelling  on  the  snow  with  the  militia  of  Three  Rivers 
and  Montreal  and  Indians,  which  had  always  been  the  plan  of 


^: 


i 


m 


\ll' 


8S6 


CODHT  rftOMTENAO^S  QCPEDItlOir 


.l>i' 


'^. 


^™,t 


Monsieur  the  Count  de  Fronlenac  who  fore.aw  the  difficulty  of 
executing;  the  other  project  during  winter.  Bui  ihis  iltsigu  als.' 
aborted,  because  we  were  informed  that  a  Mohawk  prisontr  wlio 
escaped  from  us,  had  communicated  our  intention,  and  (hat  this 
Nation,  united  witli  the  English  of  Orange,  awaited  us  with  reso- 
lute determination,  which,  however,  would  not  have  prevente*!  us 
going  in  quest  of  them  had  the  continuance  of  the  season  perm ii ted 
a  large  body  to  make  so  long  a  march  and  to  cany  munitions  and 
the  supplies  necessary  for  subsisting  there. 

The  intelligence  which  we  stated  that  M.  le  Comte  de  Fronle- 
nac received  from  the  Ottawas  obliged  us  to  interrupt  what  we 
had  commenced  of  the  preparations  for  the  OnnontaguS  voyage. 
Every  thing  was  put  in  order  during  his  short  stay  at  Montreal  , 
He  departed  for  la  Chine  where  the  army  arrived  on  the  4''>  July ; 
ten  Ottawa  savages  arrived  there  the  same  day,  and  coming  from 
the  vicmity  of  the  Onnontagues  they  roved  a  long  time  around  the 
village  without  having  been  able  to  make  any  prisoners,  and  find- 
ing themselves  pursued .  by  a  considerable  party,  took  refuge  in 
fort  Frontenac.  They  thanked  Moniieur  le  Comte  for  not  having 
deceived  them,  and  fur  having  saved  their  lives  by  furnishing 
them  at  that  fort  with  something  to  eat  and,  particularly,  to 
smoke. 

On  the  information  given  them  by  Sieur  Dejordis,  a  Calvinist 
Captain,  who  commanded  that  fort,  of  the  march  of  M.  le  Comte, 
they  said  they  were  going  to  meet  him,  and  that  they  expected  to 
accompany  him. 

Provisions  having  been  furnished  to  the  Indians,  the  whole 
army  proceeded  to  encamp  on  the  6'''  at  Isle  Pcrrot.  Next  day 
it  was  ranged  in  the  order  of  battle,  which  it  was  intended  should 
be  observed  during  the  entire  march. 

The  savages,  to  the  number  of  500,  were  so  divided  that  the 
greater  portion  were  always  in  the  van  which  was  composed  of 
\wo  battalions  of  troops  consisting  each  of  two  hundred  men. 
T»\ey  were  followed  by  several  detached  batteaux  of  militia,  bear- 
ing supplies  and  the  bagage  of  M.  le  Comte,  Messrs  de  Calli6r6s, 
deVkXudreuil,  and  de  Ramezay.  ^t^ 


AGAimT  TBS  OHOinUOAl. 


3fl 


I  (lay 
>uU 

the 
Id  of 

len. 

jtar- 
i^res, 


Monsieur  de  CalUires  commanded  the  vanguard,  haring  two 
large  batteaux  on  board  which  were  two  brass  pieces  roountedj 
also  mortars  for  grenades,  fire  works  and  other  necessary  ammu- 
nition, with  the  Commissary  of  Artillery. 

Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Frontenac  followed  the  vanguard  8ur> 
rounded  by  the  canois  of  his  Staff,  Sieur  Levasseur,  Engineer, 
and  several  volunteers.  The  four  battalions  of  militia,  stronger 
than  those  of  the  soldiers,  composed  the  main  body.  Monsieur 
de  Kamezay,  Governor  of  Three  Rivers,  commanded  the  entire 
militia.  The  rearguard,  commanded  by  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil| 
consisted  only  of  two  battalions  of  troops  and  the  remainder  of  the 
savages  who  brought  up  the  rear. 

Sieurs  de  la  Duiantaye,  de  May,  de  Grays  et  Dumesnil  veteran 
captains  commanded  the  four  battalions  of  troops;  sieur  de  Suber- 
caze  acted  as  Major  General  and  there  was  an  adjutant  {^ide 
Major)  to  each  battalion  of  troops  and  militia ;  sieur  de  Saint 
Martin,  a  Calvinist  captain,  commanded  the  Quebec  battalion ; 
sieur  de  Grandville,  Lieutenant,  that  of  Beaupr^;  sieur  le  Grandpr^, 
Major  of  Three  Rivers,  was  at  the  head  of  the  militia  of  that 
government,  and  sieur  Deschambaux,  King's  attorney  at  Montreal, 
commanded  the  battalion  of  that  place.  No  officers  remained  in 
the  country  except  those  whom  infirmity  prevented  undertaking 
such  a  voyage ;  and  with  difficulty  were  any  found  for  the  requi- 
site garrisons. 

Sieur  de  Maricourt,  Captain,  led  the  savages  of  the  Sault  and 
the  Abenakis  who  formed  one  corps ;  sieur  Gardeur  de  Beauvaire, 
Lieutenant  of  those  of  the  Mountain  and  of  the  Lorette  HuronSj 
and  sieur  de  Beaucourt  also  Lieutenant,  commanded  the  Algon- 
quins,  Socoquois,  Nipissirmens,  and  the  few  there  were  of  OttawaS} 
who  constituted  another  corps.  <  ^ 

The  order  of  battle  was  not  deranged  during  the  march,  and 
the  troops  which  formed  the  van  on  one  day,  retired  on  the  mor- 
row to  the  rear.  As  there  were  neaily  thirty  leagues  of  Rapids 
to  be  pas>e(l,  the  mai  ch  was  very  tedious ;  it  is,  therefore,  incon- 
cci\able  wh-ji  difficulty  was  encountered  in  making  the  portages, 
being  obliged  often  several  times  in  one  day  to  discharge  from 
the  batteaux  the  greater  part  of  the  freight. 


i      .1 


m' 


1 

i     , 

i 

i         • 

i 

im 


1.0  ': 


COUNT  vaawmmAOfB  expkdixiiom 


I  ( 


Those  ivho  hww  no  knowledge  of  the  country,  cannot  under- 
stand what  we  call  Cascades  and  Saults.  Falls  from  seven  to 
eight  feet  high  are  often  met,  and  there  fifty  men  find  difficulty 
enough  in  dragging  a  batteau,  and  in  places  less  troublesome  they 
are  under  the  necessity  of  getting  into  the  water  up  to,  and  some- 
times beyond  the  waist,  it  being  impossible  to  stem  the  current 
even  with  th^i  lightest  canoes  by  aid  of  poles  and  paddles. 

A  pact  of  the  army  encamped,  on  the  day  of  departure,  above 
the  chute  called  Le  Buisson ;  the  rest  followed  in  file  next  day 
and  the  rain  obliged  them  to  bivouac  there. 

On  the  9ti>  the  Cedars  rapid  was  passed ;  on  the  W^  the  army 
divided  in  two  to  ascend  that  of  Coteau  du  lac,  a  part  to  the  north 
and  a  part  to  the  south.  The  same  thing  was  repeated  next 
morning,  and  a  junction  was  re-formed  at  the  entrance  of  Lake 
St.  Francis,  which  is  over  seven  leagues  long,  and  which  was 
passed  under  sail  and  in  full  battle  array. 

Our  Indian  scouts  reported  at  night  that  they  had  seen  some 
ascending  and  descending  trails.  A  detachment  of  savages  and  a 
few  Frenchmen  was  fo-med  to  march  some  leagues  ahead  of  the 
main  body  and  to  prevent  ambuscades.  -  , 

On  the  12^''  before  decamping,  nine  Abenakis  joined  Monsiew 
le  Comte  de  Frontenac.  Messieurs  I'Intendant  and  the  King's 
lieutenant  at  Quebec  remarked  in  their  letters  that  these  savages 
said  that  they  had  learned  that  the  English  intended  coming  to 
Quebec.  These  false  reports,  which  are  but  too  prevalent  in 
these  parts,  did  not  interrupt  the  continuance  of  the  march,  and 
the  camp  w^t  formed  at  the  foot  of  the  Long  Sault. 

However  long  and  difficult,  it  was  all  passed  on  the  ISti".  On 
the  li***  they  came  to  the  foot  of  the  Rapide  Plat.  Sieur  de 
Mantesh,  Lieutenant,  was  detached  with  fifty  Frenchmen  and 
savages  to  make  the  necessary  discoveries.  j  •      * '  ■ 

On  the  W^  they  arrived  at  the  rapid  des  Galets;  the  IC**"  after 
having  repaired  several  batteaux,  they  could  not  make  any  more 
than  three  leagues  beyond  the  place  called  la  Galette  where  the 
bad  navigation  terminated. 

At  those  places  where  portages  were  required  to  be  made,  seve- 
ral detachments  marched  on  land  to  cover  those  who  drew  (the 
batteaux.)    On  the  IV^  the  rain  prevented  a  long  march. 


:he 


▲GAINST  THE  ONOimAGAS. 


329 


On  the  18ti>  they  preceded  to  within  4  leagues  of  the  fort 
[Frontenac].  They  made  more  than  twelve  leagues  that  day,  and 
arrived  there  the  next  day,  noon  j  so  that  of  70  leagues,  the  dis- 
tance from  Montreal  to  this  fort,  they  were  only  four  days  passing 
through  the  smooth  water,  crossing  Lake  St.  Francis  included, 
uid  thirty  ascending  the  Rapids  which  do  not  comprise  half  the 

distance. 

•  •  »  t  •      .      «  • 

On  the  26*'>  they  took  their  departure,  and  encamped  at  Deer 
island,  {lie  aux  ckevreuilsy)  the  scouts  marching  continually  ahead 
of  the  army.  Sieur  du  Luth,  captain,  was  left  in  the  fort  as  com- 
mandant with  a  garrison  of  40  men  and  masons  and  carpenters 
necessary  for  the  buildings  which  he  was  recommended  to  hasten. 
There  remained  only  26  sic  in  the  fort,  most  of  whom  were 
wounded  in  the  legs  ascending  the  rapids. 

On  the  27*''  they  got  to  within  three  leagues  of  RivUre  de  la 
Famine  [Black  River  I,  and  on  the  28*^  at  the  mouth  of  that  of 
Onnontagu^,  our  scouts  reported  having  seen  the  trails  of  nine 
men.     ■  ^^' '    -■'•/.->«-  :v-i--->'---/"h    ,-;,., ^,..  ..  .  .- :..   .<.,  xw, ,„-..> 

29*^.  As  this  river  is  extremely  narrow,  60  f.couts  were  de- 
tached on  each  side,  and  the  army  proceedf^d  only  according  to 
their  reports.  Some  had  seen  the  trails  of  tnirty  to  forty  men, 
and  the  others  a  canoe  which  had  been  only  recently  abandoned. 
But  two  leagues  could  be  made  this  day,  and  three  the  next. 
M.  le  Comte  and  M.  de  Vaudreuil  with  the  troops  and  a 
battalion  of  militia  occupied  the  northern,  and  Messrs.  de  Caih^res 
and  de  Ramezay  with  the  remainder  passed  on  the  southern  side. 
It  would  be  useless  to  attempt  describing  the  rapids  of  this  river  j 
the  difficulties  could  not  be  understood,  since  by  marching  from 
mornirg  until  night  five  leagues  only  could  be  made  in  two  days. 

30th.  The  portage  of  all  the  batteaux,  canoes  and  baggage 
commenced,  it  being  impossible  to  pass  the  F.  lis  otherwise.  M. 
le  Comte  de  Frontenac,  who  expected  to  pass  on  foot  like  the 
others,  was  borne  in  his  canoe  by  fifty  savages  singing  and  uttering 
yells  of  joy.  The  battalions  who  could  not  make  this  Carrying 
place  passed  it  the  day  following;.  Four  leagues  were  travelled, 
the  road  beins  better. 


U: 


f 


Si    i 
■    1 


330 


COUNT   FRONTENAC^S  KXPEDTTION 


H 


On  the  first  of  August,  half  the  army  was  detached  beyonrl  the 
river  which  goes  to  Oneida  {Onngoust)^  and  made  more  than 
five  leagues  in  roads  up  to  the  knee.  M.  de  Vaudieuil  Hnd  the 
majority  of  the  officers  were  at  their  head.  This  precaution  was 
the  more  nectssary  as  at  a  place  cnlle^d  Le  RigolSf  the  river  is  not 
more  than  half  a  pistol  shot  wide,  to  the  mouth  of  Lake  Ganenta.  • 
Nothing  was  met  during  this  day's  march  except  the  description 
of  our  army  drawn  on  bark,  after  the  manner  of  the  Savages,  and 
two  bundles  of  cut  rushes  which  signified  that  1434  men  accom- 
panied us.  We  passed  the  Lake  in  the  order  of  battle  Monsieur 
de  Calli^res  who  commanded  that  day  on  the  left,  that  being  the 
side  of  the  enemy,  made  a  large  circuit  under  pretence  of  debark- 
ing on  that  side,  whilst  M.  de  Vaudreuil  with  the  right  wing 
hugged  the  shore  to  clear  what  he  could  encounter  all  around  of 
the  enemy.  The  vigorous  manner  this  landing  was  made,  'sword 
in  hand,  convinced  us  that  had  the  enemy  been  met  they  would 
not  have  long  stood  their  ground.  M.  de  VaudreuiPs  detachment 
made  a  circuit  of  half  a  league  and  anchored  at  the  place  where 
M.  de  Calli6res  waited.     The  entire  body  landed.      ♦    v*  ,    • 

The  scouts  did  not  cease  marching  ;  they  reported  having  seen 
trails  proceeding  from  the  village  of  the  Onnontagu^s  to  Cayuga 
{Oyogouis)  and  Oneida  (One/otw^),  which  induced  them  to  believe 
that  the  women  and  children  withdrew  thither,  and  that  the  War- 
riors of  these  two  villages  came  to  aid  their  brethren. 

A  strong  light  was  seen  the  same  night  in  the  direction  of 
the  village,  which  caused  the  supposition  that  they  had  burned  it; 
it  was  even  supposed  that  they  fired  cannon. 

The  Fort  was  completed  next  morning,  the  3'*.  An  Ottawa 
Savage,  named  the  Cat,  returned  from  scouting.  He  h  id  gone 
some  days  previously  with  a  Seneca  taken  last  winter,  whose  life 
had  been  spared.  They  at  first  discovered  two  women  whom  thry 
had  neglected  to  capture,  and  they  suhsequently  seizeil  a  man  who 
was  bathing  with  his  wife.  The  Ottawa  wisheii  to  bind  him,  but 
the  Seneca  opposed  it,  and  released  him  under  the  pretext  that  he 
would  bring  in  others,  which  began  to  make  theOutaouac  distrust 

1  La  Ri^olle  ii  that  part  of  tha  Oiwego  River  betwocn  Lake  Onondaga  and  the 
Mouth  ol  ibo  Seneca  River. 


was  ex 
offii  eis 
whom  > 
to  advis 
Inconce 
and  the 
two  pre  I 
being  ob 
ojcupiof 
We  a 
they  are. 
nearQi- 
The  4 
being  dii 
The  fi, 
enemy's 
the  two 
bt  iig  in 
greater  p 
the  right 
of  the  m. 
cover  in  I 
The  .se 
placed  hii 
number  o 
M.  le 


the 


AGAINST  THE  OUONDA6A8. 


831 


him,  but  he  had  still  more  reason  to  do  so  when  the  Seneca  quit  him, 
siying  thai  he  wished  to  eat  some  new  corn,  and  having  wandered 
iisitic  for  that  purpose,  he  uttered  the  ordinary  warning  cry  to  direct 
some  young  Oiinontagu:5s  who  pursued  the  Ou^aouacs,  the  swiftness 
of  whose  legs  savt  d  him.     Half  a  league  was  made  that  day. 

Sieur  Marquis  de  Crissaffy,  captain,  was  left  in  the  foit  with 
Sieui  Desbergtires,  also  captain,  and  some  other  officers  and  140 
militia  men  nnd  soldiers  to  guard  the  batteaux,  canoes,  provisions 
and  other  heavy  bagage,  which  could  not  be  transported ;  their 
loss  would  have  absolutely  caused  that  of  the  whole  army,  and 
though  every  one  wisheii  to  share  the  glory  which  M.  le  Comle 
was  expected  to  reap,  he  thought  he  could  not  leave  too  good 
offitcis  at  this  post.  The  other  Seneca,  the  comrade  of  him  to 
whom  wc  have  just  alluded,  deserted  the  night  of  tho  same  day 
to  advise  his  nation  of  the  danger  which  menaced  the  Iroquois. 
Inconceivable  difficulty  was  experienced  in  moving  the  cannon 
and  the  remainder  of  the  artillery  equipments  over  marshes  and 
two  pretty  considerable  rivers  which  it  was  necessary  to  traverse, 
beitjg  obliged  to  carry  them  on  their  carriages  and  parapets,  which 
oxupicd  a  very  great  number  of  the  militia. 

We  camped  at  the  place  called  The  Salt  Springs,  which  in  truth 
they  are.  They  protluce  enoughof  salt  to  make  us  wish  that  they  were 
near  Qvibec;  the  cod-fishery  would  be  very  easy  then  in  Canada. 

The  4">.  The  order  of  battle  was  formed  at  sunrise ;  the  army 
being  divided  in  two  lines. 

The  first  was  comniiindtd  by  M.  de  CaHi6res  who  kept  on  the 
enemy's  left ;  his  centre  consisted  of  two  battalions  of  militia  and 
the  two  battalions  of  troops  composed  the  wings,  the  artillery 
bt  i)g  in  the  middle  pieceded  by  the  two  centre  battalions.  The 
greater  portion  of  the  Indians  of  the  first  line  had  been  thrown  on 
the  right  wing,  as  they  desired.  From  tune  .o  time  forlorn  hopes 
of  the  most  active  savages  and  Frenchmen  were  deployed  to  dis- 
cover md  receive  the  first  fire. 

The  second  line  was  commanded  by  M.  de  Vaudreui'  » 
placed  himself  on  the  right  wing.  It  was  composed  of  an  equal 
number  of  battalions  of  militia  and  soldiers. 

M.  le  Comte  preceded  by  the  cannon  was  borne,  on  a  chair, 


k 


^^jii 


i 


332 


ayUMT  FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION 


|i    ::f-r 


(^auteuily)  between  the  two  lines,  in  a  position  to  place  himself 
when  he  thought  proper  at  the  head,  through  the  interval  of  the 
two  battalions  of  militia  of  the  first  line. 

Each  battalion  was  only  two  deep,  and  showed  a  very  great 
front.  M.  le  Comte  had  around  him  his  gdard,  his  staff,  and  the 
canoe  and  batteaux  men. 
■—■  They  united  during  the  march  in  some  places  at  which  it  was 
very  difficult  ♦o  pass  the  cannon  through  defiles,  and  over  streams 
of  some  magnitude  where  the  order  of  battle  was  broken,  so  that 
we  were  from  suntlse  till  night  in  getting  to  the  location  of  the 
village  after  a  numbci  of  wheelings  {quarts  de  conversion)  and 
other  evolutions  sufficiently  difficult  to  execute  in  the  woods.  But 
the  activity  of  Sieur  Subercaze,  major,  supplied  every  requisite. 
Ten  other  men  would  not  have  accomplished  all  that  he  perform- 
ed alone,  and  though  he  was  assisted  by  good  adjutants  {aides 
major)  he  considered  it  nevertheless  his  duty  to  be  every  where. 
This  campaign  furnished  him  with  an  opportunity  to  signalize  his 
activity  and  his  zeal  on  several  occasions,  but  as  this  is  the  princi- 
pal, mention  of  it  cannot  be  avoided.  Never  did  ?,  man  execute 
with  more  promptitude  the  prudent  orders  he  received  from  his 
general. 

If  we  did  not  fear  being  considered  rather  a  panegyrist  than  a 
historian,  we  should  speak  as  we  ought  of  the  conduct  of 
Mess''"  de  Callis^res,  de  Vaudreuil,  Ramezay  and  other  principal 
officers;  but  the  confidence  which  the  King  reposes  in  them  is  a 
sufficient  guarantee  that  he  deems  them  worthy  the  posts  they 
fill  in  this  country,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge  in  their 
praise  to  demonstrate  that  they  are  truly  so.  His  choice  alone 
justifies  it. 

The  mbins  of  the  Indians  and  the  triple  palisade  which  encir- 
cled their  fort  were  found  entirely  burnt.  It  has  since  been  learned 
that  it  was  in  a  sufficiently  strong  state  of  defence.  It  was  an 
oblong  flanked  by  four  regular  bastions.  The  two  rows  of  pickets 
which  touched  each  other,  were  of  the  thickness  of  an  ordinary 
mast;  and  at  six  feet  distance  outside  stood  another  palisade  of 
much  smaller  dimensions,  but  from  40  to  50  feet  high. 

Tf  the  flight  of  the  savages  saved  the  army  the  trouble  of  forc- 


l^- 


.s  '• 


«*ImiT  THE  OMOJiniQU. 

">«  their  fortifications  by  trench.  ^^ 

a«  .i.e  necessar,  tool  Ji  7o,t^  7^^''  '">'"'  """"^ 
<l«royu«  then,;  b„t  it  must  no.  b    »„    . '/  ?'"^  "^  """'7 
""  ever  stand  against  a  consid"  1,!  ^'^'^  "«'  «>«  '"-ii^i 
---a  .bis  expedition  eft^S  rS^bTIt;,?:  f 

On  the  5th  arrived  twn      '^''""'^'*^  ^7  o^  people. 
MontreaWbo  brberairre?-"''"- »'''"'^o--in  nea^ 
««yl.ad  escaped  five  da,s  a7w".roT-     '"'"'""'^  "=  ""^ 
wio  were  removed  „„  tt;  ruLl  „> 't         """^  *"'  ''"l*" 
woman  was  captured  in  the  wood^  a  ,d  h  ''"""*•    ^o"""  »'" 
»W.ers  broke  her  skull.    In  the  at'"  2""'""° ''»"'•"'•« 

•»o„g«.e  Oneidas,  arrived  wt^r"  "^^^^'^'''.'PrisonJ 
fn-m  that  Nation  whereby  theTsoiicrr'    ^'"^  ''™"S'"  »  beh 
Je  Frontenac.  .  He  immedi«I,;t^?i'''"^  ^™- «•  Le  Comh, 
P»ee  on  condition  that  tl^evTho^  d     ,' u  *!'*'  """  P"""'*'! 
"■e.r  families  among  „s,  aZ,rt    1    "''''''  themselves  with 
-ve  land  and  wherfwl.T  ^^  . f-   '"»'  '"'J  "-<"  - 
•nd  children  were  not  readv  1     \    ,  "'  ""'"''^  '^  ""eir  wir>. 
-"-ential  Chiefs  as  hiT^ ' anV tt"  '.."""^ ''^  °^  ">-"^ 
,°»ed  by  the  army  to  obli'rC ^vl    T  '''™"  "^  '»»  '<"- 
'ion»  imposed  „„  o.,„       ^  ^  *'"*"' execute  the  cmdi- 

On  the  next  day,  (he  Tfl    . 
P'"o„er  among  the  0„„     '^i^rL  T"'?"'  ^^'^  ^--  • 
^«ped  with  those  who  had^cote"?  ,.'"  ""  "^P-    He  had 

'«»'y  leagues  froo   u,,i,  f^^;y^^';«'«d  w^^^ 
tern  ,„  order  to  fly  farther  off  f  „       '  '"""'  "'*"y«  "-"md 
P'ohable  a  great  number  would    ^    Tl'    «'  "'■'=<'  ""«  it  i. 
k-T  to  fly  tbat  they  to  k7:  y  P"'*,''-"='  been  in  such  a 
'•"ch  they  hastily  „j^,e,  J^t  Tt^  '"^  '""'  ««'>™  "t 

71 "' *ese  caches  w^re  discte  'f   £"  '"  '"'  ^'■''"-     '^'- 
,  ,  ""   ''O'rty  consisting  of  no,,  ^^  S'^'"  and  U.e  rest 

Wis,  and  -mepeltrieaM'l:r"?r"'   ''"^'  *™P>- 
*'»g«».    Tie  fetruotion    f  Itl    '  °"'  "--"-en'and 

'  I-Aan  com  was  commenced 


.jfr. 


'if 


334 


OOUVT  ITRONTCNAC^S  EXPCDITION 


the  snm  .  day,  and  was  continued  the  two  following  days.  The 
grain  was  so  foiward  that  tlie  stalks  were  very  rasily  cut  by  the 
sword  and  sabre  without  the  least  fear  that  any  could  sprout  a<ain. 
Not  a  single  head  remained.  The  fields  stretched  from  a  league  and 
a  half  to  two  leagues  from  the  fort:  The  destruction  was  complete. 
A  lame  girl  was  found  concealed  under  a  tree,  and  her  life  was 
spared. 

An  old  man,  also  captured,  did  not  experience  the  same  fate. 
M.  le  Comte's  intention,  after  he  had  interrog^ited  him,  was  to 
spare  his  life  on  account  of  his  great  age,  but  the  savages  who 
had  taken  him  and  to  whom  he  was  given  were  so  f-icited  ih;\i  it 
;vas  not  deemed  prudent  to  dissuade  them  fron>  the  desire  they 
fek  to  burn  him.  He  had,  no  doubt,  prepared  himself  during  hia 
icng  life  to  die  with  firmness,  however  cruel  the  tortures  he  should 
have  to  endure.  Not  the  slightest  complaint  escaped  his  lips. 
On  the  contrary  he  exhorted  those  v;no  tormented  him  to  remem- 
ber his  death,  so  as  to  display  the  same  courage  when  those  of  his 
nation  would  take  vengeance  on  them  ;  and  when  a  savage,  weary 
of  his  harangues,  gave  him  some  cuts  of  a  knife,  "  I  thank  thee," 
he  cried,  "but  thou  oughtest  to  complete  my  death  by  fire. 
Learn,  French  dogs!  and  ye,  savages!  their  allies — that  ye  are 
the  dogs  of  dogs.  Remember  what  ye  ought  to  do;  when  you 
will  be  in  the  same  position  that  I  am."  Similar  sentiments 
will  be  fout;d  perhaps  to  flow  rather  from  ferociousness,  than  true 
valour;  but  there  are  heroes  among  barbarians  as  well  among  the 
most  polished  nations,  and  what  would  be  brutality  in  us  may  pass 
for  valour  with  an  Iroquois. 

Th(;  9th  M.  de  Vaudrenil  returned  from  Oneida  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  He  departed  on  the  morning  of  the  6th,  with  a 
detachment  of  six  to  seven  hundred  of  tlie  most  active  men  of 
the  whole  army,  soldiers,  militia  and  Indians  He  had,  under 
liim,  Sieurs  de  Louvigny  and  de  Linvillieres,  Captain  ;  Dcsjordis 
and  Dauberville,  Calvinist  Captains;  Soulange  and  de  Sabrevois, 
lieutenants  of  foot,  and  several  other  subaltern  officers.  Sieur 
de  Villedenay,  also  lieutenant,  acted  as  his  Aide  de  Camp. 
'  As  it  was  necessary  to  use  great  expedition,  they  did  not  march 
in  as  exact  order  as  the  army  had  done  ;  M.  de  Vaudreuil  con- 


« 


1 1 


>:|i 


AGAIMST  THK  OM0MDA6A8. 


336 


rhe 
the 
,ain. 
I  and 
lete. 
!  was  ' 

fate, 
as  to 
I  vrbo 
thiit  it 
e  ibey 
ing  his 
should 
is  lips, 
remem- 
!e  of  his 
J,  weary 
c  thee," 
by  fire, 
t  ye  are 
len  you 

itiments 

lan  true 

|ong  the 

lay  pass 

o'clock 

with  a 

men  of 

under 

jesjordis 

abrevois, 

Sieur 

)t  march 
•uil  con- 


tented himself  thro  wine;  the  scouts  some  quarter  of  a  league  in 
advance  j  and  on  the  wings,  between  the  scouts  and  the  main  body 
he  ])Iaced  a  detached  corps  of  50,  a  forlorn  hope  commanded  in 
turn  by  a  lieutenant.  They  arrived  on  the  same  day  before  sun- 
down within  a  league  of  the  village ;  they  would  have  pushed 
even  farther  if  the  convenience  of  encamping  on  the  bank  of  a 
beautiful  river  had  not  invited  them  to  halt.  They  were  at  the 
firs:  dawn  in  sight  of  the  village  and  as  they  were  about  to  enter 
the  fii'lds  of  Indian  corn,  they  met  the  Deputies  of  all  that 
Nation. 

They  requested  M.  de  Vaudreuil  to  halt,  fearing  that  our  sava- 
ges would  spoil  their  crops,  assuring  him  that  they  would  execute 
in  good  faith  the  orders  which  M.  le  Comte  had  given  to  their 
first  delegate. 

M.  de  Vaudreuil  determined  also  on  his  side  to  obey  punctually 
those  which  he  had  received,  told  them  it  was  useless  for  them  to 
think  of  preserving  their  grain,  as,  according  to  the  word  of  their 
Father  they  should  not  want  for  any  when  retired  among  us ; 
that,  therefore,  he  should  cut  all  down  j  that  their  fort  and  cabins 
would  not,  either,  be  spared,  having  every  thing  ready  for  their 
reception. 

He  found  in  the  village  but  25  @  40  persons,  almost  all  having 
fled  at  the  sight  of  the  detachment,  but  the  most  influential  chiefs 
had  remained.  M.  de  Vaudreuil  consented  that  two  or  three  men 
should  follow  these  fugitives  to  try  to  bring  them  back. 

On  entering  this  village  a  young  French  woman  was  found  a 
prisoner,  just  arrived  from  the  Mohawk.  She  reported  that  that 
Nation  and  the  Enu;lish  to  the  number  of  300,  were  preparing  to 
attack  us.  A  Mohawk  who  had  deserted  from  the  Sault  last  year, 
the  same  who  had  given  information  of  the  proposed  attack 
against  his  Nation,  was  captured  roving  around  the  village.  He 
said  he  came  there  intending  to  surrender  himself  to  us,  which  it 
was  pretended  to  believe.  An  eye  was  kepi  on  him,  notwith- 
standing.    He  confirmed  the  report  of  the  young  French  woman. 

Another  savage,  also  of  the  same  Nation,  but  who  had  been 
captured  with  a  party  of  our  people  of  the  Sault,  where  he  resided, 
assured  M.   de  Vaudreuil   that  the  English  and  Moliawks   had 


% 


!   . 


A 


I 


aae 


COUNT  FBOMTBHiuC'S  ISPKUTIOH 


indeed  set  out  to  come ;  that  many  of  the  former  had  moved  out 
from  Orange,  but  that  they  had  contented  themselves  with 
remaining  outside  some  hours  in  line,  and  had  returned ;  that  the 
consternation  was  pretty  general  among  the  one  and  the  other. 

This  last  intelligence  caused  M.  de  Yaudreuil's  detachment  «• 
much  regret  as  the  first  had  given  them  joy.  It  was  received 
with  a  thousand  yells  of  satisfaction,  particularly  by  the  Abenaki's 
who  said  they  had  need  neither  of  knives  nor  hatchets  to  beat  the 
English  ;  that  it  was  idle  to  waste  powder  on  such  a  set. 

M.  de  Yaudreuil  resolved  to  await  them  in  the  wood  withodt 
shutting  himself  up  in  the  fort.  He  left  on  the  9^^  between  nine 
and  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  after  having  seen  it  burned  and  the 
corn  entirely  cut.  He  camped  the  same  night  two  leagues  from 
Onnontagu6.  The  celerity  of  his  movements  cannot  be  too  much 
praised,  since  he  occupied  only  three  days  in  going,  coming  and 
executing  all  he  had  to  do,  although  from  one  village  to  the  other 
was  fourteen  good  leagues  in  the  woods  with  continual  mountains 
and  a  multitude  of  rivers  and  large  streams  to  be  crossed.  He 
was  therefore  not  expected  so  soon,  and  M.  le  Comte  was  agreea- 
bly surprized  to  see  him  return  in  so  short  a  time  with  35  Oneidas, 
among  whom  were  as  we  have  said,  the  principal  Chiefs  of  the 
nation,  and  four  of  our  French,  prisoners. 

But  we  are  accustomed  in  Canada  to  see  him  perform  so  many 
gallant  actions,  and  he  has  the  King's  service  so  mud:  at  heart 
that  those  acquainted  with  him  will  not  be  surprized  at  this,  how- 
ever extraordinary  it  be. 

The  Mohawk  deserter  was  burnt  before  the  departure  of  the 
army  who  camped  that  same  day  midway  from  the  foit  where  the 
batteaux  were  left ;  some  savages  having  remained  behind  in  the 
hope  of  finding  more  plunder  received  the  fire  of  a  small  party ; 
three  of  them  w^ere  killed  without  the  enemy  daring  to  advance 
near  enough  to  take  their  scalps. 

The  fort  was  reached  on  the  10'^  and  destroyed.  The  army 
cncam|>€(l  on  the  11"'  below  the  Portage,  and  on  the  I2"i  at  10 
o'clock  in  the  morning  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  on  Lake  Fron- 
tenac.  It  was  time  to  quit  that  river,  and  if  the  waters  had  been 
as  low  as  they  ordinarily  are  in  the  month  of  August  a  portion  of 


AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


337 


leart 

lOW- 


tbe 

the 

the 
irty ; 
^ance 

irroy 
lit  10 
^ron- 
Ibeen 

>n  of 


the  batteaux  should  have  been,  of  necessity,  aban  ^oned.  A  very 
violent  gale  from  the  West  retained  the  army  until  the  14'*>  and 
though  it  was  not  altogether  calm,  ten  leagues  were  made  that 
day  under  sail,  though  we  did  not  leave  until  nocni. 

The  navigation  is  pretty  dangerous  for  canoes  and  batteaux ; 
the  waves  extraordinarily  high,  and  the  landlig  very  difficult, 
there  belig  numerous  shoals  in  some  places  and  in  others  head- 
lands against  which  the  sea  breaks  at  a  stupendous  height.  We 
camped  in  a  river  where  the  wind  was  less  violent,  and  arrived 
next  day,  the  15*,  at  Fort  Frontenac. 

On  the  16*'',  the  mihlia  and  soldiers  were  occupied  conveying 
fire-wood  to  the  fort  and  in  cutting  and  transporting  what  was 
necessary  for  the  requisite  planks  and  boards.  The  masons  who 
had  been  left  there  had  erected  during  the  Count's  absence  a  buildr 
ing  of  120  feet,  along  one  of  the  curtains,  not  so  high  on  that 
side  as  the  parapet.  The  wood  work  is  attached,  and  there  is  a 
range  of  loop  holes  along  the  upper  loft  as  in  the  remainder  of 
the  fort.  This  long  building  contains  a  chapel,  the  officers'  quar- 
ters, a  bakery  and  the  stores  which  are  at  present  filled  with  pro- 
visions for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops  for  more  than  eight  months, 
exclusive  of  refreshments  and  what  will  be  required  for  the  Indiana 
who  may  pass  there.  The  two  pieces  of  cannon,  one  of  which 
was  employed  in  the  campaign  and  a  quantity  of  grenades  were 
left  there.  The  army  sojourned  there  the  17*''  j  encamped  on  the 
18*  at  La  Galette  and  on  the  19*  on  Lake  St.  Francis. 

On  the  same  day,  the  enemy  attacked  some  canoes  of  our  peo- 
ple, who  had  found  means  to  precede  us.  One  of  our  party  was 
drowned,  one  wounded ;  the  enemy  lost  three  men  and  could  not 
be  captured  by  a  detachment  which  was  sent  in  pursuit. 

On  the  20*  we  arrived  at  Montreal.  Some  batteaux  upset  in 
the  rapids  and  three  militiamen  were  drowned.  We  were  obliged 
to  make  good  to  the  others  the  arms  and  bagage  that  the  boat  lost 
by  upsetting.  ^  •. 

We  might  extend  the  narrative  of  this  campaign  to  a  greater 
length,  but  as  we  should  be  obliged  to  use  terms  little  known  to 
those  unacquainted  with  Canada,  we  considered  this  slight  sketch 
would  suffice. 

22 


It", 

l!'  ' 


Vi^ 


m 


COUNT  FBONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION 


It  might  have  been  more  advantageous  to  His  Majesty's  arms, 
and  more  glorious  to  Count  de  Frontenac,  had  the  Onnontp}.Mi<5s 
followed  their  first  plan  j  it  would  have,  no  doubt,  cost  the  li'-ps 
of  some  brave  men,  as  the  Iroquois  do  not  fight  with  impunity. 
There  might  hav<  been,  perhaps,  six  to  seven  hundred  men  in  iheir 
fort  including  those  who  had  come  to  their  aid,  and  scarcely  any 
would  have  escaped  ;  but  their  loss  cannoi  fail  to  be  considerable. 
After  M.  Denonville's  [departure  from]  the  Seneca  country,  we 
know  the  difficulty  that  Nation  had  to  subsist  for  several  years. 
The  Iroquois  were  powerful,  and  are  diminished  sipce ;  assistance 
from  the  English,  especially  in  provisions,  comes  in  less  abun- 
dantly J  wheat  is  worth  twenty  francs  the  minot  [three  bushels]  at 
Orange;  the  pound  of  powder,  a  pistole;  lead  and  other  mer- 
chandize are,  in  truth,  cheaper  than  with  us. 

The  Mohiwks  have  very  little  Indian  corn ;  the  Oneidas  are 
mined,  and  it  is  not  known  whether  the  Senecas  will  not  remem- 
ber the  high  price  the  Onnontagu^s  set  on  provisions  at  the  time 
of  their  discomfiture,  when  they  were  obliged  to  give  most  valuablp 
belts  for  supplies.  There  remain  then  only  the  Cayugas  who  can 
succor  their  neighbours,  and  we  cannot  say  if  they  alone  are  suffi- 
cient for  that  purpose.  Their  hunting  and  fishing  will,  without 
doubt  be  inteTupted  by  the  different  small  parlies  now  in  the 
field.  In  fine,  it  is  certain,  by  continuing  the  war  as  at  its  com- 
mencement, and  as  Count  de  Froptenac  determined,  the  Iroquoisi 
■will  be  reduced  to;  the  necessity  of  dying  of  hunger,  or  accepting 
peace  on  the  conditions  we  may  think  proper  to  impose  on  them; 
and  if  the  almost  invincible  obstinacy  they  seem  to  have  to  wage 
it  with  us  continue,  we  will  not  despair  to  bring  them  to  it,  if 
this  blow,  struck  without  the  participation  of  our  allies  from  above^ 
and  which  they  did  not  believe  could  be  undertaken  without  them, 
could  force  them  to  make  as  great  efforts  on  their  side  as  we  hav? 
made  on  ours ;  it  will  be  easy  to  urge  them  to  it  as  long  as  ihe 
French  remain  at  Missilimakinac  and  at  other  posts,  but  when  the 
fatal  moment  of  their  return  arrives,  their  absence  will  put  an 
absolute  termination  to  the  little  good  will  the  former  may  feel 
towards  us,  when  they  shall  see  themselves  abandoned.  Possibly 
they  will  be  greatly  cooled  down  this  autumn,  seeing  neither  pow- 


ir 


AGAIH8T  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


339 


der  tior  bsU,  nor  goods  coming  to  them.  How  can  they  be  per- 
isuaded  to  wage  war  without  furnishing  them  with  the  means  j 
how  can  the  destruction  of  the  Iroquois  be  completed  without 
their  aid,  if  they  withdraw  from  us  and  retire  into  the  woods  7 

Count  de  Frontenac  learned  on  his  arrival,  that  an  Onontagu^ 
who  had  been  captured  at  the  fort  above  the  island  of  Montreal 
[killed]  himself  in  prison. 

On  the  22*'  August,  thirteen  Algonquins  brought  in  two  Mo- 
hawk scalps,  and  one  woman  and  two  girls,  pri'  ors.  Seven 
savages  from  the  Sault  and  the  Mountain  who  hii  een  detached 
to  Oneida  with  Mons'  de  Vaudreuil,  brought  in  a  prisoner  of  the 
same  Nation,  who  was  burned  at  Montreal.  Some  small  parties 
of  the  enemy  appeared  along  the  south  shore,  but  they  made  no 
attack,  and  the  harvest  has  been  saved  very  quietly. 


dOLL.  feETCHER  tO  THE  LORDS  OF  THE  LATE  COM- 
:       MITTEE  DATED  THE  22»  AUG.  1696. 

May  it  please  your  Lordships.  ^ 

On  the  2"^  instant  I  had  intelligence  the  Governor  of 
Canida  was  in  our  Indian  Co\intry  with  1000  French  and  2000 
Indians,  and  that  the  people  of  Albany  were  in  some  consternation 
lest  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations  should  joyne  with  them  and 
fall  down  upon  Schenectady  and  Albany.  He  surprized  one  Castle 
at  Oneyde  which  he  burnt,  and  destroyed  the  Indian  come.  The 
Onondages  sent  away  their  old  men,  women  and  children  to  the 
southward,  the  young  men  tarryed  'till  they  perceived  the  French 
were  too  numerous  for  them,  then  burnt  their  Fort  and  retreate<l, 
leaving  their  come  to  be  destroyed.  It  is  reported  by  some  pri- 
soners that  did  escape,  that  an  Indian  brought  tydings  to  Count 
Frontenac,  that  I  was  on  my  march  from  Albany  with  a  great 
army  as  numerous  as  the  trees  of  the  woods,  which  hastened  his 
retreat,  the  Cayounges  and  Sinnckes  are  no[t]  hurt,  I  wrot  to 
Connecticut  for  their  quota  and  to  the  Governour  of  the  Jerseys 


i 


;    t 


1    i 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


t^ 


<.^.«^i^ 


1.0 


I.I 


2.0 


m 


|l.25  1  1.4    ||i.6 

^ 

6" 

> 

Hiotographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  873-4503 


340 


COUNT  FBONTENAC'S  EZPEDITIOIT 


for  men  to  meet  me  at  Albany,  but  all  my  endeavours  could  no^. 
obtain  one  man  from  them 

It  is  resolved  in  Council  here  for  His  Maj^r'  service  that  the 
Oneydes  and  Onondages  be  supply'd  with  come  the  ensuing  yeare 
which  will  add  to  the  charges  of  this  Province. 

I  have  herewith  transmitted  to  your  LordP^  a  copy  of  my  pro- 
ceedings at  Albany  on  this  occasion,  I  have  delayed  the  giving 
them  the  present  from  His  Maj^y  untill  such  time  I  can  get  them 
all  together,  and  having  received  advice  from  the  R*  Hon^'«  the 
Lords  of  His  Maj'7'  Privy  Council  of  a  designe  the  French  have 
upon  some  part  of  America,  I  hastened  to  Yorke,  for  in  a  month 
or  six  weeks  time  the  winds  are  esteemed  a  defence  to  this  Coast. 


-  "f 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  UTE  EXPEDITION  TO  ALBANY 
IN  THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST  1696. 

[London  Doe.  X.] 

July  31.  His  Excelly  Benjamin  Fletcher  had  certain  intelli- 
gence that  the  French  were  on  their  march  against  the  Indians  of 
the  Five  Nations. 

Sunday  Aug*^  the  2^.  Intelligence  came  the  French  were  in 
the  Indian  Countrey  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  Albany'  were  ap- 
prehensive of  their  marching  against  that  garrison.  At  the  same 
time  came  a  letter  from  the  R*  Honi>ie  the  Lords  of  his  Ma''*  Privy 
Council  advising  of  preparac6ns  made  by  the  French  against  some 
part  of  America,  His  Excell.  the  same  day  did  recommend  to  tlie 
Council  to  cause  the  guns  and  batterys  to  be  put  in  order  and 
about  noone  took  his  departure  for  Albany. 

On  the  1^  of  Aug**  his  Excell  arrived  at  Albany  and  calkd  a 
Council  of  such  gentl.  and  officers  as  were  upon  the  frontiers. 


'I^'%. . 


AGAINST  THE  0M0NDAGA8. 


[Council  Min.  Vol.  VII.] 


sii 


At  a  Council  held  at  Albany  the  1^  day  of  August  1696. 
Present.     His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 
Coll.  ^ich.  Bayard  of  the        Coll.  Rich<i  Ingoldesby 


Council 
Maj'  Peter  Schuyler  of  the 

Council 
Matth:  Clarkson  Seer 
L'  Coll.  Charles  Lodwick 


Capt  James  Weems 
Capt  William  Hyde 
Capt.  Peter  Matthews 
Evert  Banker  Esq' 
Dirck  Wessells,  Esq. 


Mr.  Dellius  the  Minister  to  the  Indians 

His  Excell  the  Governor  said : — 

Gentl.  As  soon  as  I  had  certaine  notice  from  you  that  the 
enemy  were  marched  into  the  Coimtrey  of  our  Indian  friends,  and 
by  the  number  of  their  forces  did  seeme  to  threaten  this  place  &, 
Schenectady,  I  made  all  the  haste  I  could  to  yo' assistance,  loosing 
no  more  time  but  while  I  wrott  to  Connecticutt  &  the  Jerseyts  for 
such  supplys  of  men  as  I  conceived  necessary  upon  this  occasion 
by  this  letter  which  I  received  at  the  same  time  (with  those  from 
Albany)  from  the  Lords  of  His  Matyes  Council  in  England, 
you  will  see  that  I  could  not  reasonably  draw  forces  from  New 
Yorke  nor  be  well  spared  from  that  place  myself;  yet  by  advice 
of  his  Ma^y^'  Council  there  I  am  come  up  with  a  part  of  my  own 
Company  and  desire  yo'  advice  what  is  most  proper  to  be  done 
for  the  King's  service  and  y'  own  safetyes  and  for  the  secureing 
the  Indians  in  their  fidelity  and  renewing  the  covenant  chain :  this 
we  are  to  consider,  that  time  may  not  be  lost  and  the  Countrey 
not  burthened  by  an  unnecessary  charge. 

His  Excell.  further  proposed  sending  thirty  men  of  his  own 
Company  now  brought  up  with  him  with  a  detachment  of  twenty 
out  of  each  of  the  three  Companyes  here,  into  the  Indian  Countrey 
to  cover  the  retreate  of  our  Indians  and  secure  them  from  their 
fears. 

The  Council  were  of  opinion  the  French  being  retreated  it- 
would  be  an  unnecessary  charge.  And  offered  their  advice  that 
the  Sachems  of  the  Oneydes  should  be  sent  for  (who  are  here) 
and  their  losse  condoled,  which  was  accordingly  done. 


•"  ■■  t| 


■H.   ..  •"  '  .1 


I    '^ 


Ut-       ?-, 


r 


# 


OOVNT  niONTENAC^S  BXPSDITION 


The  Council  are  of  opinion  that  the  members  of  Council  present 
with  the  officers  of  the  Companyes  and  principle  inhabitants  of 
this  place  should  meet  &  consult  with  the  chiefe  Indians  now  in 
town  about  the  propperest  methods  for  bringing  back  those  Indians 
that  are  fledd,  and  settling  them  firm  again  in  the  covenant  chain, 
and  make  report  what  t^ey  have  done  therein  to  His  Excellency. 
Which  Hb  Excell.  did  approve  of  &  order  accordingly 

May  it  please  <yo' Excell. 

In  obedience  to  yo'  ExcelK  order  of  the  1^^  instant  we  under- 
written have  mett  &  considered  about  the  propercst  methods  for 
bringing  both  those  Indian  Nations  viz^  the  Onondages  and  Oney- 
4f^  that  are  f^ed,  and  renewing  with  them  and  the  rest  of  the  Five 
Ij^tipps  tb^  Cpv^nai^t  Chain,  and  having  thereupon  sounded  the 
Qpjjqions.of  thie.  S^chtms  of  the  M&quaes  amlOneydos  Nations  and 
M^^all  of  their  chiefe  men  now  at  Albany,  do  humbly  offer  as 
j^t  Qpinions  th^t  since  we  are  informed  that  it  is  now  twelve  dayes 
•gPithe  French,  army  left  the  Indian  Countrey  and  that  the  Sonekes 
11^4 'C^youges. are  still  undisturbed  in  their  own  country  that  the 
QUfnondage  Nation  upon  the  approach  of  the  enemy  have  set  their 
awjn  Castle  ou  fire  and  all  fledd  to  be  out  of  the  enemy's  reach, 
thf^lthe  Oneydes  Nation  have  in  like  manner  left  their  Castle  and 
gfe^t  part  of  them  already  are  come  in  here  to  Albany  for  reliefe 
i|i)^^t})eir:want4, of  provision  and  ammunic.n  &c.  and  that  the  Ma- 
(|\)f^,  Nation  or  great  part  of  them  are  in  the  like  manner  come  in 
hilliher)  We  cannot  perceive  that  it  can  be  any  great  service  to 
tend  any  great  body  of  men  now  to  the  Upper  Nations,  who  are 
•eated  at  that  distance  from  hence,  neither  can  any  men  be  well 
placed  from  Albany,  here  being  only  three  establisht  companyes 
in  garrison  with  a  detachment  of  yo'  Excell.  own  Company  now 
hiovght  with. you,  besides  a  few  inhabitants;  which  we  judge  to 
bp,  little  enough  for  the  defence  of  the  place :  but  we  humbly  sup- 
pose that  its  of  absolute  necessity  that  small  partyes  be  frequently 
Hnt  out  to  clear  the  coast  from  such  small  iroops  that  may  come 
tq^iannoy  the  adjacent  farmes  in  getting-  in  their  h'lrvest ;  and  lastly 
YiilhiSubmissioi^  we  are  of  opinion  that  the  best  method  to  reduce 


1 

J 


A&AINit  THE  OifOimiOAB. 


m 


the  Indians  that  are  fled  &  to  unite  them  with  the  rest  to  this  go- 
Veirhinent  as  formerly  in  renewing  the  Covenant  chain,  is, — 

First,  that  trusty  and  faithfull  Indians  he  prdcured  and  sent  to 
CH^  Senekes  And  Cayoug6s  iii  their  Castles  a  d  to  the  dnondagci 
tHat  dre  fledd,  with  instruccdhs  to  acquaint  them  that  Itis  Bxcell. 
th6  Governor  upon  the  first  hew'es  of  the  l^rench  invading  their 
Cbiintry  came  Ho  Albany  from  New  It orke  in  order  for  jtK^ir  ai- 
^stan^e  k  releifb. 

it.  Tliat  upoh  hid  fixcell.  comeing  idither  he  liad  iniielligence 
tlie  enemy  was  already  departed  out  of  our  Indian  Countrey. 

dl  "that  it  is  hardly  possit)le  to  have  a  meeting  with  all  the 
brethrJen  of  the  Five  Nations  now  to  consult  with  them  what  may 
be  propper  for  the  common  good  and  to  present  them  with  those 
things  which  are  sent  to  them  from  his  Excell :  great  Master  the 
ll^ih^  of  Great  Brittaine. 

4.  That  therefore  yo'  £xcell.  d!b  appoint  the  brethren  to  meet 
ybu  thereunto  at  Albany  this  day  two  months,  but  if  it  should  so 
h'apipen  that  by  reason  of  the  Onnondages  being  fledd  the  brethren 
could  not  then  meet  in  a  body  at  that  time  the  Onnondages  and 
Siehekes  and  Cayougcs  will  consult  and  pitch  upon  the  time,  and 
to  give  yo<^  Excellency  timely  notice  thereof  to  the  end  the  bre« 
thiren  of  the  Maquaes  and  Qneydes  may  be  acquainted  therewith 
accordingly,    Dated  the  S^'i  of  August  in  Albany  1696 

NicH  Bayabo 

Cr.  Dellius  Cvert  Bancker  .    ^^ 

DiRck  WEssELLdi'  V'  Schuyler. 

Copy  of  a  Cfofhniisiibh  left  iy  fits  ExckU. 

Bihjamin  Fletchcf,  Capt.  Gen'  &  Govern'  iii  Cliiefe  of  ^is 
Ma^yc"  Province  of  New-Yorke,  &c.  to  Peter  Schuyler  Esq.  one 
of  his  toy o"  Council  for  the  s**  i*rovince,  Mr.  Godfrey  Dellius 
Minister  at  Albany  and  places  adjacent,  Maj'  Dirck  vVessellsand 
tRfe  May'  of  the  City  for  tlie  time  being.  I  doe  by  virtue  of  the 
pbxver  and  authority  to  me  giVeri  by  his  Maty*  Letters  Patents 
uifi'd^r  the  Greate  Scale  of  England,  hereby  impowcr  you  or  any 
t^*6  of  you  to  treat  confc^  ahd  consult  with  the  Five  Indian 


<     » •> 


lKtO.! 


'9^  covvt  i:bontenac'8  exfeditiok 

Nations  of  the  Maquaes  Oneydcs  Onondages  and  Sinnekes  whohay« 
lutherto  been  faithful  to  my  Master,  his  Majesty  of  Great  Britta^n, 
France  &  Ireland,  &<'.  and  to  hold  a  correspondence  vrith  them 
pursuant  to  such  instruccdns  as  you  shall  from  time  to  time  re- 
ceive from  me,  so  as  by  y  endeavours  they  may  be  confirmed  in 
their  fidelity  and  allegiance.  And  from  time  to  time  you  are  here> 
by  required  to  give  a  constant  and  minute  account  jof  all  yo'  pro- 
ceedings to  me  &  his  Ma*7«*  Council  for  the  province  of  New 
Yorke,  and  I  doe  hereby  supersede  vacate  make  null  any  former 
warr*  or  commission  granted  in  this  behalfe.  Given  under  my 
hand  and  seal  att  Albany  the  tenth  day  of  August  in  the  8^^  year 
of  his  Ma^yes  reigne    Anno  Dmi  1696.  Ben.  Fletcheb. 

(Copy.)  T%e  Instructions. 

Instrucc6ns  for  Major  Peter  Schuyler  one  of  his  M^tycs  Council 
for  the  Province  of  New- Yorke,  Mr.  Godfrey  Dellius  Maj'  Dirck 
Wessells  and  the  May'  of  Albany  for  the  time  being,  commission- 
ated  by  me  in  my  absence  to  conferr  with  the  Five  Indian  Nations 
for  his  Ma^yo'  service  pursuant  to  the  s*>  Commission. 

To  send  out  trusty  and  faithfull  Indians  with  one  or  two  Chris- 
tians that  understand  the  Indian  Language  to  the  Castles  of  the 
Sinnekes  Cayouges  and  Onnondages  who  are  fled,  to  acquaint 
them  that  upon  the  first  news  I  had  of  the  French  Invasion  I  came 
up  to  their  reliefe  and  assistance. 

That  att  my  arrivall  at  Albany  I  had  intelligence  the  French 
were  retreated  out  of  their  country. 

That  I  am  desirous  to  have  a  meeting  with  the  Five  Nations  at 
Albany  to  consult  with  them  what  may  be  proper  for  their  com- 
mon good  and  safety,  and  present  them  with  such  thmgs  as  are 
sent  from  my  Great  Master  the  King. 

And  that  I  desire  to  meet  them  the  Eleventh  day  of  October 
next,  but  if  it  should  so  happen  there  be  reason  of  their  seperac6n 
and  flight  the  brethren  cannot  meet  in  a  body  at  that  time,  the 
Onnondages,  Sennekcs,  and  Cayouges  being  the  uppermost  Na- 
tions do  consult  and  appoint  a  time  and  give  me  notice  thereof, 
to  the  end  the  brethren  of  the  Maquaesiand  Oneydes  be  acquainted 
therewith  that  the  meeting  may  not  faile. 


f :  1 ' 


AGAINST  niE  ON0NDA0A8. 


80 


That  if  any  of  the  Sachims  come  down  in  my  absence  you  hear 
and  answer  their  propositions  as  you  shall  finde  most  to  conduce 
to  his  Ma*>'^*  service  and  the  safety  of  the  Province. 

That  by  all  opportunityes  yon  give  a  minute  account  of  these 
affairs  to  me  and  his  Ma*^*^*  Council  for  this  Province  and  from 
time  to  time  follow  such  further  directions  and  instruccdns  as  you 
jhall  receive  from  us. 

And  it  is  hereby  further  directed  by  &  with  the  advice  of  those 
of  his  Ma'}^*  Council  here  present  that  the  sume  of  One  Hundred 
pounds  be  lodged  in  the  hands  of  M'  Dellius  towards  the  defray- 
ing the  necessary  charges  of  these  persons  thus  employed  for  his 
Ma*^*  service  of  which  he  is  hereby  obliged  to  give  a  particular 
account  to  me  and  for  his  Ma^^*  Coimcil  at  New  Yorke  or  to  the 
Govemour  &  Council  for  the  time  being.  Given  under  my  hand 
and  seale  at  Albany  the  tenth  day  of  August  in  the  eighth  year 
of  his  Ma*y*"  reigne  Anno  Domini  1690. 

Ben  Fletcheb 
(Signed)  David  Jamison  CI.  Concilij. 

[Conneil  Minutes  VII.] 

Att  a  Council  held  at  his  Matyes  ffort  in  New  Yorke  the  18** 
of  Augt  1696 

Present  His  Excell:  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 

Steph  Cortlandt        )  John  Lawrence         ^  p    «■ 

Nich:  Bayard  >  Esq"        Caleb  Heathcote       )     ^ 

Gabr  Monvielle         ) 

Resolved  the  Indians  of  the  two  Nations  of  Onnondage  and 
Oneyde  whose  Corn  is  destroyed  by  the  enemy  be  supply ed  the 
ensuing  winter  at  the  charge  of  this  Government. 

Ordered  no  Indian  Corne  be  brought  down  the  river  from 
Albany^  Vlster  and  Dutchesse  County es  untill  the  Indiaijs  be  snp- 
plycd  this  ensueing  winter  and  that  the  Comniisioners  appointed 
to  treate  with  the  Indians  in  his  Excell:  absence  do  purchase  soe 
much  corne  as  is  necessary  for  them. 


'V- 


i» 


<  ^    :1( 


;    *»! 


I: 

r, 


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t 

!  i. 

-  if' 


ll 


I  i 


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h*: 


..81' 


tr{ 


fe 


^^^  -■>  .      • 


rS.         ' 


itt 


OOVtft  raOHTSNAC'B  EZPfeDXinOM 


LETTER  FROM  COU.  FLETCHER  TO  Mr.  BLAITHWATTE, 
DATED  THE  ISth  SEPT*  169«. 

[Load.  Doc.  X.] 

Sir — ^I  am  not  willing  to  take  up  much  of  your  time  by  my 
icunry  acribblbgs ;  having  said  all  that  occurs  to  my  thoughts  in 
this  hasty  call  from  the  Five  Lidian  Nations,  who  have  been  driven 
hy^  the  French  from  their  wooden  castles  and  are  returned  j  they 
diesire  to  see  tae  at  Albany  in  a  short  warning  and  I  am  now  ready 
to  step  on  board.  The  French  Count  of  Canada  has  made  but  a 
very  silly  businesse  of  it  after  three  years  preparation  afrighting 
a  few  naked  Indians  only ;  by  this,  he  shews  them  his  strength 
and*  his  mercy,  being  this  summer  recruited  from  France,  he  told 
all  he  took  prisoners,  his  business  was  to  bring  them  under  the 
protection  of  his  Master  but  not  to  destroy  them.  Our  Ch'.efe 
Sachims  would  not  be  persuaded  to  stay  and  treate,  but  seeing  his 
force,  they  fleJ,  and  are  return'd.  I  hope  to  revitt  them  in  their 
allegiance,  by  the  presents  sent  from  His  Maj^7  and  an  addition 
sent  from  this  Province ;  but  yet  I  want  the  most  congent  ar- 
gument ;  a  good  body  of  men. 


A  JOURNALL 

OV.W»AT  PASSBD  IN  THE  E3CPEDITI0N  OF  HIS  EXCELL.  COLL.  BENJAMIN 
FLETCHER  CAFTAINE  GENERALL  AND  GOVERNOR  IN  CHIEFE  OF  THE 
PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORKE  &C.  TO  ALBANY  TO  RENEW  THE  COVENAW(T 
CrtAIN  WITH  THE  FIVE  CANTON  NATIONS  OF  INDIANS,  THE  MO- 
HA<),UES,  ONEYDES,  ONONDA6ES,  CAYOUGES  AND  SENNEKES. 

Sept.  17,  1696.  On  Thursday  after  sunsett  his  Excell:  im- 
barqued  at  Greenwich:  on  Tuesday  morning  arrived  at  Albany. 

22.  This  day  his  Excell.  viewed  the  fortifications  of  the  city 
and  gave  orders  to  yo  May'  and  Aldermen  for  such  reparac6ns  as 
were  found  needfull  in  the  blockhouses  platformes  and  stocka- 
does. 


AOAimrr  thb  onomdaoui. 


817 


27*i>  Sunday  aflernoone  the  Sachims  of  Qneyde  and  Onnon- 
dage  arrived  at  Albany,  in  the  evening  they  supped  with  his  Exh 
cell,  giving  great  expressions  of  y*  joy  and  8atisfacc6n  they  had 
in  meeting  his  Ezcell. 

28ti>  His  Excell  sent  Capt  James  Weems  to  new  the  garrison 
at  Schenectady  and  bring  report  to  His  Excell  what  necessary 
rjepairs  are  wanting  which  was  performed  accordbgly.. 

TlJoxs  day  the  Sachims  of  the  other  three  Nations  arrived  and 
desired  time  to  rest  themselves  till  tomorrow. 

29^^    His  Excell.  called  the  Sachims  together  and  spake. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albanj 
the  29th  of  September  1696 
Present  His  Excell  Coll  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 
Coll.  Nicholas  Bayard  \ 

William  Pinhome  Esq  >  of  the  Council 

Maj'  Peter  Schuyler  ) 

Matthew  Clarkson  Esq  Secretary. 
The  May',  Recorder  &,  Aldermen  of  Albany  Jtc 

His  Excell  said  : — 

Brethren,  It  is  an  inexpressible  satisfaction  to  me  that  I  see  you 
here.  I  do  heartily  condole  the  losse  our  brethren  the  Onondagcs 
and  Oneydcs  have  susteined  by  the  late  eruption  t  of  the  French 
army  from  Canida. 

Upon  the  first  certaine  intelligence  I  had,  I  came  up  in  person 
with  [what]  I  could  hastily  gather  for  your  assistance. 

And  I  am  now  here  and  present  you  the  Onondages  and  Oineydes 
these  two  belts  of  Wampum  as  a  confirmacon  of  my  sincerity  and 
these  kettles  to  repair  your  losse  in  that  kinde. 
Brethren 

Two  months  agoe  I  received  at  New  Yorke  the  first  intelligence 
that  the  French  had  made  an  insult  upon  your  country.  I  forth- 
with came  up  as  I  said  before  to  yo'  reliefe  and  assistance.  I  had 
an  account  before  I  did  reach  Albany  from  some  of  your  people 
that  the  French  army  were  retreated  and  marched  back  towards 
Cidnida.  I  then  sent  expresses  desiring  you  all  to  meet  me  at  this 
p^^(^e. ,    Some  time  after  I  received  yo'  answer  that  you  wou)d 


'■'i:,>| 


l! 


■I. 


1    ' 


iih 


%  ■■ 


F 


J';'-r^' 


'  i'  I 


i 

1;         1 

! 

jii:^ 

ii 

1, 

1 

i. 

1   , 


'Jl,-, '- '  '"^ 


l'i\    'J 


3i8 


OODNT  nOMTKNAc'a  EXPEUlTIOlT 


\ 


meet  me  about  this  time  in  Albany  ;  and  I  am  now  come  up  a 
second  time  this  summer  in  order  to  renew  the  Covenant  Chain 
and  to  consult  with  the  brethren  what  is  most  propper  and  may 
be  most  conducing  to  the  common  good  and  safety  of  the  whole 
House. 

I  do  acquaint  you  from  my  most  illustrious  Master  the  King  of 
Great  Brittaine,  France  and  Ireland,  that  he  will  always  extend 
his  gracious  protecdn  to  you  and  as  a  seal  of  it  His  Majesty  has 
commanded  me  to  deliver  you  these  presents  to  keep  bright  the 
Covenant  Chain  from  all  rust  and  to  strengthen  it  in  behalfe  of  all 
his  Majesty's  Subjects,  not  only  of  this  Province,  but  those  also 
of  New-England,  Connecticutt,  the  Jerseys,  Pensilvania,  Mary- 
land and  Virginia. 

^  list  of  the  PresAUs  sent  from  the  Kings  Most  Excellent 
Majesty  and  given  to  the  Indians  (vtV) 


24  blew  coats 

24  laced  halts 

24  p'  shoes  with  buckles 

24  shirts 

522  dozen  hose 

30  gunn  barrills  and  locks 

30  brasse  kettles 


1  barrell  powder 
400  weight  of  lead 
1000  flints 

1  grose  of  tobacco  pipes,  wood 

and  tinn 

2  grose  of  knives 

6  pound  of  Vermillion 


Prime  cost  in  England  of  the  above  goods  JS200  sterling. 
^  list  of  presents  added  hy  the  government  of^ew  Yorke. 


1  piece  of  duffils 

2  cask  of  Swan  shott 
7  barrills  powder 

14  large  kettles 

7  pieces  of  white  hamills  for  shirts 
All  which  cost  in  New  York  money,    . 
For  provision  to  the  Indians  and  repairing  their  arms 
Cash  for  Messengers,  Indian  Scouts  for  intelligence 

of  the  Enemyes  motion  p^  by  Mr.  Dellius,  Mr. 

Barker,  Maj'  Schuyler  &  Major  Wessells 
From  England  JE200  stg  in  New  York  money  is  . 


100  hatchetts 

64  j^  lbs  tobacco  in  roll 

2  grose  pipes 

Wampum  £3.  9.  ^ 

28gallonsrumm 

.£169    6    Al 
130  19    7 


100  00 
260  00 


0 
0 


inaiijeeao  4  iii 


AGAINST  THE  ONONOAGAI. 


849 


^  At  a  Meeting  of  the  Sachems  of  the  Fiv«  Nutions  at 

^  Albany  the  first  of  October  1696.  * 

*  Present 

(  His  Excell.  Coll.  Benjamin  Fletcher,  &c. 

Coll.  Nicholas  Bayard 
»  William  Pinhorne  Esq' 

'  Major  Peter  Schuyler 

Matth:  Clarkson,  Esq'.  SecT.  ' 

The  May'  Aldermen  of  Albany  &c. 
Sanonguirese  a  Sachim  of  the  Mohaques  was  Speaker 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  returne  you  thanks  for  what  you  have  said  the  day  be-' 
fore  yesterday  in  condoling  of  our  losse,  and  for  the  kettles  which 
you  gave  us  to  boyle  our  victuals  in  the  room  of  thbse  that  are  lost 
by  the  enemy  as  also  for  the  two  Belts  of  Wampum  given  us  as  a 
token  of  your  sincerity,  by  which  our  hearts  are  mightily  rejoiced 
and  lifted  up  in  this  our  poor  condition. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
'  We  are  exceedingly  rejoiced  that  the  great  King  over  the  Seas 
has  sent  to  us  in  this  our  low  condition,  by  which  our  hearts  are 
lifted  up,  we  were  ready  to  sink  in  a  miserable  perishing  Condi- 
tion and  this  makes  us  revive  again.  He  laid  down  six  Beaver 
Skins. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  come  to  desire  you  to  acquaint  the  Great  King  that  the- 
enemy  has  brought  us  to  a  very  low  Condition  and  have  distroyed 
five  of  our  Castles;  one  is  now  left,  and  if  that  be  destroyed  we 
know  not  what  to  do;  we  know  not  what  shall  become  of  US 
next ;  pray  let  the  Great  King  know  this. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  desire  that  since  the  Great  King  of  England  &c  has 
Cannoes  of  Seaventy  gunns  a  piece  and  many  forces,  you  may 
acquaint  him  that  it  is  a  great  pity  we  should  be  so  plagued  with 
soe  small  an  enemy  as  the  French  and  Indians  of  Canida.    We 
are  not  able  of  ourselves  to  destroy  them. 

We  are  become  a  small  people  and  much  lessened  by  the  warr. 
If  the  people  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys, 


vl 

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oouinr  fimrrBif AcPs  bjcpkditioh 

Connecticutt  and  New-England  who  have  all  put  their  hand  to 
the  Covenant  Chain  will  joyne  with  the  inhabitants  of  this  place 
we  are  ready  to  go  and  root  out  the  French  and  all  our  enemyea 
out  of  Canida.    He  then  laid  down  a  bundle  &f  six  Bever  skim, 
and  on  the  outside  thereof  a  draft  of  the  river  of  Canida  with  the 
g^i^       chiefe  places  thereof  marked  to  show  the  smallnesse 
|^^rM&       of  the  enemy  and  how  seated  upon  Canida  river ;  which 
they  desire  may  be  sent  over  and  shown  to  the  Great 
King. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 
We  again  thank  you  for  the  Message  you  have  brought  nt 
from  the  Great  King. 

And  we  pray  you  to  send  again  to  him  for  us  with  all  vigour 
tnd  speed)  and  to  lay  before  the  King  what  we  have  here  said, 
faile  not  in  writing,  faile  not  to  let  the  King  know  it.  We  give 
these  five  Beavers  to  the  man  that  writes,  to  pay  for  paper,  penn 
•nd  ink. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  desire  you  to  acquaint  the  Great  King  as  before,  that 
we  are  a  small  people  and  he  has  a  great  people  and  many  can- 
Boes  with  great  gunns,  we  desire  you  to  write  to  him  to  know 
whether  he  will  send  them  to  distroy  Canida  or  not  against  the 
next  time  the  trees  grow  green  ;  and  if  he  will  not  send  forces  to 
distroy  Canada  (hen  to  send  us  word  thereof  that  we  may  make 
peace  for  ourselves,  for  ever,  or  for  some  time. 

And  we  earnestly  pray  you  will  desire  the  Great  King  to  send 
us  an  answer  by  the  next  time  the  trees  grow  green.  He  laid 
down  a  bundle  of  six  bevers. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Five  Kationi  at 
Albany  Octob.  2d  1696. 
Preaent  Hk  Excell.  Coll.  Benjamin  Fletcher,  &c 

Coll.  Nich.  Bayard         \ 
William  Pinhome  Esq.   >  of  the  Council 
Major  Peter  Schuyler,     ) 
Matth;  Clarkson  Esq.  Sec7. 
The  May'  Recorder  &  Aldermen  of  Albany  &c 
Dackashata  a  Sachem  of  the  Sinnekes  was  Speaker 


ACUIBtT  TBS  OUOMIUOJUI. 


m 


3rpther  Cayenquiragoe 
Wc  come  to  condole  the  losse  you  daily  receive  having  daily 
alarms  of  sculking  partyes  of  the  enemy  doing  mischiefe.     Then 
ll^d  dowB  a  Belt  of  *Wampum. 
Brother  Cuyenquiragoe 
I  am  come  with  the  whole  House  to  consider  what  tends  to 
i\^p  comdn  good  of  th«  whole  House 
i^rpther  Cayenquiragoe 
We  come  here  to  quicken  the  fire^  and  renew  the  Covenaat 
chain, 
brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  come  to  renew  the  Covenant  chain  with  all  the  brethren 
of  New  England,  Connecticutt,  New  Yorke,  the  Jerseys,  Fca-^ 
^ijvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia  that  they  may  partake  of  the 
\|^f^mth  of  the  fir^. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  recommend  to  all  that  are  in  the  Covenant  Chain  to  be 
vigorous  and  keep  it  up. 
Pf Qther  Cayenquiragoe. 
W^eQ  all  is  said  I  drincke  to  all  yo'  healths  &  then  I  deliver 
yQ^  th^  cupp. 
brother  Cayenquiragoe. 
There  has  been  a  cloud  and  we  come  to  remove  it,  as  Uif 
^qn  in  the  ^loirning  removes  the  darknesse  of  the  night. 
Brpt^fir  Cayenquiragoe. 

T^e  tree  of  safety  and  welfare  planted  here  we  confirme  it. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 
As  th^  tpee  is  p)?tnted  here  and  confirmed,  so  we  make  liast 
all  the  roots  a^^  branches  of  it,  all  the  brethren  of  the  Five 
Nations  and  the  brethr^i^  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pensilvaaia, 
the  Jerseys,  "^^yf  Yprke,  Clonnecticutt  &  ffew  England. 
Brother  C^yenquirftgoe. 
We  wis^^  w«  may  rest  in  quictnesse  under  that  tree.    We 
fill  it  with  new  leaves,  and  wish  all  that  are  in  the  Covenant  chain 
may  have  the  benefite  to  s;tt  down  quiett  under  its  shaddow. 
Brother  Caye)^q^iragQe 
I  do  hereby  fen^w  tl^  covenant  chain  with  all  that  liave  put 


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362 


COUNT  FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION 


their  hands  in  it    Virginia,  Maryland,  Pensilvania  the  Jerseys, 
New  Yorke,  Connecticutt  &  New  England 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 
We  renew  the  covenant  chain  in  behalfe  of  the  whole  House, 
the  Mohaques,  Oneydes,  Onondages  Cayouges  &  Sinnekes 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  have  lately  had  the  losse  of  two  Castles  by  the  enemy, 
we  have  concluded  to  do  our  best  to  assist  them  and  we  desire 
Cayenquiragoe  will  doe  the  same. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  wish  the   Cannoes  may  go  to  and  again  in  safety 
that  the  Great  King  may  know  what  we  have  here  said  and 
that  we  may  have  an  answer.     We  now  have  made  our  word 
good :  here  is  the  cup.    Then  laid  down  some  small  bundles 
of  bever  saying — ^it  is  but  small,  but  [it]  is  as  it  were  saved  out 
of  the  fire. 
His  Excell :  stoo'd  up  and  said — 
Brethren 
I  have  heard  what  you  have  said,  and  have  here  renewed  the 
Covenant  Chain  with  all  the  Five  Naticns,  the  Mohaques,  Oney- 
das,  Onnondages,  Cayouges  &  Sinnekes  in  behalf  of  the  Brethren 
of  this  Province,  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys, 
Connecticutt  &  New  England  and  I  assure  the  Five  Nations  of 
His  Ma^'B*  protecc6n.    I  have  provided  for  you  some  victuals 
and  drink  to  drink  the  King's  health,  and  in  confirmac6n  thereof 
that  it  may  last  as  long  as  the  Sun  &  Moon  endures  I  give  this 
Belt  Wampum. 
The  principle  Sachim  of  the  Mohaques  called — Ohee. 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principle  of  Onevde  called — Ohee. 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principle  Sachim  of  Onnondage  called    Ohee. 
The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principle  Sachim  of  Cayouge  called    Ohee. 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh 
The  principle  Sachim  of  Sinneke  called — Ohee 
The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh 


AGAINST  THE  0N0NDAGA8. 


353 


In  the  evening  His  Excellency  did  appoint  the  principle  Sachims 
to  meet  him  at  a  private  conference  next  morning. 

At  a  pi;ivate  Meeting  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Five 
Nations  at  Albany  the  3^  Oct:  1696. 
Present  His  Excell.  Coll.  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 
Coll.  Nich.  Bayard  ^ 

William  Finhome  Esq.    >  of  the  Council 
Major  Peter  Schuyler      j 
Matthew  Clarkson  Esq:  Sect. 
His  Excellency  said  : — 
Brethren 
It  was  proposed  by  the  Speaker  of  the  Five  Nations  the 
first  day  that  I  should  write  to  my  Great  Master  the  King  of 
England  &c  concerning  the  warr  that  is  between  the  Five  Nations 
and  the  French  &  Indians  of  Canida  and  that  I  should  gett  an 
answer  from  the  Great  King  to  you  the  brethren  next  spring. 
Brethren 
I  must  assure  you  its  utterly  impossible  in  so  short  a  time  to 
send  over  to  my  Great  Master  and  to  receive  an  answer  for  rea- 
sons which  I  shall  now  give  you. 

The  way  over  the  great  sea  is  long,  the  danger  and  hazards  are 
many,  and  in  the  winter  season  many  storms  and  contrary  winds. 
Brethren, 
I  do  promise  you  to  use  all  the  speedyest  means  with  the 
first  opportunity  to  write  to  the  Great  King  and  to  gett  you  an 
answer  which  I  am  sure  will  be  to  yo'  content  and  satisfaction 
and  so  soon  as  it  comes  I  shall  communicate  it  to  you 
Brethren. 
In  the  mean  time  I  have  appointed  Maj'  Schuyler  M'  Dellius 
Major  Wessells  and  the  Mayor  of  the  Citty  of  Albany,  to  receive 
yo'  propositions  upon  any  occasions  that  may  happen  in  my  ab- 
sence. 
Brethren 
I  do  heartily  wish  you  home  well  to  yo'  own  castles  and 
that  you  may  look  out  and  be  rarefull  not  to  be  surprized  ;  you 
can  never  be  too  watchfull.    I  now  take  my  leave  of  you  and 
give  each  of  you  a  kegg  of  rumm  for  a  dram  to  comfort  you  in 

23 


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COUNT  FftONTENAc's  JDCPBDITIOM 


tl^e  wpy  home,  9nd  a  coat  to  keep  you  warm  in  the  wint^.  I 
shall  see  you  agaiv  {God  willing)  next  summer  or  sooaer  if  yo' 
affaires  call,  if  jt  please  God  to  continue  my  health. 

The  Sachims  offer  to  make  some  propositions. 
Sanongurese  Sachim  of  t^e  Mohagues  Speaker. 

Brother  Cfiy«nquii]agoe 
We  have  been  a  long  time  in  the  Gorenant  Chain  with  the 
brethren  of  New  7orke,  in  which  afterwards  at  sundry  times  the 
brethren  of  Virginia  Maryland  Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys,  Connec- 
ticutt  and  New  England  came  and  linked  themselyes.  They 
likie'd  the  chain  of  peace,  but  where  are  they  now ;  they  do  not 
lij^e  to  take  part  with  us  in  the  war.  They  are  all  asleep ;  diey 
c|ime  not  to  our  assistance  against  the  enemy ;  their  hands  hung 
down  straight,  and  their  arms  are  lame;  we  see  none  mmde  the 
warr  but  the  brethren  of  New  Yorke. 

We  are  now  down  upon  one  knee,  but  we  are  not  quite  down 
upon  the  ground ;  lett  the  Great  King  of  England  send  the  great 
Cannpes  with  seaventy  gunns  each,  and  let  the  brethren  of  Vir- 
ginia, Maryland,  Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys,  Connecticutt  &  New 
England  awake,  and  we  will  stand  up  straight  againe  upon  our 
feet ;  our  heart  is  yet  stout  and  good ;  we  doubt  not  but  tp  de- 
stroy the  enemy.     Then  laid  down  a  Belt  of  Wampum 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  again  desire  you  to  write  to  the  Great  King  and  to  gett 
us  an  answer  against  the  next  time  the  trees  ^ecome  green  and 
that  there  be  no  delay.  *  Let  it  not  be  said  to  us  the  cannoes  are 
lost  under  water,  or  that  the  wind  has  carried  them  into  another 
country,  or  the  like  excuse,  but  let  us  have  the  answer  against 
the  trees  grow  green,  without  faile,  for  we  are  in  great  need  of 
it.    Then  laid  down  a  Bever  Skin. 

To  which  His  Excell:  matle  answer. 
Brethren.    I  shall  be  faithfull  and  exact  to  my  promise  to  you 
T  shall  send  to  the  Great  King  my  Master  by  the  first  opportunity 
and  be  careful  in  sending  you  the  Great  Kings  answer,  as  I  told 
you  before  ;  but  I  cannot  be  positive  to  a  time  when  the  voyage 


\ 


h  i  ■ 


AGAINST  THB  ONOMDAGAS. 


856 


depends  upon  winde  and  weather  which  are  soe  uncertaine.    ] 

wish  you  well  to  yo'  castles. 
The  principle  Sachim  of  the  Mohaques  called— Ohee 
The  whole  number  of  Sachims  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh  &c. 


EXTRACT  OP  GOV.  FLETCHER'S  SPEECH 

AT  THE  OPKNINO  OF  4*''  SESS.  6*l>  PROV:  ASSEMBLY  16  OCTOB:  1696. 

[Oonneil  Mia.  YII.] 

M'  Speaker  I  am  to  acquaint  you  I  have  been  necessitated 
twice  ibis  summer  by  advice  and  consent  of  the  Gouncill  to  viate 
Albany  the  firench  Governor  of  Canida  marched  with  so  con- 
siderable a  force  into  the  Indian  Countrey  of  Onnondage  and 
Oneyde  that  I  could  not  suppose  his  design  would  end  there  but 
expected  that  he  would  with  that  strength  attempt  Albany  where 
I  was  ready  to  adjust  my  duty  in  defence  of  the  place  he  con- 
tented himselfe  with  a  poor  insult  over  our  naked  Indians  and 
retired  Yet  he  destroyed  the  Castles  and  come  of  those  two 
Nations  who  must  perish  this  winter  if  not  relieved  by  us. 

You  all  know  they  have  been  true  to  His  Matyes  interest  in 
joyning  with  this  Province  against  our  common  Enemy  the  firench 
and  unlesse  encouraged  may  be  compelled  by  poverty  to  make 
their  peace  with  them. 


Mi; 


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xn. 


J&m-fntk  3ktm\  lirf,  1700- 


LIST  OP  THE  OFFICERS  OP  THE  lOLITIA  OP  THE 
PBOVINCE  OP  NEW  YORKE,  1700. 

[Lond.  Doe.  zm.] 

A  Table  of  the  Number  of  the  seTerall  Regiments  in  y« 
Province  of  New  York. 
County  of  Suffolk  .        .        .        .        .        614 


Queen's  County 
King's  County 
Richmond  County  2  Comp*" 
City  &.  County  of  New  York 
County  of  West  Chester 
Ulster  and  Dutchess  County 
City  &  County  of  Albany 


Totall 


601 
280 
162 
681 
166 
326 
371 

3182  men 


Province  ofJfew  York 

List  of  y*  present  officers  of  y«  Militia  in  his  Ma*7>  Province 
of  New  York  in  America  commissionated  by  his  Excel.  Rich^  Earle 
of  Bellomonti  Capt  Generall  &  Gov'  in  Chief  in  &  over  his  Ma^r" 
said  Province  &c.  viz* 

Of  y*  Regiment  of  Militia  of  y*  County  of  Suffolk  on  y«  Island 

Nassaw 

Isaac  Arnold        ...         Colonel 

Henry  Pierson  .        .        Lieu*  Col  >  Field  Officers 

Matthew  Howel  .        .        Maj' 


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358 


ARMY  LIST  OF  THS 


?ti?*:iv 


P  MS   l 


r^^m 

1 

i  '< 

IL^. 

^ 

The  several  Comp**  in  y°  said  Regim* 
The  Foot  Comp^  in  the  town  of  Brookhaven 
Sam.  Smith  .        .    ■ ;  y.       Captain  ^ 

Rich'  Floyd  .        .        .        Lieut      >  Com<»>  Officers 

Joseph  Tut^ef        .        .        .        Epsigiye  j 

G^theFoo^Comp*  in  y*<town  ofl^ntington 
Tho»  Wicks  ....        Cap 

Jo"  Woods  ....        Lieu* 

Epenetus  Plat         .        .        .        .        Lieu* 

Of  y«  Foot  Comp*  in  j*  town  of  Southampton 
Abra.  Howell  .  .        Cap* 

Jbftph  For^ham  Lieu 

IsaacHalsey^   tr.  ''!    .        .        .        Bnagn 
Of  anothe^  C}f^vf,mj^  ^d  Town 
....        Capt. 
jQALuptanl  .        .  Lieut 

Joseph  Moore  .  .        .        .        Ensigi 

Of  another  Comp^  in  y«  said  Tbwa 
ThoL  Stephens  .        .        .        Capt. 

JosqpltPierson  .        .        .        Lieut,      ^i    C:  Q^ 

JerenLScot        ....        Ensi 

Of  ye  Foot  Comp*  in  y*>Town  of  Sout>oM 
Tho.Voung         ....        Oipt 
Sam.  Qlover.  .        .       V'      Lieut. 

Rich.  Brown        ....        Ensi 

Of  anothef,  Fop(  Comp^  in  y*  said  Town 
Jonathan  Harlon  Cap*  Griffin  Lieu* 

Of  anplt^ejrFjOqt  Oomp»  ii^  y«>:8^d  Tpwn 
TJii^.liJfiSa^  Cagt  Joshua  barlow,  Ifi^*^ , 

Jp^.  Bpoth  Ensigpe. 
Of  another  Foot  Cornp^  in  y«  town  of.  East  If am^o9t 
-r— C(apt,;,      — -Li^utj       -rr-r  Bwgi^e,; 

Of  another  Foot  Gouap*  in  y«  said  Town 
John  Wheeler  Capt,  Enoch  Fitchen  Liei^). 

Coin.  Conchling  Ensigne 
This  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  and  fourteen  men 


WfXUttUXWU 

V  ) 

iieu*  V    C.  O. 

aeu*  3 
^wUthampton 
'a^*       i 
-i«u*      >   Gi  O: 

Inagne^j 
J  Town 

7apt.       ^ 

i.iettt.      V    Oi  O. 

Sosigne.  J 

IdTbwa 

:apt.      y 

iieut.      y  C: 

iiisigne.  y 

of  Sout>ok 

Sapt.      y 

.ieot.      > 

Shsigne.  )• 


;■  :* " 


PBOTIKCE  OF  NSW-TOBK. 


369 


Of  the  Regim*  of  Militia  in  Queens  CdUnty  on  y*  ttiid  Island 

Colonel     ^ 

John  Jackson  .  .        Lieut  Col  >  Field  Offidera 

Majr  ) 

Of  the  Foot  cotnp^  in  tfae  towii  of  Jamaica 
Hope  Carpenter      .  .        Capt,      ) 

Benjn  Thurston      .  Leiut.      >  Conion  Officers 

Richd  Oldfield        .        .        .        Ensigne  )^ 

Of  another  Foot  Comp^  in  y«  said  Town 
Sam.  Carpefnter         .        .        .      .  Capt. 


Joseph  Smith 
Dan.  Smith 

Of  thefFoot  Cornp*  in  y«» 
Content  Titus 

Sam.  Kecham  .        . 

Sam.  Morrell 

Of  another  Foot  Comp 
RobtCoe 

Jo"  Berian  .        . 

Jonathan  Coc 

Of  the  Foot  Comp*  in  y« 
Jerem.  Sinitfa' 
Rich<i  Hubbs 
Isaac  Smith 

Cf  another  Foot  Comp* 
Joseph  Smith 

•  • 

Tho"  Oildersleive 

Of  another  Foot  Comp 
Tho.  Tredweli 
Jon.  Pine 
Jo"  Forstcr 

Of  the  Foot  Comp»  in  y 
Robert  Hinchman 

Harrington 

Daniel  Wright 


Leiut.     >    C.  0. 
Ensigne. ) 

town  of  New  Town 
Capt.       \ 
Lieut.     >    C.  0. 
Ensigne  jl 

in  ye  said  Town 
Capt.       Y 
Leiut.      >   CO. 
EJnsigne'  / 

Town  of  HaffliiSt«&d 
C^lit; 
Leiut. 
Ensignd^ 

in  y«  said  Town' 

Capt. 

Leiut 

Ensigne. 
in  yp  said  Town 

Capt, 

Leiut, 

Ensigne, 
Town  of  Flushing 

Capt, 

Leiut,, 

Ensigne' 


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ARMY  U8T  or  THE 


Of  the  Foot  Comp'^  in  y«  town  of  Oysterbay 
Rob*  Coles         ....        Capt, 
Josia  Lattcn 
Nath:  Coles  Jun'        * 


Of  the  Troope  of  Horse 
John  Lawrence 


Leiut 

Ensigne 

in  y*  said  Regim* 
Capt. 

Leiut 

Cornet 

Quartermaster 


Jonath:  Smith' 

Daniel  Law/ence        .        . 

Jo"  Finne  . 

The  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  &  one  men, 
Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  King's  County  on  y^  said  Island^ 
Stephen  Cortlandt  .        .        Colonel    ^ 

Gerrardus  Beekman        .        .       Leiu^  Col-  >  Feild  Officer» 
Corn :  Van  Brunt  .       Maj'         j 

Of  the  Foot  Comp»  in  the  town  of  Amersfort^ 
Jo°  Terhermon  .        .        .        Capt, 


Peter  Mansford 
Corn  Van  Voorhayen 


Of  the  Foot  Comp*  in  y*  Town  of  Oravesend. 


Johd  Lake 

Chr:  Bemoyn 

Albert  Coerten 

Of  the  Foot  Comp*  in  the 
Joris  Hansen 

Daniel  Repalie 

Teunis  Repalie 


Capt, 

Leiuty 

Ensigne, 

own  of  Brookland, 
Capt, 

Leiut, 

Ensigne. 

Of  the  Foot  Comp*  in  y«  town  of  New  Uytregt. 


John  Van  Dyke 

Joost  Van  Brunt 

Matys  Smake 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  y« 

Arie  Van  de  Bilt 

Symon  Hansen 

Isaac  Hegeman 

Of  the  Foot  Comp»  in  y« 
Peter  Pra 

Michill  Parmyter 

Jochem  Vouchnewen 


Leiut, 
Ensigne. 


Capt. 
Leiut. 

Ensigne. 
town  of  Midwout 

Capt, 

Leiut, 

Ensigne. 

town  of  Boswick 
Capt, 

Leiut, 

Ensigne. 


PROTurcB  or  irzw-TbaK. 


aei 


Leiut" 


Of  the  Troop  of  Horse  in  y*  said  Regiment 
Dan.  Polhemius  .        .        Capt. 

Roeloft  Verkirk  .        .        .        Leiut, 

Jerominus  Remse        .        .        .        Cornet 
Gysbert  Bayard  .        Quarter  Master 

This  Regiment  consists  of  two  hundred  &  eighty  men. 
Of  the  Militia  in  the  County  of  Richmond. 
Of  the  Foot  Comp^  in  the  said  County 
Tho.  Stilwell  .        .        .-       Capt, 

Tho.  Morgane  >         ...         Leiuts- 
Nice  Teunisse  ) 

Of  another  Cornp^  in  ye  said  County 
Andrew  Carmon  .        .        .        Capt 

John  Stilwell    ) 

Jaque  Poilton  S  *        *        * 

The  said  two  Comp*'  in  the  said  County  consists  of  one  hundred 

&  fifty  two  men. 
Of  the  Regim^  of  Militia  in  y«  City  &  County  of  New  York 
Abra :  De  Peyster         .        .        Colonel     ^ 
W«  Mervet  .        .        .        Leiut  Col.  >  Field  Officers 

Jo"  Henry  De  Bruyn  .        Maj'  ) 

Of  a  Foot  Comp*  in  y«  said  City 
Robt.  Walters  .        .        .        Capt,  S 

Andrew  Teller  .        .  Leiut  >  Como"  Officers 

Jo"  Hardinbrooke  .        .        Ensigne, ) 

Of  another  Foot  Comp*  in  y"  said  City 
David  Provost  .        .  Capt,       ^ 

W^Churcher  .        .        .        Leiut,      >    C.  O. 

Absa :  Brasier  .        .        .     ^  Ensigne, } 

Of  one  other  Foot  Comp»  in  y*  said  City. 
Leonard  Lewis         1.      ..        .        Capt, 
Jacob  Vander  Speigle  .         .        Leiut, 

Isaac  Governeur  .        .  Ensigne 

Of  one  other  Troop  Comp*  in  y*  said  City. 
Isaac  De  Keimer        .        .        .        Capt 
Steph  Richards  .        .        .        Leiut 

Nicho.  Blank,  .        .        .        Ensigne 


t,     >    C.  O. 

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ABUT  Livr  or  tllB 

Of  one  other  Foot  Comp*  in  y*  said  Citty 
Oornelius  De  Peyiter  .        .        Capt, 

Roger  Baker  .  .        Leiut 

Corn :  Lodge  •        Enrigne 

Of  one  other  Foot  Comp*  in  y*  said  Citty 
John  Theobalds  .        Capt 

Peter  de  Melt  .        .        .        Leiat 

Isaac  Brasier  ...        EAsigne 

Of  another  Foot  Comp'^  in  y«  said  Citty 
Erert  Byvanck  .  .        Capt, 

John  Yander  Speigel  .        ,.        Leiut, 

Jo'Tiebout        ....        Enngtte. 

Of  one  other  Foot  Comp^  in  y*  said  City 
Martin  Clock  .  Capt,. 

Tho  Fornuier  .        .        .        Leiu^ 

Hend:  Breevort  Ensigne^. 

Of  the  Troop  of  Horse  in  y"  said  Regim* 
John  De  Peyster  Capt,         Jon  Outman  Comet 

Jo"  Hoghland      Leiut,        Evert  Van  deWater  Quarter  iikaiter 
"niia  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  &  eighty  five  tten^ 

Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  y«  County;  of  Wefet  Chester. 

Colonel       1 

Lieut.  Col.  V  Field  Ofibers 
Aug*  Graham  .  Maj'  j 

Of  a  Foot  Comp*  in  the  town  of  East  Chester. 
John  Drake        ...  Capt^      V 

Joseph  Drake  Leiut,     v   C.  0*' 

Henry  Tower  .        .        .        Ensigne  y 

Of  a  Foot  Cornp^  in  y"  town  of  New  Ro(^ellJ 
Oliver  Besley  .        .  Capt^ 

Isaac  Merier  ...        .        Leiut, 

Pierre  V^leau  .  Ebsigne 

Of  aFoot  Gomp»  in  y°  town  of  Mamarioneck' 
James  Mott        ....        Captain 
Robert  Lauting  .        .        .        Leiut^ 

Tho:  Ives         ..        .        .        .        Ensigne 

This  Regiment  consists  of  one  hundred  fifty  fi<T«ine»J 


t^ 


PBOTIXCS  or  M^W-YOMC. 


363 


Liter 


Of  the  Re£^ffi«at  of  Militia  in  y«  Counties  of  Ulster  k  Dutchess, 
t        .  Colonel       \ 

JaqohRutson.       .  Lieut  Col.  >  Field  OiBctra 

Maj'  ) 

Of  a  Foot  Comp^  in  y  said  Countys. 
Matthias  Mattyson  Captain    i 

Evei^  Bogardus  Leiut.      >  Com"*  Ofljken 

Tennis  Tapper        .  Ensigne,  i 

Of  an  other  Foot  Comp>  in  y*  a«*  Countyi* 
Abso :  Hasbrooke  Captain 

Moses  Quantain  .  Leiut, 

Lewis  Bavea  .  Ensigne* 

Of  an  oth^  Foot  Cornp*  in  y*  sfdd  Countyi* 
George  Midda^  .  Capt| 

Oysbert  Kroom  .  Leiut, 

Alex.  Rosebrans  ...        Ensigne* 

Of  another  Foot' Comp*  in  y*  said  Countyi} 
Aria  Rose  ....        Captain 

John  Rose  ....        Leiut. 

Aria  Gerrutse     ....        Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Comp^  in  y*  said  Countys. 
Jocham  Schoonmaker  .        Captain 

John  Van  Camp  ,  Leiut 

Jacob  Decker     ....        Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Comp*  in  y«  said  Countys 
Coenrod  Elmendprp  Captain 

Matty se  Sleight  ...        Lmt 

Garret  Wyncoop        .        .  Enngne 

Of  another  Foot  Comp^  in  y«  said  Countyt 
BaltusVan  Cleet        .        .        .        Captain 
HendrickEipp  .        .  Leiut 

John  Ter  Bus    ....        Ensigne 

Of  the  Troop  of  Horse  in  y«  said  Regiment 
Bjgbert  Schoonmaker  Captain     Abra:  Gasbert    Cornet 
Com:  Decker  Leiut.        Mattyse  Jansen  Quartermaster 

This  Raiment  connsts  of  Three  hundred  five  k  twenty  men. 


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S64 


ABUT  LIIT,  RC. 


Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  y*  City  ft  County  of  Albany. 
Peter  Schuyler       .        .  Colonel     ^ 

...        Leiut.  Col  >  Field  Officer! 
Dyrck  Wciselli     .        .  Maj'         ) 

Of  a  Foot  Company  in  the  city  of  Albany 
Johannes  Sleeker  .        .        Captain    \ 

Johannes  Roseboome       .        .        Leiut       >  Com"  Officers 
Abra:  Cuyler  Ensigne  ) 

Of  another  Foote  Comp*  in  y«  sud  city 
Albert  Rykman  .        .        .        Captain 

Weasel  ten  Broek       .        .        .        Leiut. 
Johannes  Thomasse    .  .        Ensigne. 

Of  another  Foot  Comp*  in  the  said  County 
Martin  Comelisse       .        •        .        Captain 
Andris  Douw  .        .        .        Leiut. 

Andris  Koyman  Ensigne. 

Of  another  Foot  Comp*  in  the  said  County 
Oerrit  Teunisse  .        .        .        Captain  ^ 

Jonas  Douw         I  ^ej^^. 

Jochem  Lamerse  > 

Volckart  V.  Hoesem  ?  ^^ 

Abra:  Hanse  ) 

Of  a  Foot  Comp*  in  y*  town  of  Schenectady 
Johannes  Sanderse  Olen      .        .        Captain 
Adam  Woman  [VroomanlJ         .        Leiut. 
Harman  Y.  Slyke       .        .        .        Ensigne. 

Of  the  Troope  of  Horse  in  y'  said  Regiment 
Kilian  van  Renslaer    .        .        .        Captain 
Johannes  Schuyler      .        .        .        Leiut.  » 

Bennone  V.  Corlaer  .      ' .        Comet 

Anthony  Bries  .        .        Qnartermaster 

This  Regiment  consists  of  Three  hundred  seaventy  one  men. 

(Indorsed)  <<No  13.  New\orke.  List  of  the  Officers  of  the 
"  Militia  in  the  Province  of  New  Yorke  Referrfed 
"  to  in  y«  E  of  Bellomonts  Ird  of  y*  28  Nov' 
<<1700    Reed  18  Feb    Read  1700« 


1 


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lof  the 
ferred 

NOY' 


XIII. 


CENSUS 


(tmnlitB  d  dbmnge,  Mt^ts  ^  JWhonq. 


1702, 1714, 1720. 


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CENSUS  OF  ORANGE  COUNTY 


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CENSUS  OF  OKANG£  COUNTY. 


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368 


CENSUS  OF  DUTCHES  COUMTT. 


A  LIST  OF  THE  INHABITANTS  AND  SLAVES  IN  THE 
COUNTY  OF  DUTCHES.    1714. 


,  f 


The  Savendl  pUcei  or  DIstrioU 
in  the  County  where  Inhabit 
bug. 


Jacob  Kip , 

Jacob  Plowrh 

Matieii  Siejrt    

Evert  Tan  Wagenen 

Whilliam  Oetrander  

Lowrans  Ottrout 

Peter  Palmater 

Maghell  Pallmatir 

WiTliam  Teteort 

HenUriek  Pells... 

Peter  Vely 

John  Kip 

Elena  Van  De  Bogart 

John  De  Grave 

Lenard  Lewis 

fiartolumus  Hoorenboom.. 

Baltus  Van  Kleek  

Frans  Le  Roy 

Barent  Van  Kleck   

John  Ostrom 

Harmen  Binders  

Meindert  Van  Den  Bogart 

Johanes  Van  Kleck 

LenarLeRoy 

Swart  Van  Wagenen 

Henry  Van  Der  Burgh  . . . . 

Elias  Van  Bunehoten 

Thomas  Sanders  

Catrine  Lasink  Wedo :  . . . . 

Peter  Lasink 

«y  Scouten . 


Mellen  Springsteen. 
Johnes  Terbots    « . . 

John  Beuys   

Abram  Beuys   

OarattVanVleit... 

William  Outen 

Andreis  Daivedes... 
Frans  De  Langen  . 

Aret  Masten 

James  Husey 

Roger  Brett 


h 

o 
o5 


3 
1 
2 
2 


2 
1 
fi 
1 
2 
3 
1 
1 
3 
3 
2 
3 
3 
2 
2 
3 


4 
2 
1 
2 
2 
2 
3 
2 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
2 


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Pt 

:m 

Jo 

.Mei 

Pe 

Ad 

Cel 

Haj 

Joh 

Jac( 

Din 

Wil 

Jaoc 

Turn 

hen(i 

Aoel 

Joha 

Abn 

Abra 

Will, 

Loun 

hend( 

Aend 

Oysb, 

Johan 


CBMSVS  OF  DUTCHES  COVMTY. 


369 


The  leverall  pUcoa  or  District! 
in  the  Oounty  where  Inhabit- 
intf. 


Peter  De  Boyei  

iMclc  Hendricks 

John  Breines    

Jeurey  Spriniten 

Peck  De  Wit 

Adaam  Van  alated  

Cellitiekool 

Harmen  kniokerbaeker.... 
Johanis  Dyckman  Sieqjer.. 

Jacob  Hoghtelingh 

Dirck  Wesselie    

WillemSchot   

Jacob  Voiburgh 

Tunis  Pieterse 

henderick  bretsiert 

Roelif  Duiitier 

Johannii  Spoor  Ju^joor. . . . 

Abraham  votburgh  

Abraham  Van  Diuen 

Willem  Wgt 

Louwereni  knickerbaeker . 

henderck  fiiuum 

Aenderia  Oerdener 

Oytbert  ooatei^hout 

Johannit  Dyckman  Jui^or 


IS 

9  « 


21. 

Is 

1  «* 

1*0 


i 
1 


11     891  120 


2.. 


3 
5 
3 
2 


iS 
"8 

c9 

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97     96     121     6 


|| 

ii 

IB 


[ToUl  No.  of  souls,  445.] 


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370 


LIST  or  THK  FRECHOLDERS  OF  THB 


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A  LIST  OF  THE  FFREEHOLDERS  OF  THE  CITY  AND  COUNTY 

OF  ALBANY.    1720. 


;  ■  ( 


first  vard 
£vert  Wendell 
Jno  Dunbar 
Harmanis  Wendell 
Peter  Van  Brush 
Johannis  Schuyler 
Antoney  Van  Schaick 
Mindert  Schuyler 
Antoney  Vansehaick  Snor 
Robert  Livingston  Junr 
Tho:  Williama 
Coonrodt  Tennyck 
Joseph  Yates  Junr 
Jacob  Roseboom 
Jacob  Staats 
John  Rosie 
Wm:  Hogan 
Johannis  van  Alen 
Jacob  Lansen 
Daltis  Van  Bentheusen 
Harmanis  Ryckman 
Fred.  Mindertsen 
Daniell  Kelly 
Johannis  Vandenbergh 
Joseph  Yansante 
Joseph  Ye^ts  Snor 
Winant  Yanderpoel 
John  Kidney 
Mindert  Lansen 
Obediah  Cooper 
Johannis  Yansante 
Matthews  Flantsburgh 
Tobias  Ryckman 
Peter  Ryckman 
Wm.  Hilton 
Johannis  De  Ghirmoe 
Olaes  Yan  Woort 
Henry  Holland 
John  Collins 
Hend :  Halenbeek 
Peter  Gramoe 
Johannis  Ratclif 
Luykas  Hooghkirck 
Hendrick  Oothout 
Nicolas  Wineeaert 
Cornelis  Yandyke 
Johannis  Lansen 
Luykas  Winegaert 
Ryert  Oerritse 
Gose  Yan  Schaick 
Barent  Egbertsen 
Bastian  Ylsser 
Antoney  Bregardes 
Thomas  Wendell 
Johannis  Tenbroeck 
Antoney  Coster 
Danl  Flantsburgh 
Johannis  Beekman 
Johannis  Wendell  Junr 


'h- 


Antoney  Yan  Schaick  Junr 
Phillip  Livingston 
Jacob  Beekman 
Revr'nd  Thomas  Barclay 
David  Grewsbeck 
Stephan|s  Grewsbeck 

2d  Ward 
Johannis  Cuyler 
Nicps:  Bleeker 
Abram:  Cuyler 
Warner  Yan  Ivera 
Reyner  Mindertsen 
Barent  Sanders 
Wm:  Grewsbeck 
Guisbert  Marselis 
Herpert  Jacobsen 
Arent  Pruyn 
Johannis  Mingaell 
Johannis  Hansen 
Seibolet  Brigardes 
David  Yan  Dyke 
Johannis  Yinhagen 
Abram  Kip 

Cornelis  Schermerhom 
Hendrick  Tennyck 
Johannis  Beekman  Snor 
Cterrit  Lansen 
Issack  Kip  * 

Nanning  Yisser 
Hendrick  Roseboom 
Mindert  Roseboom 
Andries  Nach 
Jan:  Janse  Bleeker 
Johannis  Bleeker 
Christofell  Yeats 
Phillip  Wendell 
Jan  Lansen  f 

Gerrit  Roseboom 
Cornelis  Yan  Scherline 
Johans:  Evertse  Wendall 
Abram:  Lansen 
Johannis  Roseboom 
John  Hogan 
Johannis  Yisser  V 

Benj.  Egbertsen 
Johannis  Grewsbeck 
Claes  Funda 
Wm:  Jacobsen 
3d  Ward 

Isaac  Funda 
Samuell  Babington 
Gerrit  Yan  Ness 
Albert  Ryckman 
Cornelis  Borghaert 
Jacob  Borghaert 
Johannis  Hun 
Phillip  Yan  Yechten 
Lenoitl  Ganiiv(V>rt 


CITT  AITO  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


371 


kdoll 


Jan:  Evertien 
Evert  Janse 
Jacob  Evertse 
Jno:  Solomonse 
Hendrick  Hansen 
Abram:  Schuyler 
Derrick  Brat 
Johannis  Van  Ostrande 
Johannis  Evertsen 
Tunis  Egbertsen 
Derrick  Tenbroeck 
David  Schuyler   . 
Winant  Vandenborgh 
Takel  Derrickse 
Johannis  Backer 
Thomas  Long 
John  Gerritse 
Elbert  Gerritse 
Issac  Borghaert 
Cornelis  Maasse 
Jan  Maasse 
Barnt  Brat 

Jacob  Borghaert  Junr 
Jacob  Visser 

Jacobus  Luykasse  Winegaert 
Johannis  Pruyn 
Wossell  Tenbroeck 
Peter  Winne 
Jacob  MuUer 
Johannis  Muller 
Samll:  Pruyn 
Reuben  Yen  Vechten 
Comlis  Switzs 
Guisbert  Vandenbergh 
Teirck  Harminse  Visser 
Tunis  Brat 

Peter  Walderom  ,- 

Rutger  Bleeker 
Harpert  Vandeusen 
CouwTT  or  Albany  Vw. 

Sehonutady. 
Jonathan  Stevens 
William  Coppernoll 
Claes  Franse 
Teirck  Franse 
Yellous  Fonda 
Adam  Vroman 
Phillip  Schuyler 
David  Lewis 
Mindert  Guisling 
Peter  Quacumbus 
Abram  Meebe 
Be^j.  Van  Vlack 
Marte  Powlisse 
Harma  Van  Slyck 
Sanders  Gelon  isi    ' 

Evert  Van  Eps  f   i-V  • 
Arent  Van  Petten      :.i*i 
John  Weemp 
Simon  Switzs 
Jacob  Switzs 
Mindert  Weemp 
Arent  Brat 

Hendrick  Vrooman  Junr 
Harmanis  Vedder 
Dow  Aukus 
Johannis  Mindertsen 
Adam:  Smith 
Abram  Trueax 


Rob:  Yeata 
Abram:  Lythall 
Assweris  Marselia 
Abram:  Groot 
Hendrick  Vroman  Snor 
Wopter  Vroman 
Jno.  Baptist  Van  Epps 
Derrick  Brat 
Jan  Barentse  Wemp 
Barent  Vroman 
Jan  Vroman 
Gerrit  Van  Brackell 
Arent  Danilse 
Simon  Vroman 
Lawrence  Chase 
Comlis  Vander  Volgeo 
Abram  De  Grave 
Daniell  Danielse 
Cornells  Pootman 
Sam:  Hagadorfng 
Guisbert  Tan  Brakell 
Volkert  Simonse 
Jacob  Sehermerhom 
Jacobus  Vandyke 
Helmes  Vedder 
Arnout  De  Grave 
Johannis  Teller 
Albert  Vedder 
Derrick  Groot 
Gerrit  Simonse 
Yealous  Van  Vost 
Victore  Pootman 
Jan  Delemont 
Caleb  Beck 
Nicolas  Schuyler 
Johannis  Gelen 
Jacob  Gelen 
Jesse  De  Grave 
Carle  Hanse  Toll 
Daniell  Toll 
William  Marrina* 
Arent  Sehermerhom 
Esays  Swaert 
Johannis  Vroman 
Andries  De  Grave 
Joseph  Clament 
John  Bumstead 
Harma  Phillipse 
Jereme  Thickstone 
Jacob  Van  Olinda 
Arent  Vedder 
Peter  Vroman 
Daniell  Janse 
Peter  Danielse 
Jan  Danielse 
Jan  Meebe 
Johannis  Peek 
Jacobus  Peek 
Claes  Van  Petten 
Coraelis  Van  Slyck 
Marte  Van  Slyck 
Cornelis  Feele 
Arnout  Brat  Juni 
Johannis  Vedder 
Tunis  Vander  Volgen 
Claes  Van  Petten 
Andries  Van  Petten 
Jan  Sehermerhom 
Wouter  Swaert 
Arent  Pootman 


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Knut$rh<Mk  and  part  Mannor  of 
Umngtton  Viz. 

Jochim  Van  Valkenburfb 

Iiaac  Fansborough 

Cagper  Ronw 

Peter  Van  Alea  • 

Lamert  Hayek 

Burger  Huvck 

Johannis  Huyck 

Derrick  Oardineer 

Peter  Van  Slyok 

Jno:  (Jardineer 

Evert  Wieler 

Derrick  Ooea  • 

Peter  Fausburgh 

Peter  Van  baren 

Jno :  Goes 

Mattias  Gtoea 

Luykas  Yan^Alen 

Jacobus  Van  Alen 

Evert  Van  Alen 

Johannis  Vandeusen 

Comelis  Sehermerhorn 

Johannis  Van  Alen 

Oerrit  Dingmans 

Bartlemeus  Yan  Valkenburgh 

Thonua  Van  Alstine 

Coonrodt  Burgaert 

Stephauis  Van  Alen 

John  Burffaert 

Abram:  van  Alstine 

Lawrence  Van  Schaok 

Elias  Van  Schauk 

Jurie  Klaime 

Ouisbert  Scherp  ^ 

Lawrence  Scherp 

Hendrick  Clawe 

Lamert  Valkenburgh 

Melgert  Vanderpoel 

Lenord  Conine 

I'he  north  part  cf  th$  Mannor  of 
li<tn'»g*ton : 

Robert^  Livingston  Esqr 

Peter  uolle 

Killian  Winne 

Jan  Emnerick  Plees 

Hans  Sihans 

Claes  Bruise 

Jonat:  Rees 

Coonrodt  Ham 

Coonrodt  Schureman 

Johannis  Pulvcr 

Bastian  Spikerman 

Nicolas  Smith 

Baltis  Auspah 

Jno:  Wm:  Simon 

Hanse  Jurie  Prooper 

Abram  Luyke 

Broer  Decker 

Jurie  Decker 

Nicolas  Witbeek 

Johannis  Uldrlgh 

fBtz:  Muzigh 

Coonrod  Kelder 

David  iSooper 

Oabriell  Brobse 

Solomon  Sehutt 

Jacob  Stover 

Johanis  Roseman 

Nieos:  Styker 


.Claveroek 
Tobias  Tenbroeek 
Cornells  Mulder 
Cornlis  Esselstine 
Jeremias  Mulder 
Derrick  Hogoboom 
Cornelis:  Huyck 
Isaac  Vandusen 
Jno:  Hooiie 
George  Sidnem 
Richard  Mpor 
John  HarUyck 
Hendr:  Van  Salsbergen 
Jacob  Van  Hoosem 
Kasper  Van  Hoosem 
Jan  Van  Hoosem 
Saml  Tenbroeek 
Peter  Hogoboom 
Rob:  Van  Deusen 
Casper  Conine 
Frank  Hardyke 
Johannis  Van  Hoosem 
John  Bout 
Wm:  Halenbeck 
Johannis  Coole 
John  Rees 
Wm:  Rees 
Johannis  Scherp 
Andries  Rees 
Ohondia  Lamidlre 
Hendrick  Whitbeck 
Jurie  Fretts 
Hendrick  Loilowick 
Jacob  Eswin 
Jurie  Jan 
Cloude  Lamatere 
Nicos:  Vanduse  Catt  EiU$ 
Coxhacky  and  Catt  ZUU 
Mindert  Schut 
Wessell  "tenbroeek 
Wm:  Lefferrese 
Helme  Janse 
Saml  Van  Veohten 
Gerrit  Van  berghen 
Marte  Van  berghen 
Frank  Salisbury 
Jno  Brunk 
Minkas  Van  Schauk 
John  Albertse 
Arent  Van  Schauk 
Michael  Collier 
Cornelis  Van  Wormer 
Johannis  Halenbeek 
Casper  Halenbeek 
Jan  Van  Loan 
Albert  Van  Loan 
Jno:  Van  Loan  J-mhv 
Abram:  Prova.  « 
Jacob  Halenbeek 
Jno:  Casperse 
Coonrodt  Hotlen 
Philip  ConiiM 
Jno:  Vanhoosem 
Lenord  Bmnk 
Peter  Brunk 
Isaac  Spoor 

Canattigoni* 
Jno:  Quacumbus 
Jno:  ifoort 


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Jacob  Peane 
Oerriok  Brat 
Maea  Ryokten 
Evert  Ryokun 
Oerrit  RyokMn 
Nicholai  Van  Vranken 
Lapion  Kanfort 
Cornelia  Uhristianae 
Eldert  Timonae 
Jno:  Quakenboea  Junr 
Peter  Ouderkerk 
Jacob  Cluit 
John  Cluit 
Frederick  Cluit 
Saml :  Creeger 
Derrick  Takelsen 
Mattias  Booie  Snor 
Johannis  Christlanae 

Half  Moon. 
Jacobus  Van  SchoonhoTen 
Evert  Yan  Ness 
Oaniell  Fort 
Oom'ls  Vanburen 
Conelis  Van  Ness 
Isaac  Ouderkerk 
Lavlnus  Harminse 
Tunis  Harminse 
Winant  Vandenbergh 
Roolif  Oerritse 
Hendrick  Roolifse 
Jno:  De  Voe 
Daniell  Van  Olinda 
Eldert  Ouderkerk 
Cornells  Yandenbergb 

Sehaatiook* 
Saml  Doxio 
Curset  Fethtt 
Johannis  Knickerbaeker 
Derrick  Van  Yechten 
Johannis  De  Wandelaer 
Simon  Danielse 
Martin  Delamon 
Lewis  Fele 
Daniell:  Ketlyne 
Peter  Winne 
Adrian  Quacumbus 
Abram  Fort 
CoUoney  RensekursWyek, 
Wouter  Barheyt 
Johannis  Yalkenbur^h 
Jno:  Barheyt 
Isaac  Van  Alstine 
Jacob  Schermerhorn 
Jacob  Schermerhorn  Junr 
Johns:  Ouderkerk 
Claes  Oardineer 
Andries  Gardiuier 
Hend:  Valkenburgh 
Jacob  Valkenburgn 
Andries  Huyck 
Maes  Van  Buren 
Com'lis  Van  Vechten 
Jonat:  Witbeek- 
Martin  Vanburen 


Barent  Oeritse 
Jan  Witbeek 
Jonas  Dow 
Andries  Dow 
Folcort  Dow 
Jno':  Van  Vechten 
Oerrit  Lansen 
Volcort  Van  Vechten 
Melgert  Vandeuse 
Rut  Yandeuse 
I  ho:  Witbeek 
Luykas  Witbeek 
Solomon  Van  Vechten 
Cap:  Hendrick  Van  Renselaar 
Philip  Foreest 
Martin  Van  Alstine 
Albert  Roolifse 
Marte  Van  Alstine  Junr 
Jno:  Funda 
Derrick  Vanderhyden 
Oerrit  Vandenbergh 
Albert  Brat 
Cornelia  Van  Alstine 
Johns:  Wendell 
Jtm:  Van  Alstyne 
Adrian  Oothout 
Peter  Coyeman 
Barent  Stoats 
Andries  Coyeman 
Samuell  Coyeman 
Jno:  Witbeek 
Coonrod  Hooghteeling 
Storm  Backer 
Jno:  Backer  %. 

Hendrick  Van  Wyen 
Wm:  Van  Alen 
Daniell  Winne 
Oerrit  Van  Wie 
Jan  Van  Wie 
Oerrit  Vandenbergh 
Hendr:  Dow 
Albert  Slingerlant 
Evert  Banker 
Wouter  Vanderse 
Killian  Vanderse 
Johannis  Appel 
Peter  Husyele 
Derrick  Hagodom 
Andries  Brat 
Storm  Brat 
Ome  Legrange 
Johns:  Legrange  ' 

Johannis  Simonse 
Nicos:  Orewsbeek 
Jno:  Oothout 
Mindert  Marselis 
Jacob  Lansen 
Abram  Ouderkerk 
Peter  Schuyler  Escp 
Abram  Wendell 
William  Ketlyne 
Frans  Pryn 
Jaae  Falkenburgh 
Claes  Bovie 
Phillip  Wendell 


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Pursuant  to  an  Order  of  Court  of  Judicature  held  for  the  Province  of  New 
York  on  the  Eleventh  Day  of  June  1720,  Directed  to  Oerrit  Vanschaiek  high 
Sherrif  of  the  City  and  County  of  Albany;  A  Retume  of  the  free  holders  of 
the  said  City  and  County.  OaRssr  Vakschauck  Sheriff 


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CADWAILADEB  COIDEN 


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1732. 


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THE  STATE  OF  THE  LANDS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF 
NEW  YORK,  IN  1732. 


BY  CADWALLADER  COLDEN,  SURTEYOK  OKNKRAL. 
[Golden  Manuicripts,  N.  Y.  Hiatorleal  BooUty.] 


In  obedience  to  your  Excellency's  Commands^  I  now  lay  bef(Mre 
you  the  State  of  the  Lands  in  this  Province,  in  the  best  manner 
I  am  capable  of,  by  a  plain  Narrative  of  such  iaots  as  have  come 
to  my  knowledge. 

It  may  be  necessary  in  the  first  place  to  observei  that  the  Kings 
Commissioners,  who  were  sent  in  the  year  1664  to  reduce  this 
Country  to  the  Kings  obedience  (it  being  then  in  the  possession  of 
the  Dutch)  issued  a  Proclamation  wherein  they  Pr<mii9damd 
Dularedj  that  tohosoever  of  lohat  Jfation  soever  vnll  upon  the 
Knowledge  of  this  Proclamation^  acknowledge  and  testify  thun- 
fefvM  to  mhmit  to  his  Majesties  Government j  as  good  subjects 
eught  to  dOf  shall  he  protected  by  his  Lmos  and  Justice^  and 
feadbly  enjoy  what  ever  Gods  blessing  and  their  own  indurtry 
hathfumished  them  wUh,  and  all  other  priivilidges%oith  English 
Subjects  And  by  the  third  article  of  Surrender,  agreed  to  with 
the  Dutch  Gov'  it  is  stipulated  that  Ml  People  shall  continue  free 
Denizens,  and  enjoy  lands,  houses,  goods,  ships  wheresoevet  thiy 
•re  within  the  County,  and  dispose  of  them  as  th*y  please.  And 
by  the  eleventh  Article  The  Duichihere  ahall  enjoy  their  otmoMt* 
tarns  concerning  inheritances. 

In  pursuance  of  which  the  InhabUatnts  took  out  Gonfexanalicni 
of  tlttir  Lands  and  tenements  under  tilie  hand  and  fical  of  GoU 
lUBcholls  the  first  English  Qovernor  und«r  the  Duke  of  York  in 
wiiich  their  Titleiunder  the  Dutch  is  recited,  and  the  fbrmof  these 
Confirmations  appear  to  be  every  where  the  SMae. 
Gov'  NichoUs  likewise  granted.  «iiimprofediLgndaf.to«AB|f.thftJt 


/»:' 


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378 


coldem'b  bbpobt  on  the  lands 


■>,   ■: 


hi 


were  willing  to  oettle  and  improve  them  and  these  first  grants 
were  made  without  any  previous  survey,  or  without  reciting  any 
certain  Boundaries,  but  only  to  contain  for  example  100,  200  or 
300  Acres  adjoining  to  such  another  mans  Land,  or  to  a  certain 
Hill  or  River,  or  Rivulet 

The  Reddendum  in  these  first  Grants  varied  from  time  to  time. 
At  first  it  was  Paying  the  usual  Rents  of  J^ew  Plantations^  what 
that  was  is  now  a  dispute,  but  perhaps  it  may  still  be  ascertained 
by  living  Evidences  and  sometimes  their  is  added  as  a  condition 
of  the  Grant,  that  the  Grantee  shall  do  and  perform  such  acts 
and  things  as  shall  he  appointed  By  his  Royal  Highness  or  hit 
Deputy. 

In  about  a  years  time  the  form«of  the  Reddendum  was  changed 
as  follows  Paying  such  duties  as  shall  be  constituted  and  ordained 
by  his  Royal  Highness  and  his  heirs  or  such  Gov*  or  Gov"  as  shall 
from  time  to  time  be  appointed  or  set  over  them.  It  is  probable 
people  were  not  willing  to  axcept  of  Grants  upon  such  precarious 
terms  and  therefore  we  find  this  form  soon  after  changed  into  the 
following!)  Paying  such  duties  and  acknowledgements  as  now  are 
or  hereafter  shall  be  constituted  and  established  by  the  Laws  of 
this  Government. 

What  Laws  were  then  in  being  or  afterwards  enacted  I  know 
not  tho<*  perhaps  they  are  still  among  the  Records ;  but  it  is  to  be 
observed,  that  the  Legislative  authority  was  then  assumed  by  the 
Gov  and  Council  without  the  assent  or  concurrence  of  the  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  People  and  the  Laws  then  made  are  now  in 
disuse.  And  for  this  Reason,  none  of  these  Lands  pay  now  any 
Quitrent,  tho'  their  number  be  large,  being,  as  I  compute,  not 
less  than  a  Thousand :  but  I  take  into  this  computation  all  those 
grants  in  recording  whereof  the  Clerks  have  omitted  all  that  part 
of  the  grant  which  is  commonly  called  the  Habendum  and  Red- 
dendum. The  reason  of  which  neglect,  I  suppose  to  be  that  they 
were  all  in  the  same  words  with  a  few  that  are  Recorded  at  length 
in  the  begining,  for  so  much  is  recorded  as  wherein  they  can  dif- 
fer, when  the  Habendum  and  Reddendum  is  the  same  viz  The 
Motives  to  the  Grant,  the  bounds  to  the  thing  granted,  and  the 
Grantees  name  and  designation.  -  !  ^itui':'!'!    k>>v 


/  / 


m  THX  PROTINOB  Of  NKW-TORK. 


979 


Before  I  proceed  further,  it  will  be  likewise  necessary  to 
observe  that  the  greatest  part  of  Long  Island,  Viz  all  that  part 
which  I  8  opposite  to  Connecticut,  was  settled  from  Connecticut, 
and  claimed  by  the  Inhabitants  under  the  Connecticut  Title,  to 
which  in  pursuance  of  the  Proclamation  above  mentioned  some 
regard  is  had.  For  the  first,  or  at  least  the  principle  Grants  of 
Lands  upon  this  Island,  are  made  in  Townships  according  to  the 
custom  of  Connecticut,  &  to  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants 
which  supposess  a  previous  Title  some  I  know,  think  that  these 
Grants  of  Townships  are  not  Grants  of  the  Soil,  but  only  for  the 
Good  Government  of  these  parts  of  the  Country,  as  I  remember 
it  is  expressly  mentioned  in  the  Patents  for  the  Townships  of 
Southampton  and  Southold  and  perhaps  it  is  so  in  others  likewise, 
and  the  Governours  who  granted  these  Town  Patents  continued 
to  grant  the  Soil,  within  tl)e  limits  of  these  Townships,  as  some 
of  the  succeeding  Governours  did  likewise,  However  most  of  all 
the  Lands  within  these  Townships  are  held  by  Grants  from  Trus- 
tees, or  Common  Council  of  these  Towns  upon  the  General  Town 
rights  only.  If  these  Town  Patents  should  not  be  valid,  as  to 
the  whole  Soil  contained  within  their  limits  yet  they  may  operate 
as  a  confirmation  of  tho  particular  rights  and  possessions  of  those 
who  are  called  freeholders  in  the  said  Grants.  These  Town 
Patents  are  generally  upon  small  yearly  acknowledgements — 

Notwithstanding  that  the  Gov'^  under  the  Duke  of  York,  took 
these  extraordinary  methods  to  secure  their  Masters  Authority, 
and  interest,  they  made  some  Grants  of  Large  Tracts  of  Land, 
upon  trifling  Quitrents  but  as  these  are  very  few,  in  Comparison 
of  what  happened  afterwards  what  observation^  I  have  to  make  on 
this  head  will  come  in  more  properly  in  another  place 

Sir  Edmond  Andross  the  third  English  Gov'  of  New  York,  as 
he  seems  to  have  had  the  interest  of  his  Master  and  of  the  People 
he  Governed  as  much  at  heart  as  any  Gov'  that  has  at  any  time 
been  set  over  this  Province  so  he  was  very  carefuU  in  Granting 
of  Lands :  All  Lands  to  be  Granted  were  Surveyed  before  the 
Grant  and  bounded  in  the  Grant  according  to  the  Survey.  The 
Quitrents  were  likewise  fixed  by  the  Grant,  generally  at  the  rate 
of  one  Bushel  each  hundred  acres  the'  some  times  at  a  higher  rate 


I    ' 


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iH  ooldek'b  rei>ort  ok  the  LAfftm 

and  aometimes  the  rent  was  less,  probably  as  the  value  of  theittnd 
was  represented.  And  as  these  grants  are  the  most  profitable  to 
the  Lords  of  the  soil,  so  are  they  to  the  Tenant,  they  being  free 
of  all  those  disputes  about  their  Boundaries  which  have  in  a  great 
measure  rendered  some  others  useless  to  the  grantees.  S>^  Edward 
has  left  but  a  few  exceptions  to  be  made  to  this  general  account 
given  of  his  care  of  his  Masters  Interest.  Coll  Dungan  who  suc- 
ceeded him,  followed  his  steps  in  the  Granting  of  Lands,  but  the 
exceptions  to  the  General  Good  Rule  are  both  more  numerous  and 
more  considerable  than  in  Sr  Edmchds  administration. 

While  Coll  Dungan  was  Gov'  the  Duke  of  York  became  King 
by  which  the  property  of  the  Soil  and  the  Quitrents  became 
aneixed  to  the  crown,  and  have  continued  so  ever  since,  but  astite 
Revolution  happened  soon  afterwards,  there  is  nothing  material  to 
be  observed  'till  after  that  time. 

After  the  Revolution  the  Grants  of  Lands  to  all  ran  in  the 
Kings  name,  whereas  before  that  they  were  made  in  the  Gov" 
name  that  granted  the  Land,  and  this  method  of  Granting  in  the 
Gov*^*  name  -wzs  continued  after  the  Duke  of  York  became  King, 
as  it  was  before. 

Coll  Slaughter  the  first  Governor  after  the  Revolution,  fbund 
the  Country  in  such  conf\ision  and  lived  so  short  a  while  that  I 
think  only  one  Patent  passed  in  his  time  for  Lands.  But  Coll 
Fletcher,  who  succeeded  him,  made  amends  by  the  liberal  hand 
with  which  he  gave  away  Lands.  The  most  extraordinary  favors 
of  fontaer  GoV«  Vrere  but  petty  Gi-ants  in  comparison  of  his  He 
was  a  generous  man,  and  gave  the  Kings  Lands  by  parcels  of 
upwards  of  One  hundred  thousand  Acres  to  a  man,  and  to  some 
particular  favourites  four  or  five  times  that  quantity,  but  the  King 
was  not  pleased  with  him,  as  I  am  told,  and  he  was  recalled  in 
dittfri^e.     Tlus  lavishing  away  of  lands  probably  was  ohe  reason 

The  Earl  of  Bellamont,  who  succeeded,  having  orders  to  tise 
all  legal  mtans  for  breaking  extravagant  grants  of  I^and,  joined 
witlh  the  assembly  in  vacating  several  of  the  extravagant  Grants 
made  by  Coll  Fletdier  but  as  this  act  was  carried  thro'  with  Spirit 
of  party  in  the  assembly,  it  passed  with  'mmch  1^  itfrpartiality 


IN  THB  PROVIMCE  OF  NKW-YOEK. 


m 


than  might  have  been  expected  from  the  Justice  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. For  some  of  the  most  extravagant  Grants  were  passed  over, 
while  some  others  were  declared  extravagant  and  vacated,  that  no 
way  deserved  that  Character.  However  this  act  has  considerably 
encreased  his  Majestys  Quitrents  for  of  these  tracts  which  were 
then  vacated,  and  which  by  their  pattents  were  to  pay  altogether 
five  beaver  skins,  one  otter  skin  one  fat  Buck  and  twenty  shil- 
lings the  lands  since  that  time  rcgranted  within  the  bounds  of  the 
said  patents  pay  near  four  hundred  pounds  yearly  at  the  rate  of 
2"  6^  per  hundred  acres,  notwithstanding  that  a  great  part  of  thete 
lands  still  remain  ungranted.  The  Earl  of  BelIanr.ont's  adminis- 
tration was  short  he  being  removed  by  Death  before  he  could 
compleat  the  designs  he  had  in  view 

After  his  death  the  administration  fell  into  Cap'  Nafans  hands, 
then  Lieu'  Gov'.  It  appears  that  the  Grants  made  in  his  time 
pass'd  in  a  hurry,  without  any  previous  Survey,  but  upon  very 
uncertain  informations  of  the  natural  Boundaries,  which  the  Gran- 
tees took  in  their  Grants,  so  that  some  of  them  are  become  a  sort 
of  ambulatory  Grants.  The  Patentees  claiming,  by  virtue  of  the 
sanie  Grant,  sometimes  in  One  part  of  the  Country,  and  some- 
times in  another,  as  they  are  driven  from  one  place  to  another  by 
others  claiming  the  same  lands  with  more  certainty.  In  other 
grants  we  find  the  same  persons  joined  in  several  Grants  with 
others,  which  Grants  were  intended  for  different  Tracts  and  in 
appearance  seem  to  be  so,  and  yet  by  their  present  claims  they 
take  in  the  same  Lands  within  the  bounds  of  their  several  grants. 

The  Earl  of  Bellamont  was  succeeded,  after  Queen  Anns  acces- 
sion to  the  throne  by  her  Cousin  the  Lord  Cornbury.  The  Grants 
of  large  tracts  upon  trifling  quitrents,  that  were  made  during  his 
Lordships  administration  at  least  equalled  those  of  all  his  prede- 
cessors put  together.  Indeed  his  Lordship's  inclinations  were  so 
evident  to  every  body  at  that  time  that  two  Gentlemen  (as  I  am 
well  assured)  had  agreed  with  his  Lordship  for  a  Grant  of  all  the 
lands  in  the  Province,  at  a  Lump,  which  were  not  at  that  time 
granted,  and  that  the  only  thing  which  prevented  the  passing  of 
that  grant  was,  that  those  Gent"  apprehended  that  the  Grant 
would  of  itself  appear  so  extravagant  and  would  create  so  many 


1 

i 

! 
1 

■  ■! 

i  • 
i 

.1 

S    ■ 

■  ;l 

*  * 

V 

■  ■ 

■  ■     « 

I  '.• 


$  it 


^1   ''^ 


382 


COLDEN^  REPORT  ON  THE  LANDS 


VSWW''^ 

im^^ 

:" 

Bf'* 

t  i 

H4 

■ 

1 

i    ; 

1'  ' 

i 

ij 

enemies,  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  hold  it.  During  the 
Lord  Coinbur)  's  administration  an  act  was  likewise  passed,  repeal- 
ing the  act  above  mentioned  for  vacating  the  extravagant  Grants 
of  Land  by  Coll  Fletcher.  The  vacating  Act  passed  not  long 
before  King  Williams  Death,  and  lay  in  the  offices  in  England 
without  any  notice  taken  of  it,  till  after  the  Lord  Cornbury  was 
removed  from  his  Government ;  then  the  vacating  Act  was  con- 
firmed and  the  Act  repealing  it  was  repeal'd  by  the  Queen  and  at 
the  same  time  new  instructions  were  given  to  the  Gov"",  by  which 
the  Quitrent  was  directed  not  to  be  less  than  2"  6*^  each  hundred 
acres,  and  previous  Surveys  were  ordered  to  be  made  before  the 
Grant  should  pass,  which  have  effectually  prevented  the  above 
mentioned  abuses. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  some  more  particular  account  of  the 
great  Grants  of  Lands,  I  mean  of  such  as  contain  fifty  thousand 
Acres  and  upwards  to  a  Million  of  acres,  for  if  I  be  not  very  much 
misinformed,  there  is  more  than  one  that  contain  that  quantity. , 

No  quantity  of  Land  or  number  of  Acres,  for  the  most  part,  are 
mentioned  in  any  of  these  Grants,  nor  is  it  possible  to  discover  the 
Quantity,  by  inspection  of  the  Patents,  as  it  may  be  done  in  those 
Grants  which  are  founded  on  a  previous  Survey  and  where  any 
quantity  is  expressed,  it  seems  to  be  done  more  with  design  to 
hide  the  real  quantity  (if  their  present  claims  be  truly  conformable 
to  their  original  bounds)  than  to  set  forth  the  truth,  for  I  have 
hear'd  of  one  instance  at  least,  where  the  patent  Grants  300  acres, 
and  the  patentee  now  claims  upwards  of  sixty  thousand  acres 
within  the  bounds  of  his  Grant.  Others  suspecting  that  such  dis- 
proportion, between  the  real  quantity  and  the  quantity  expressed 
in  the  Grant,  might  invalidate  the  Grant,  got  the  quantity  of 
Land  to  be  expressed  in  the  following  manner.  Containing  for 
example,  One  thousand  acres  of  profitable  Land,  besides  wood 
Land,  and  waste  and  yet,  when  these  Ltinds  were  Granted,  per- 
haps there  was  not  ten  acres  that  was  not  wood  Land,  or  One 
Acre  that  at  the  time  of  the  Grant  yielded  any  profit  or  one  acre 
that  by  improvement  might  not  be  made  profitable.  Others  guard 
against  this  exception  to  their  Grant,  by  adding  to  the  quantity 
of  Land  expressed  in  the  Grant  these  words  Be  it  more  or  less^ 


si 
c 
p< 

m 
R 


for 
rood 
per- 
One 
acre 
juard 
mtity 


IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  N^V-YORK. 


333 


or  some  such  words,  and  by  virtue  of  these  they  not  only  claim 
a  small  quantity  more  than  is  expressed  in  the  patent,  but  claim 
twice  as  much,  and  often  ten  times  as  much,  and  sometimes  above 
one  hundred  times  the  quantity  of  Land  that  is  expressed  in  the 
Grant,  but  as  I  said  before,  generally  no  quantity  of  Land  is 
expressed  in  the  Large  Grants 

There  being  no  previous  Survey  to  the  Grants,  their  Bounda- 
ries are  generally  expressed  with  much  uncertainty.  By  the  Indian 
names  of  Brooks,  Rivulets,  Hills,  Ponds,  Falls  of  water  &c  which 
were  nnd  still  are  known  to  very  few  Christians,  and  which  adds 
to  this  uncertainty  is,  that  such  names  as  are  in  these  Grants  taken 
to  be  the  proper  name  of  a  Brook,  Hill,  or  Fall  of  water  &,c  in 
the  Indian  Language  signifies  only  a  Large  Brook  or  broad  Brook, 
or  small  Br^,  or  high  Hill,  or  only  a  Hill  or  fall  of  water  in 
general,  so  that  the  Indians  shew  many  places  by  the  same  name 
Brooks  and  Rivers  have  different  names  withe  the  Indians,  at  dif- 
ferent places  and  often  change  their  names,  they  taking  their 
names  often  from  the  abode  of  some  Indian  near  the  place  where 
it  is  so  called.  This  has  given  room  to  some  to  explain  and  en- 
large their  Grants  according  to  their  own  inclinations  by  putting 
the  names  mentioned  in  their  grants  to  what  place  or  part  of  the 
Country  they  please,  of  wlii<ihl  can  give  some  particular  instances 
where  the  claims  of  some  have  increased  many  miles,  in  a  few 
years,  and  this  they  commonly  do,  by  taking  some  Indians,  in  a 
Publick  manner,  to  shew  such  places  as  they  name  to  them,  and 
it  is  too  well  known  that  an  Indian  will  shtw  any  place  by  any 
name  you  please,  for  the  small  reward  of  a  Blanket  or  Bottle  of 
Rum ;  and  the  names  as  I  observed,  being  common  names  in  the 
Indian  language,  and  not  proper  ones  as  they  are  understood  to 
be  in  English,  gives  more  room  to  these  Frauds 

Several  of  the  great  Tracts  lying  on  Hudson's  River  are  bounded 
by  that  River,  on  the  East  or  West  sides  and  on  the  North  and 
South  sides  by  Brooks  or  Streams  of  Water  which,  when  the 
Country  was  not  well  known,  were  supposed  to  run  nearly 
perpendicular  to  the  River,  as  they  do  for  some  distance  f.  om  their 
mouths,  whereas  many  of  these  Brooks  run  nearly  parallel  to  the 
River  and  sometimes  in  a  course  almost  directly  opposite  to  the 


4 


:',i; 


m 


f 


i^,  > 


f 


It     - 


i 


B-: 


{  ,■ 

hi 
I 

i 


i 

i 
"1 

i 
^      1 

■ 

I  ■  ■  ■  9>  ■ 

\       J5 ; 

t       ^^' 

'   .fc' 

384 


colden's  report  on  the  lakds 


River.  This  has  created  great  confusion  with  the  adjoining 
patents,  and  frequently  Contradictions  in  the  boundaries,  as  they 
are  expressed  in  the  same  patent. 

Sometimes  the  Grant  is  of  the  Land  that  belonged  to  such  an 
Indian  by  name  or  is  bounded  by  such  an  Indians  land,  but  to 
prove  that  any  particular  spot  belonged  to  any  particular  Indian,  or 
to  show  the  bounds  of  any  particular  Indian,  I  believe  is  beyond 
human  skill,  so  as  to  make  it  evident  to  any  indifferent  man 

I  shall  next  recite  what  have  been  the  consequences  of  these 
largp  Grants,  It  is  evident  that  thereby  the  King  has  been  depri- 
ved of  almost  all  his  Quitrents,  which  it  appears  by  the  powers 
given  to  the  Gov'«  to  grant  Lands,  the  King  design'd  to  reserve. 
But  the  consequence  I  think,  has  been  much  worse  as'  to  the 
improvement  of  the  country  for  tho  this  Country  was  settled  many 
years  before  Pennsylvania,  and  some  of  the  Neighboring  Collonies, 
and  has  many  advantages  over  them,  as  to  the  situation  and  con^ 
veniencies  of  Trade,  it  is  not  near  so  well  cultivated,  nor  are  there 
near  such  a  number  of  Inhabitants,  as  in  the  others,  in  proportion 
to  the  quantity  of  Land ;  and  it  is  chiefly  if  not  only  where  these 
large  Grants  are  made  where  the  Country  remains  uncultivated — 
tho  they  contain  some  of  the  best  of  the  Lands,  and  the  most  con^ 
veniently  situated.  And  every  year  the  Young  people  go  from 
this  Province,  and  Purchase  Land  in  the  Neighbouring  Colonies, 
while  much  better  and  every  way  more  convenient  Lands  lie 
useless  to  the  King  and  Country  The  reason  of  this  is  that  the 
Grantees  themselves  are  not,  nor  never  were  in  a  Capacity  to 
improve  such  large  Tracts  and  other  People  will  not  become  their 
Vassals  or  Tenants  for  one  great  reason  as  peoples  (the  better 
sort  especially)  leaving  their  native  Country,  was  to  avoid  the 
dependence  on  landlords,  and  to  enjoy  lands  in  fee  to  descend  to 
their  posterity  that  their  children  may  reap  the  benefit  of  their 
labour  and  Industry  There  is  the  more  reason  for  this  because 
the  first  purchase  of  unimproved  Land  is  but  a  trifle  to  the  charge 
of  improving  them 

It  may  perhaps  deserve  the  consideration  of  those  who  are  more 
capable  of  Political  foresight  than  I  am,  whether,  if  these  large 
Grants  take  place,  as  they  are  designed  and  become  great  Lord- 


IN  THE  PROTINCC  OV  NEW-TOUC. 


386 


ause 
arge 


ships  with  large  dependancies  and  revenues,  whether  this  wiH 
secure  or  indanger  the  Dependancy  of  the  Colonies  on  their 
Mother  Country.  I  think  few  instances  can  be  given  where  great 
changes  were  brought  to  effect,  in  any  state  but  when  they  were 
headed  by  Rich  and  powerful  men  ;  any  other  commotions  gene- 
rally produced  only  some  short  lived  disorders  and  Confusions 

Now  that  I  have  done  with  what  is  more  peculiarly  my  business 
the  Historical  part  of  this  representation,  yet,  as  your  Excellency 
did  me  the  Honour  likewise  to  ask  my  opinion  of  what  Remedy 
may  be  most  proper,  and  effectual,  I  flatter  myself  that  the  giving 
my  opinion  at  large  in  wriUng  will  be  most  agreeable  to  your 
Excellency's  commands. 

What  at  first  Sight  occurs  in  the  vacating  or  breaking  these 
Grants  by  due  course  of  Law,  and  indeed  there  seems  in  common 
justice  to  be  room  enough  for  it  but  (to  the  purely  Legal  part,  as 
it  is  an  art  or  science  I  pretend  to  no  skill  in  it)  It  is  evident  that 
in  many  of  these  the  Governor  who  granted  them  was  deceived  as 
to  the  quantity  ;  but  that  the  King  was  deceived  in  all  of  them. 
The  Gov'  who  granted  these  large  tracts,  if  they  knew  their 
extent,  were  guilty  of  a  notorious  breach  of  trust,  and  as  it  can- 
not be  supposed,  that  they  did  this  merely  in  the  gayety  of  their 
heart,  they  must  have  had  some  temptation,  and  this  must  be 
supposed  to  proceed  from  those  that  received  the  Benefit  of  it. 
That  therefore  the  Grantees  are  equally  guilty  with  the  Gov'  in 
deceiving  the  King,  and  likewise  of  defrauding  all  the  adventurers 
or  settlers  in  the  Colony  of  their  equal  chance  of  obtaining  the 
most  improvable  and  convenient  lands,  and  of  preventing  the 
improvement  and  settling  of  the  Colony  for  which  purpose  only  the 
Lands  are  supposed  to  be  Granted.  These  things  supposed,  T  can 
make  no  doubt  of  a  remedy  in  the  common  course  of  the  Law, 
but  notwithstanding  of  this  I  apprehend,  that  it  will  be  accompa- 
nied with  so  many  difficulties,  that  it  will  be  better  to  think  of 
some  other.  For  all  attempts,  of  those  in  the  administration  upon 
the  properties  of  the  subjects,  are  looked  upon  with  an  evil  eye 
and  as  dangerous,  and  will  be  more  so  in  this  Country,  where 
perhaps  few  Grants  in  America  are  made  with  such  skill  and  care 
that  some  flaw  may  not  be  found  in  them  by  a  strict  and  legal 
26 


m  ?!  m 


:;'\ 


I     ,l 


I    l\ 


colsenVi  scroRTS  oir  thx  lasus 


I 


MMTcfa,  80  that  every  man  -will  be  apt  to  look  upon  any  attempt  of 
tiw  kind,  as  in  some  measure  his  own  case,  and  those  that  are 
Mally  concerned  will  use  all  their  Art  to  stir  up  the  people  to 
nake  it  a  Country  Quarrel  To  prevent  this  it  may  be  proposed, 
to  give  an  absolute  confirmation  of  all  the  Grants  excepting  such 
as  vre  truly  extravagant  But  it  will  he  difficult  how  to  define  or 
determine  the  Grants  that  are  truely  such  without  making  the 
txo^ions  to  general  or  too  particular,  by  iiammg  the  particular 
Grants  to  bo  excepted 

The  following  praposal  seems  to  me  to  be  more  practicable^ 
Viz  to  abolish  all  the  present  rents,  by  an  act  of  the  Legislatwe, 
and  in  lieu  of  them  to  establish  the  Quitrents  of  all  passed  grants 
at  2"  6^  p'  hundred  acres,  with  an  absolute  Confirmation  of  al 
Grants  upon  their  paying  the  said  Quitrents.  This  would  effect- 
nally  restore  the  Quitrents,  and  would  as  effiectually  destroy  all 
iSu  Gr*"  wluch  are  truly  extravagant.  I  mean  such  as  the  Pro- 
pridiers  cannot  improve  in  any  reasonable  time  for  as  this  rent 
woukl  be  very  heavy  where  the  Tracts  exceed  twenty  or  thirty 
thoasand  acres,  the  Patentees  would  gladly  surrender  their  Grants, 
to  free  themselves  from  this  Burden,  but  at  the  same  tiiuc  it  would 
be  just  to  presence  to  ihem  their  improved  Lands  under  proper 
restrictions  of  not  readeriag  useless  any  part  of  what  is  not  deli- 
yered  up. 

The  Quitrents  would  in  this  case  be  sufficient  to  support  the 
Goveniment,  and  if  they  wore  applied  to  that  purpose,  I  believe 
would  give  a  general  satisfaction,  because  it  would  be  as  equal  a 
Taication  as  could  well  be  contrived,  and  the  taxes  would  not,  as 
they  do  now,  fall  only  upon  the  improvements  and  the  industry  of 
the  people.  It  wou'^  likewise  absolutely  remove  the  complaints  of 
the  Merchants,  so  that  it  would  generally  please  all  sorts,  except- 
ing the  owners  of  the  lai^  Tracts-^And  I  humbly  conceive  it 
for  the  Kings  interest  and  of  all  those  in  the  Administration  to 
consent  to  this,  because  the  Quitrents  are  of  no  use  besides  pay- 
iog  the  Salary  of  the  Receiver  and  Auditor,  and  that  Gentlemans 
Estate  would  be  thought  to  be  ill  managed,  when  it  only  paid  his 
Steward  and  his  Clerks  wages.  Besides  when  the  revenue  shall 
be  fixed  in  this  manner  it  will  be  much  easier  to  obtain  extraor-. 


bl 


ths 
the 


lut^ 

coi 

tho 


IV  TUB  mowwat  mr  vevf-vmst. 


^ST 


binary  supplies  when  they  shall  be  wanted,  and  it  wiU  likeMrise 
be  much  easier  for  the  People  to  pay  them 

The  chief  objection,  which  I  can  conceive,  that  will  be  made 
to  this  is  th^  if  a  perpetual  revenue  be  Granted,  then  the  Oov** 
will  be  free'd  from  that  dlqiendance  on  the  People,  and  check  on 
their  behaviour  that  is  necessary  in  all  well  ballanced  Govern- 
ments and  which  is  the  ioiily  clieck  which  the  poor  people  liare 
in  America  and  that  without  such  check  the  people  of  the  Planta- 
tioos  may  become  a  prey  to  Rapacious  Tyrannical  Gov't*  or  other 
officers,  tko  the  people  do  not  doubt  of  their  obtaining  relief 
from  the  King,  and  his  Ministers  yet  that  relief  is  at  such  a 
distance,  and  must  be  attended  with  so  much  charge,  that  few 
private  persons  can  have  any  beA«^t  hy  it,  and  may  often  prove 
ineffectual  by  being  too  late  even  when  many  join  in  the  com- 
plaint. Therefore  unless  some  effectual  solid  check  be  given  to 
tike  people,  in  lieu  of  what  they  have  at  present,  by  granting  the 
Revenue  for  a  i^rt  time,  it  cannot  be  expected  tliat  ever  they 
will  consMit  to  a  perpetual  Revenue  of  any  kind,  or  thut  they 
will  be  easy  under  it.      ''  '• 

•  Now  I  have  laid  before  your  Excellency  in  the  best  manner  I 
can  within  the  bounds  I  think  it  necessary  to  confine  myself,  the 
most  material  things  concerning  the  Grants  of  Lands,  as  far  as 
relates  to  the  King,  the  people  of  the  Province,  and  the  Grantees. 
If  the  remedy  for  the  abuses  set  forth  be  thought  practicable, 
no  doubt  your  Excellency  will  ei^ily  obtain  an  Instruction, 
su<ch  as  the  Earl  of  Bellamont  had  to  propose  to  the  A.ssein- 
bly  to  find  some  proper  means  for  establishing  the  Quitrents 
generally  over  all  the  lands  in  Province  at  the  same  rate  and 
for  promoting  the  improvement  and  settling  of  the  Country,  for 
that  otherwise  the  King  will  take  such  legal  methods,  as  shall  be 
thought  proper  for  vacating  extravagant  Grants,  and  receiving  his 
Quitrents.  And  if  there  be  a  permission  given  at  the  same  time 
to  apply  the  Quitrents  to  the  support  of  Government,  and  abso-^ 
lutely  to  confirm  all  past  Grants,  I  believe  an  Assembly  may 
conform  with  the  Instructions,  under  such  restrictions  as  shall  be 
thought  necessary  chedcs  on  the  officers — 


\i  I 


if  fVfrVt 


■■*» 


rrr 
''  '■  [ 


388 


oolden's  kefort  on  thk  ijkxn 


If;: 


In  order  to  compute  what  the  Quitrents  would  immediately 
yield  I  make  the  following  calculation- 
Long  Island  is  computed  to  be  150  miles  long,  and  Albany  to 
be  the  same  number  of  miles  distant  from  New  York,  I  suppose 
Long  Island  to  be  eight  miles  wide,  one  place  with  another,  and 
that  10  miles  on  each  side  Hudson's  River  would  immediately 
pay  rent,  this  amount  to  —  2,688,000  Acres  which  at  2*  6^  the 
hundred  will  yield  JC3350,  and  if  the  Cities  of  New  York  and 
Albany  pay  a  reasonable  Quitrent  for  their  house  lots  the  whole 
Quitrent  will  immediately  amount  to  4000  pounds  yearly,  which 
ia  more  than  the  Assembly  has  at  any  time  given  for  the  support 
of  Govern* 

It  may  be  objected  that  the  length  of  Long  Island  and  distance 
to  Albany  may  be  less  than  what  is  vulgarly  computed :  That 
New  Jersey  extends  20  miles  on  one  side  Hudson's  River:  and 
that  some  Mountainous  places,  within  my  computation  will  yield 
no  quitrent  in  this  age  but  if  it  be  considered  that  Staten  Island 
is  not  within  the  Computation  that  the  settlements  extend  30 
Miles  beyond  Albany,  and  that  many  settlements  are  twenty  miles 
from  the  river  and  some  thirty  miles,  it  will  be  granted  the 
Quitrents  will  at  least  amount  to  the  sum  above  mentioned. 

In  the  Inst  place  it  may  be  objected,  that  the  Kings  Ministers 
design  the  Quitrents  for  other  uses,  but  if  it  be  considered  of 
what  consequence  it  is  to  free  the  Kings  Officers  of  that 
immediate  dependance  on  the  humours  of  an  Assembly,  they 
are  now  under  for  their  daily  support,  I  believe  it  will  be 
thought  more  for  His  Majestys  service  to  apply  the  Quitrents  to 
the  support  of  the  Administration  in  this  Province,  than  to  the 
uses  the  Quitrents  have  been  hitherto  applied. 


Note. — ^Appended  to  the  copy  of  the  preceding,  in  possession 

of  the  N.  Y.  Historical  Society,  is  the  following  memorandum,  in 

the  hand-writing  of  Lieut.  Governor  Colden  : — 

Mat  6th,  1752. 

It  is  now  twenty  years  since  I  delivered  the  above  Memorial  to 

Col.  Cosby,  soon  after  his  arrival.     I  question  whether  ever  he 

read  it.     I  have  reason  to  think  he  gave  it  to  the  person  in  whom 


1 


m  TBB  PROTINCE  OF  MEW-YORK. 

kft  then  confided  who  had  no  inclination  to  forward  the  purposes 
of  it.    It  had  no  other  effect  than  to  be  prcdjudicial  to  myself. 

The  computations  of  what  the  lands  would  have  at  that  time 
produced  at  2*  6**  p'  hundred  acres  I  believe  were  made  within 
bounds.  The  settlements  are  greatly  increased  since  that  time 
more  than  in  fifty  years  before  it  so  that  I  make  no  doubt  they 
will  produce  six  thousand  pounds  a  year  taking  in  a  reasonable 
Quitrent  for  the  house  lots  in  the  Cities  of  New  York  and  Albany. 

I  forgot  to  mention  that  it  appears  from  the  Records  that  num- 
bers of  house  lots  were  granted  under  the  yearly  Quitrents  of 
one  shilling  two  shillings  &c  or  some  such  small  rent  which  I 
believe  is  now  never  paid. 


listers 
red  of 
that 
.,  they 
Kll  he 
ents  to 
Ito  the 


{session 
lum,  in 

1, 1762. 
lorial  to 
ever  be 
whom 


I     '". 


I    i 


'     .E-t       !■ 


I     ! 


^IjpL 

1 

^^;ii 

l^m]  '  :!:i 

^h 

1 

U 

'    1 

1 
1 

W-T  Wl 


t»«t 


.'    r- 


XV. 


PAPERS 


HUATim  TO 


<K[ie  |n0qnf[jQnna[j  Jljner. 


I     i^vl 


1683-1757. 


■  1 


m 


'i^.;   r- 


i'  k, 


i 


Hi 


8' 


r4 

1^'  ' 

1 1 

I 

1- 

:lU 

lln 


!#^ 


// 


mVA'VH 


*>  f'8  ■•#+<►* 


.«#K- 


t 


"«•  f 


'Xtf# 


I  .  l\ 


•^1 


[From  the  Dutch  Reoordt  entitled  <<  Proeeedingt  of  the  Juitleei  of  the  Pi 
born  1680  to  l(i8S,"  in  the  Countjr  Clerk's  Office,  Albuy.] 

Extraordinary  Meeting  holden  in  Jilhany 
m  the  7  Septtmlr  1683. 

Present — Marte  Oerritse,  Cornelis  Van  Dyclc,  Dirck  Wesselsi 
Joh:  Provoost,  J.  Janse  Bleker. 

Two  Oayugas,  Aekontjaekon  and  Kalejaegoeke  by  name,  and  a 
Susquehanne  being  questioned  in  the  Ccurt  house  relative  to  the 
situation  of  the  Susquehanne  River  which  M'.  W">  Haig  and  M'. 
James  Graham,  Gov:  W"  Penn's  Agents,  propose  to  purchase, 
Report  as  follows: — 

That  it  is  one  day's  journey  from  the  Mohawk  Castles  to  the 
Lake  whence  the  Susquehanne  River  rises,  and  then  10  day's  jour- 
ney from  the  River  to  the  Susquehanne  Castles — in  all  11  days: 

One  day  and  a  half's  journey  by  land  from  Onoida  to  the  kill 
which  falls  into  the  Susquehanne  River,  and  one  day  from  the 
kill  unto  the  Susquehanne  River,  and  then  7  days  unto  the  Sus- 
quehanne Castle — in  all  9^  days'  journey: 

Haifa  days  journey  by  land  and  one  by  Water  from  Onnondage 
before  we  arrive  at  the  River,  and  then  6  days  from  the  River: 

From  Cayuga  one  day  and  a  half  by  Land  and  by  water  before 
arriving  at  the  River  and  then  5  days  from  the  River: 

From  Sinnekes'  four  Castles  3  days  by  Land  and  2  days  by 
water  ere  arriving  at  the  River  and  then  5  days  from  the  River — 
in  all  10  days  which  is  very  easy,  they  conveying  their  packs  in 
Canoes  from  the  River: — 

The  Indians  demand  wherefore  such  particular  information 
relative  to  the  Susquehanne  River  is  sought  after  from  them,  and 
whether  people  are  about  to  come  there  1  The  Indians  are  asked 
if  it  would  be  agreeable  to  them  if  folks  should  settle  there  ? 
The  Indians  answer,  that  they  would  be  very  glad  if  people  came 
to  settle  there,  as  it  is  nigher  than  this  place  and  more  convenient 


p 


iA 


it 


I  i 


I -'I 
■  i. 


'     I 


,     ! 


s  ■ 

pi     '- 


>»  m 


394 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO 


to  transport  themselves  and  packs  by  water  inasmuch  as  they 
must  bring  every  thing  hither  on  their  backs ;  say  further,  that 
people  must  go  from  here  and  dwell  theie.  Those  there  should  be 
pleased  on  that  account — they  will  come  to  trade  there. 

N.  B.  The  ascending  the  Susquehannah  Rivr  is  one  week 
kuiger  than  tke  descending. 

A  Map>^  of  the  Susqehannah  River  is  sent  to  the  Oovernour 
with  this  letter : — 

Mbany  8'*  of  Sep^  1683. 

Bigljil  HQa'>>« — Wee  have  accordbg  to  your  hon"  CWmvnds 
taken  Informac<^|  both  off  Christians  and  Indians  concerning  y« 
situation,  of  Susquehannes  River,  and  how  near  it  Lj^a  to  y« 
severall  Nation^^  off  Indians  We^wards,  that  Live  in  his  B: 
highnesse  T«trritories  and  from  whence  y^  trade  i^  brought  to  these 
Parts,  and  after  that  we  caused  Twoo  Cajouges  Indians  and  a 
Susquehanne  Indian  demonstrate  to  us  all  y^  Riv&fs  and  Creeks 
Relateing  thereunto,  doe  finde,  that  they  that  setle  upon  said  River, 
will  be  much  nearer  to  y«  Indians  then  this  Place,  and  conse^ 
quentlyryB  Indians  more  Inclinable  to  goe  there,  where  y«  accomt 
uodation  of  a  River  is  to  be  bad,  then  come  by  Land  here,  as  the 
said  Indians  did  expresse,.  soe  y^  by  that  meanss  your  hon>  may 
easily  conjeecture,  how  advantageous  it  will  be  to  his  Royall  highr 
nesse  Intrest,  and  since  your  hon'  was  desyrcoua  to  know  our 
opinion»  of  y"  bussinesse,  wee  cannot  juge,  but  that  it  will  be 
Prejudiciall  to  his  Royall  highnesse  Government  but  y»  Expedir 
ent  tlKit  is  to  be  found  for  Preventing  y^  same,  is  Left  to  your 
hon<^  Considerac^n  Wee  have  ordered  our  Secretary  to  draw  ^ 
draught  of  y«  River,  and  how  ye  fores^  five  Nations  of  Indians 
Lie,  asi  near  as  y^  forest  Indiana  could  demonstrate,  which  we  are 
apt  to  beleeve  is  not  much  amisse,  and  have  sent  it  here  Inclosed, 
we  shall  p'  y«  first  conveniency  expect  your  hon"  Comands  h<n\9 
to  act  and  Proceed  in  y  Bussinesse.  In  y^  meantime  shall  break 
off  and  Remain  Your  hon"  most  humble  &  ,;, 

most  obedient  Servants 
Ye  Commissaries  of  Albany  &o> 


ui 


ip. 


Sf 


fit 


:o» 


^;i 


THtf  ^vV^'istAlnfAti  MtlrER. 


39C 


-isanf  *▼  I 


THE  MAGISTMTES  OP  ALBAM  TO  GOV.  D0N6AN. 

Right  honbio 

Last  night  Arnout  y*  Interpreter  arrived  here  from  y*  Indians 
Westward'  and  brings  us  news  y^  y«  four  Nations  viz*  Cajouges, 
Onnondages,  Oheydes  &  IVfaquase  are  upon  there  way  hither  and 
may  be  expected  her  tomorrow,  Wee  are  credibly  Informed  of 
there  willingnesse  to  dispose  of  y«  Susquehanne  River,  being  verry 
glad  to  hear  off  Christians  intending  to  come  and  Live  there,  it 
being  much  nearer  them  then  this  Place  and  much  easier  to  get 
thither  with  there  bever,  The  River  being  navigable  w*  Canoes 
till  hard  by  there  Castles,  soe  y*  if  W™  Penn  buys  said  River,  it 
will  tend  to  y«  utter  Ruine  off  y*  Bev'  Trade,  as  y*  Indians  tbem- 
selfs  doe  acknowlege  and  Consequently  to  y*  great  Prejudice  off 
his  Royall  highnesse  Revenue's  and  his  whole  Territory es  in  gene- 
ral, all  which  we  doe  humbly  offer  to  your  hon'"  serious  Consi- 
deracdn,  Wee  presume  that  there  hath  not  any  thing  Ever  been 
mooved  or  agitated  from  y^  first  settleing  of  these  Part^,  more 
Prejudiciall  to  his  Royal  highnesse  Intrest,  and  y^  Inhabitants  of 
this  his  govern*  then  this  businesse  of  y^  Susquehanne  River, 
The  french  its  true  have  endevoured  to  take  away  our  trade,  by 
Peace  mealls  but  this  will  cutt  it  all  off  at  once  j  The  day  after 
your  hon'  departed,  wee  sent  a  draught  of  y"  River  and  how  neai* 
there  Castles  lie  to  it,  drawne  by  our  Seer'  as  near  as  y«  Indians 
could  deskribe,  a  copy  Whereof  we  have  kept  here,  anfl  Arnout 
y*  Interpreter  says  that  he  is  also  informed  by  diverse  Indians, 
that  y*  Castles  are  situate  as  near  y«  Susquehanne  River  as  y* 
draught  demonstrates,  if  not  nearer ;  and  in  his  Private  discourse 
with  them,  did  Perceive  there  joy  of  People  comeing  to  live 
there ;  Wee  did  Expect  an  answ'  of  our  Letter  w*  y"  Last  Sloops 
with  absolute  orders  Concerning  this  bussinesse.  In  the  meantime' 
shall  Putt  a  Stopp  to  all  Proceedings  till  wee  have  Rec'  your 


^1 


t  } 


i^.  '/ i 


■ 

i 


hi 


m^h 


m'-:ii 


-m 

\ 


ii  Mil 


r 


hi 

Ri-''. 


396 


PAPERS  HBLATING  TO 


hon'*  Commands  -w^^  we  hope  will  be  to  deny  y*  treaty  in  this 
point.  This  goes  by  an  Expresse  sent  by  M'  Haig  Wee  suppose 
to  Mr  Graham  to  come  up  and  Prosecute  bussinesse ;  In  y"  mean- 
time shall  use  our  uttmost  Endeavours  in  our  Stations  both  for  Our 
Masters  hon'  and  y"  Interest  and  y«  Wellfare  off  his  Territories, 
whilst  wee  subscribe  ourselfs 

Your  hon'*  most  humble 

&  Devoted  Servants  Y' 
Albany  24  Sept'  1683.  Commissaries  of  Albany  &c* 

Mr  Haig  did  not  send  yo  Canoo  yesterday,  expecting  Possibly 
to  hear  first  off  y*  Indians  arrivall  who  are  now  all  att  Skinnecttady . 


PROPOSALS 

OFTBRBD  BY  THE  CAYUGA  AND  ONNONDA6E  SACHEMS  TO  THE  W.  OCHi- 
MISSAKIES  OF  ALBANY,  OOLONIB  KENSELAERSWYK  &C.  IH  THE 
COUBT  HOUSE  OF  ALBANY  THE  26^'>  SEPTEMBER,    1683. 

IWtom  Dutch  Record  0.  No.  3,  in  County's  Clerk's  Ofllee,  Albanjr.] 

Present — ^Marte  Gerritse,  Corn:  Van  Dyck,  Dirck  Wessells,  J. 
ProYoost,  P.Winne,  Hend:  Van  Ness,  J.  Janse  Bleker,R.  Pretty, 
Sheriffe,  P.  Livingston,  Sec. 

Brothers.  We  are  rejoiced  to  see  the  Brethern  here  who  Re- 
present Corlaer,  We  were  yesterday  together  and  heard  the  Great 
Penn,  (meaning  the  agent  of  Govern'  Penn)  speak  about  the  Land 
lying  on  the  Susquehanne  River,  but  saw  none  of  the  Commissa- 
ries, nor  Corlaer's  order. 

I  haYe  slept  but  little  through  the  night  though  I  coi^stantly  tried, 
and  think  that  the  Land  cannot  be  sold  without  Corker's  order, 
for  we  transferred  it  to  this  Government  four  years  ago.  There- 
fore we  shall  do  nothing  in  the  Sale  without  Corlaer  (meaning  the 
GoY.  Gen*)  or  his  order  or  those  who  Represent  him. 

The  aforesaid  Land  belongs  to  us,  Cayugas  and  Onnondages, 
alone ;  the  other  three  Nations  v\z*  the  Sinnekes,  Oneydes  and 
Maquaas  haYe  nothing  to  do  vith  it. 


and 


IdageSt 
and 


THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RITER. 


397 


We  have  not  only  conveyed,  but  given  it,  four  years  ago,  to 
Corlaer,  that  is  the  Gov.  Gen',  to  rule  over  it,  and  we  now  Con- 
vey and  Transport  it  again  and  give  it  to  the  Gov.  Gen^  or  those 
who  now  Represent  him  ;  and  in  confirmation  hereof  we  have 
signed  and  sealed  these  Presents,  Dated  as  above. 

This  is  the  mark  of 

[l.  8.] 


[l.  8.] 


Thaowe  ^  ratt  Sachem  of  Cayuga 

This  is  NAAJ^  the  mark 


This  is  the 
Ochquari 

Me  present 

Ro:  Livingston  SeC. 

r.cisent  as  before. 


of  Corrachjundie  of 
Cayuga 

+  mark  of 
okichke  of  Cayuga 


[l.  8.] 


Jtlhany  the  26  Sept'.  1683. 


ANSWER  TO  THE  PROPOSALS  OF  THE  CAYTJ6AS  AND  0NN0NDA6ES. 

We  have  heard  your  Proposals  and  thankfully  accept  for  Cor- 
laer  the  conveyance  of  the  Susquehanne  River,  with  the  Land 
situate  thereupon  and  have  seen  that  you  have  adhered  to  your 
word  of  over  four  years  since,  and  in  confirmation  of  your  gift  and 
conveyance  of  the  Land  aforesaid  have  signed  and  sealed  it.  We, 
therefore,  give  you  a  half  piece  of  Duffels,  Two  Blankets,  Two 
guns.  Three  kettles.  Four  Coats,  Fifty  lbs.  of  Lead  and  Five  and 
twenty  lbs.  of  powder. 

Meanwhile  we  shall  communicate  this  to  His  Excel):  the  Gov: 
Gen',  of  whose  good  disposition  towards  you,  you  need  not  doubt, 
who  will  compensate  you  therefor  when  occasion  permits. 

Whereupon  the  Sakamakers  have  signed  and  sealed  their  gift 
and  conveyance  as  is  to  be  seen  on  the  other  side,  and  have  ac- 
cepted in  full  satisfaction,  the  aforesaid  presents. 

Albany  in  the  Court  house  as  above. 

CoRNELis  Van  Dyck 

DiRCK  Wessells 

Jan  Janz  Bleecker 

<    ,    .  PlETER  WiNNE. 


;.4f 


E,^f> 


il  ^J 


If  ■ 


!       i 


■     \1    :S^!i 

i         ':5      ^4 


-t',,,«J 


3911 


PAPSSS  ^BfAtnUf  TO 


[Conneil  Min.  V.] 


At  a  Council  held  at  ffort  James  in  New-York,  Octobr.  [1683.] 
Paent  The  GoTerno' 

Capt.  A.  Brockholls 
M'.  flfr.  Ffl}  psen 
J.  Spragge  M'.  S.  V.  Cortland 

The  Indians  being  asked  if  they  were  only  for  the  Maquas,  they 

answered,  yes ;  and  came  from  the  three  castles  of  the  Maquas 

•  •  •  •  ^  •  • 

Speech  of  the  Sachem  Odianah. 

That  ossoone  as  they  received  the  Message,  they  came  hither 
and  are  very  gladd  to  be  so  well  received  and  that  his  Mat'y  hath 
so  great  a  kindness  for  them  ;  os  for  the  Indians  that  are  gone  to 
Canada,  they  are  very  gladd  his  bono'  speaks  of  it  and  they  will 
endeavour  to  get  them  back  againe  and  they  desire  the  Governor's 
assistance  in  it  that  they  may  goe  hanil  in  hand  to  promote  it,  and 
they  doubt  not  to  get  them  back  againe. 

That  when  they  were  sent  for  hither  they  did  not  know  what 
might  be  proposed  to  them ;  and  for  Corlear's  proposition  to 
make  peace  with  the  Indians  they  war  against,  they  say  that 
ossoone  as  they  com  home  they  shall  have  a  Generall  meeting  of 
all  the  Castles  and  will  tell  them  what  is  here  proposed  and  doubt 
not  but  it  shall  be  effected  ;  for  the  former  Governor  said  the 
same  and  they  obeyed  and  made  peace  and  why  should  it  not  be 
allso  at  this  time  performed,  for  they  have  been  allways  obedient 
to  this  goverm^  that  his  Hono''  having  told  them  to  have  an  eye 
to  the  fifrenchmen,  they  give  his  Hono'  their  thanks,  &  will  all- 
ways  have  an  open  eye  to  those  people,  and  they  desire  if  any 
thing  happen  to  be  informed  for  they  are  and  have  been  allways 
belonging  to  this  Governm^  and  we  evpect  no  favo  from  the 
firench,  but  will  put  themselves  under  his  Hono".  protection. 
That  the  Governor  haveing  wondred  why  they  bring  so  little 
Beaver  and  formerly  did  bring  so  much,  that  it  may  be  the  Govern' 
thinks  they  carry  it  to  some  other  Governm*  they  answer  no  they 
do  not  They  never  had  so  firm  a  friendshipp  with  any,  os  with 
this  Government  but  the  true  reason  is  they  haveing  a  warre  with 


P'i 


set 


Mr. 
the  Indil 

of  New! 


•1 


itber 
hath 
«e  to 
f  will 
rnor's 
it,  and 

y  'what 

jon  to 

ty  that 

iiing  of 

I  iloubt 

aid  \hB 
not  be 

Lbedient 
an  eye 
rillaU- 

|e  if  any 
allvfays 
•rom  the 

lotection. 

so  Vittle 

Govern' 

1^0  they 

[   08  witb 

larre  witb 


THB  itVt^V&Uilitim  MtER. 


99i 


•ther  In^aRg,  those  Indians  would  not  dne  to  come  en  their 
kinting  places  ;  hut  now  they  are  all  in  peace ;  the  Indians  catch 
airay  the  Beaver  so  ^st  that  ther  be  but  very  few  left ;  his  Hono' 
hat>eit>g  told  thera  they  should  harbour  no  firench  but  the  Jesuits 
and  each  of  them  a  man,  they  answer  they  will  never  suffer  any 
straggling  firenchmen  amongst  them,  but  those  Jesuits  who  are 
very  good  men  and  very  quiett ;  and  yet  if  lus  Hono'  shall  please, 
they  will  -send  them  away  allso ;  and  that  none  hath  any  land  from 
thett  and  they  are  resolved  never  to  sell  or  give  them  any  or  any 
tfthen  except  the  people  of  this  Governm*  that  they  were  sent  for 
by  the  Govern!^  of  Canada  who  told  them  that  they  should  make 
a  peace  with  all  the  Indians  ahd  that  the  Govern'  took  their  axe 
and  ^rew  it  into  the  water,  but  did  not  bury  it  because  if  it  bad 
bin  buried  it  might  have  been  taken  up  again ;  and  that  nothing 
shall  com  to  their  ears  but  they  will  acquaint  this  Governm*  with 
it,  and  expect  the  same  from  this  Government. 

They  allso  say  the  Govern'  of  Canada  promised  them  to  have 
free  passage  upon  all  the  Rivers  and  Creeks  and  said  they  should 
suSet  all  other  Indians  to  have  the  same  &  the  Govern'  took  them 
08  his  children  and  told  them  they  should  be  all  of  the  firench 
Religion. 

That  all  this  land  is  under  the  Governm^  of  his  R'l  High""  that 
there  has  been  som  Strangers  at  Albany  to  buy  the  Susquehannah 
River,  but  they  have  considered  and  will  not  sell  it  to  them  except 
by  the  pairticular  leave  of  his  Hono% 

The  Govern'  desired  them  to  make  up  the  differences  amongst 
^mselves  about  Susqu^anna  River  in  a  civil  and  peaceable  way, 
that  being  don  to  send  word  to  the  Governo',  and  that  then  he 
will  give  them  fuller  orders  about  it. 

At  a  Council  held  Aprill  29*'',  1684. 
P»8ent  The  Ooverno' 

M'  Lucas  Santen 
J.  Spragg.  Coll  Lewis  Morris. 

Mr.  Will"  Welch  said  Govern'  Penn  had  a  desire  to  treat  w** 
the  Indians  of  Susquehannah  River  by  the  consent  of  the  Governo' 
of  New-York.  . 


/ 

I 

i    ■■ 

J      : 

'l 

i 

^ 

'J 

1   . 


-    I 


400 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO 


I 


I,. '   " 


f ,  ' 
'  ,4 


ff 


K'f;-^^ 


tS 


m    ii 


Mr.  Lloyd  said  that  Govern'  Fenn  complained  of  y»  unkind 
usages  and  sinister  dealings  of  the  people  of  Albany  who  caused 
him  to  be  put  to  a  vast  expence  in  bringing  down  the  Indians  and 
the  desire  of  Govern  Penn  was  that  hath  already  bin  expended 
may  be  valued  and  som  consideration  had  to  the  loss  of  time  and 
monies. 

Governo'  Dongan  replyed  that  as  for  the  charges  M'  Fenn  had 
bin  at  he  had  nothing  to  say  to  it,  that  they  of  Albany  have  sus- 
pition  it  is  only  to  get  away  their  trade  and  that  M'.  Fenn  hath 
land  allready  more  than  he  can  people  these  many  yeares  that  the 
Indians  have  long  since  given  over  their  land  to  this  Goverm*  and 
advised  them  to  write  over  to  the  Duke  about  it. 

Mr  Lloy  &  M'.  Welch  desire<I  a  letter  from  the  Governo*  to 
the  Indians  w<>'>  was  not  granted.  \ 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[Paris  Doc.  II.] 

February  10,  1684. 
The  man  named  OreouaktS  of  Cayuga  told  me  also  that  he  would 
go  to  Montreal  to  see  you.  'Tis  he  who  caused  Father  de  Carheil 
to  withdraw  and  who  treacherously  brought  the  six  Tionnontates 
to  Cayuga.  He  is  extremely  proud.  Sorennoa  and  he  are  the 
two  most  considerable  Captains  of  Cayuga.  It  was  of  this  Oreou- 
ak6  that  the  English  of  Albany  (formerly  Orange)  made  use  to 
prevent  Sieur  Fenn  purchasing  the  Country  of  the  Andastognds 
who  have  been  conquered  by  the  Iroquois  and  the  English  of 
Merilande. 

ABSTRACT  OF  THE  PROFOSALLS  OF  THE  ONOUNDAGES 
AND  CAYOUGES  SACHEMS  AT  NEW  YORK,  2.  August  1684. 

[Lond.  Doc.  IV.] 

That  the  Enp;lish  will  protect  them  from  the  French  otherwise 
they  shall  loose  all  the  Beaver  and  hunting. 

That  they  have  put  themselves  and  their  lands  under  the  Fro- 
tection  of  the  King  and  have  given  Susquehannah  River  to  the 


)  .  ■ '  t 


THE  SVSQVEBAlfNAH  KITCB. 


401 


ind 

iBed 

and 

[»dfcd 

tand 

tthad 

i  8UB- 

ihatb 
lattbe 
ca^and 

jrno'  to 


10,  1684. 

he  would 
Le  Carheil 

inontates 
|e  are  the 

lis  Oreou- 
|de  use  to 

idastogn^s 

IngVish  of 


UNDXGES 
[gust  1684. 

otherwise 

let  the  Pro- 
Liver  to  the 


Qovernment  of  New  York  of  which  they  desire  it  may  be  a  Branch, 
and  under  which  they  will  shelter  themselves  from  the  French. 

That  Penu's  peuple  may  not  settle  under  the  Susquehannah 
River. 

They  have  putt  themselves  under  the  King  and  give  two  Deer 
Skins  fur  the  King  to  write  upon  them,  and  put  a  great  read  Seale 
to  them,  that  they  put  all  their  lands  under  His  Mz^r  an(1  nder 
no  other  Government  then  New  Yorke. 

They  desire  these  proposalls  may  be  sent  to  the  King  with  a 
Belt  of  Wampum  peeg  and  another  small  Belt  for  the  Duke  of 
York. 

And  they  give  Col.  Dungan  a  Beaver  to  send  over  this  Pro- 
posall. 

And  my  Lord  Effingham  is  desired  to  take  notice  that  Penn's 
agents  would  have  bought  the  Susquehanna  River  of  them,  but 
they  would  not,  but  fastened  it  to  the  government  of  New  York. 

That  being  a  free  people  uniting  themselves  to  .the  English,  it 
may  be  in  their  power  to  give  their  land  to  what  Sachim  they 
please. 


PROPOSITION  OR  ORATION 

OF  THE  0N()^DA60ES  AND  CAYOUGES  SACHIMS  MADE  IN  THE  TOWN 
HALL  ALBANY  BEFORE  THE  RIGHT  HOV^^''  THE  LORD  HOWARD  OF 
EFFINGHAM,  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA  AND  COL.  THOMAS  DUNCAN 
GOV"^  OF  NEW  YORK  UPON  THE  2"*  DAY  OF  AUGUST  1684. 

[Lond.  Doe.  V.] 

Brother  Corlaer 

Your  Sachim  is  a  great  Sachim  and  we  are  but  a  small  peo- 
ple. When  the  English  came  to  Manhattans  that  is  N.  York, 
Aragiske  which  is  now  called  Virginia,  and  to  Jaquokranogare 
now  called  Maryland,  they  were  but  a  small  people  and  wc  a 
great  people,  and  finding  they  were  good  people  we  gave  them 
land  and  treated  them  civilly,  and  now  since  you  are  a  great  peo- 


i  -i; 


1  ii 


('It' 


'  u 


1 


n 


4ar 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO 


te  •;•'/,' 


1-^ 


pie  and  we  but  a  small,  you  will  protect  us  from  the  French^ 
which  if  you  do  not,  we  shall  loose  all  our  hunting  and  BeverS) 
The  French  will  have  all  the  Bevers,  and  are  angry  with  us  for 
bringing  any  to  you.  , 

Brethren.  Wee  hav^  putt  all  our  land  and  our  selfs  under  the 
Protection  of  the  great  Duke  of  York,  the  brother  of  your  great 
Sachim;  We  have  given  the  Susquehanne  River  which  we  wonn 
with  the  sword  to  this  Government  and  desire  that  it  may  be  a  branch 
of  that  great  tree  that  grows  here,  Whose  topp  reaches  to  the  Sunn, 
under  u  hose  branches  we  shall  shelter  our  selves  from  the  French 
or  any  other  people,  and  our  fire  burn  in  your  houses  and  your 
fire  burns  with  us,  and  we  desire  that  it  always  may  be  so,  and 
will  not  that  any  of  your  Penns  people  shall  settle  upon  the 
Susquehanne  River ;  for  all  our  folks  or  soldiers  are  like  Wolfs 
in  the  Woods,  as  you  Sachim  of  Virginia  know.  We  having  no  other 
land  to  leave  to  our  wives  &  Children.  > 

Wee  have  put  ourselves  under  the  Great  Sachim  Charles  that 
lives  over  the  Great  Lake,  and  we  do  give  you  Two  White  Drest 
Dear  Skins  to  be  sent  to  the  Great  Sachim  Charles  That  he  may 
write  upon  them,  and  putt  a  great  Redd  Seale  to  them,  Thatt  we 
do  putt  the  Susquehanne  River  above  the  Washinta  or  falls  and  all 
the  rest  of  our  land  under  the  Great  Duke  of  York  and  to  nobody 
else.  Our  brethren  his  Servants  were  as  fathers  to  our  Wives  and 
Children,  and  did  give  u«  Bread  when  we  were  in  need  of  it,  and 
we  will  neither  joy n  our  selves  nor  our  Land  to  any  other  Governm* 
then  to  this,  and  this  Proposition  we  desire  that  Corlaer  the 
Govrn'  may  send  over  to  your  Great  Sachim  Charles  that  dwells 
over  the  G.eat  Lake  with  this  Belt  of  Wampum  Peeg,  and  another 
Smaller  Belt  for  the  Duke  of  York  his  brother,  and  we  give  a 
Bevcr  to  the  Corlaer  to  send  over  this  Proposition. 

And  you  great  Man  of  Virginia,  nieaning  the  Lo  "d  Effingham 
Govern'  of  Virginia,  we  let  you  know  that  Great  Penn  did  speak 
to  us  here  in  Corlaer's  house  by  his  agents,  and  desired  to  buy 
the  Susquehanne  River,  but  we  would  not  hearken  to  him  nor 
come  under  His  Government,  and  therefore  desire  you  to  be  wit- 
ness of  what  we  now  do  and  that  we  have  already  done  and  lett 
your  friend  that  lives  over  the  Great  lake  know  that  we  are  a  ffree 


t--;;' 


'a; 


b  speak 

to  buy 

aim  nor 

,  be  wit- 

Jand  lett 

Ire  a  ffree 


THt  ISUSQVl»AIf  NAR  RIYEH. 


4d^ 


people  uniting  our  selves  to  what  Sachem  we  please^  and  do  give 
you  one  beavor  skinn. 

This  is  a  true  Copy  Translated,  compared  and 
Revised  P  mc 

Rob*  Livingston. 


SIR  JOHN  WERDEN  TO  COL.  DONGAN. 

[From  same.  Vol.  IV.] 

St.  James's,  S7th  August,  1684. 
[Extract.]  Touching  Susquehannah  River  or  lands  abo*  it  or 
trade  in  it,  vi°^  the  Indians  convey  to  you  or  invite  you  to,  we 
think  you  will  doe  well  to  preserve  yo'  interest  there  as  much  as 
possible  that  soe  nothing  more  may  goe  away  to  M'  Penn  or  ether 
New  Jerseys.  For  it  is  apparent  they  are  apt  enough  to  stretch 
their  privileges  as  well  as  the  people  of  New  England  have  beene, 
who  never  probably  will  be  reduced  to  reason  by  prosecution  of 
the  Quo  Warranto  w*'''  is  brought  ag«*  y"" 


[Council  Minutes  V.] 

At  a  Council  August  the  30*  1686. 
P'sent  the  Govern^  M'.  S.  V.  Cortlandt  M  N.  Bayard,  Maj.  Ger. 
Baxter  J.  Spragge    Arnold  Interpreter. 

The  Govern"  gave  presents  to  the  Indians  for  w'''  they  thanked 
him  after  tl  eir  manner,  and  he  said  to  them 

Brethren  »  *  #  #  « 

I  allso  desire  that  neither  ffrench  nor  English  go  &  liue  it 
the  Susquehannah  River;  nor  hunt  nor  trade  amongst  the  Brethren 
without  my  passe  and  scale,  the  impression  of  which  I  will  giue 
them  but  if  they  doe  that  the  Brethren  bring  them  to  Albany  and 
deliver  them  at  the  Town  house  when  care  shall  be  taken  for 
punishing  them  (except  the  priests  and  one  man  w"*  each  or  either 
rf  them)  allthough  any  of  them  should  be  married  to  an  Indian 
squaj  they  being  only  spies  upon  the  Brethren. 


1       'l 

1 

i 

.'I                1  : 

I'  ii 


iff 


\h  '■ 

I'    ! 


I 


i:.i::' 


*r 


>■    '.'> 


^^  PAPERS  &ELATIMO  TO 

At  a  Council  Septemb'  1**  16S6. 
P'sent  the  Gov.  M-  Steph.  v.  Cortlandt  M'  N.  Bayard,  Maior  G. 
Baxter    J  Spragge 

The  Indians  of  the  (iue  Nations  returned  the  following  answer 
The  Cayouges  &  Oneydes  answered  first  k  said 

Brother  Corlear  We  are  come  hither  at  New  York  by  y^  order 
although  the  appointed  place  is  at  Albany. 

We  have  understood  your  propositions  that  we  are  no  more 
Brothers  but  looked  upon  as  Children  of  w***  we  are  gladd 

And  what  concerns  the  sending  the  prisoners  back  againe  which 
the  Cayouges  and  Oneydus  have  no  hand  in  taking  them  j  that 
concerns  the  Sinequas 

What  your  Bono'  hath  said  about  the  Indians  that  are  at  Canada 
we  will  do  our  utmost  endeauo'  to  bring  them  from  thence  &.  do 
denre  that  y  Hono*  would  write  a  letter  to  them,  w*^  will  have 
more  influence  upon  them  then  our  bare  words 

Concerning  the  Indians  going  to  Cadaracqua  that  doth  not 
otmcern  us  but  the  Onondagos 

What  yo'  Hono'^  hath  said  of  the  Christian  hunters  &  the  traders 
that  may  come  upon  the  Susquehanah  River  to  hunt  or  trade 
w^^'out  your  passe  ;  that  we  should  take  their  goods  from  them  & 
bring  their  persons  to  Albany,  we  dare  not  meddle  therewith;  for 
a  man  whose  goods  is  taken  from  him  will  defend  himself  mv'** 
may  create  trouble  or  warre,  &  therefor  we  deliver  the  seales  to 
y  Hono'  againe.  #«»#»* 

The  Maquas  stood  up  and  said     ^    -^^^mini 

We  desire  that  y'  Hono' will  order  thatlande  &  a  priest  maybe 
at  Saraghtoge ;  for  they  will  be  most  Maquas  that  return  from 
Canada  j  &  for  the  reasons  given  your  Hono-  by  the  Cayouges  & 
Oneydes  we  allso  deliver  your  Hono'  the  Seals  againe — upon  that 
they  gaue  a  present 

The  Onondages  stood  up  and  said  in  Answer 

Brother  Corlear         #         •         •         •         We  are  affraid 
the  seals  given  us  put  us  in  a  new  trouble  ;  therefore  we  deliver 
them  to  your  Honour  againe,  that  we  may  liue  wholly  in  peace. 
The  Sinnequas  said 

We  came  first  to  Albany  Although  we  liuc  the  furthest  off , 


OP  tJ 


AfostI 


Majt 


(   :   '--^ 


THB  SUSQUKHANNAH  BIYCR. 


406 


r   ..  ch 


ay  be 
from 

that 


sffraul 
leliver 
[peace. 

1st  off , 


and  do  find  Corlear  to  be  a  good  brother  to  us,  therefore  did  n«t 
delay. 

I  shall  speak  first  of  the  Sealcs  ;  We  know  the  ffrcnch  by  their 
Coats  and  the  other  Christians  by  their  habitts  &.  if  Me  should 
take  their  goods  from  them,  it  would  create  trouble  or  warre  k 
therefor  deliver  the  same  againe. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  GOV*  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE 
DENONVIUE,  DATED  31  OCTOB*  1687. 


[Load.  Doo.  VI.] 


■1* 


Sir,  I  doe  not  take  the  King  ray  Master's  right  to  the  five 
nations  on  this  side  of  the  lake  from  Mons'  de  la  Barr,  but  from 
our  records  which  demonstrates  that  these  five  nations  has  been 
in  a  free  and  brotherly  correspondence  froip  the  first  Settlement 
of  this  towne,  and  further  they  have  sub  nitted  themselves,  there 
country  and  conquests  to  the  Dutch  in  their  time  and  to  the  Kinge 
of  England  since  this  Colonie  came  under  His  Majes*''*  obedience, 
so  that  the  King  haveing  given  a  Pattent  to  M'  W*  Penn  of  a 
tract  of  land  in  which  there  conquest  land  uppon  the  Susquehana 
River  was  included  in  the  grant,  Since  all  this  they  came  to  me 
in  the  presents  of  the  Lord  Effingham  now  Gov'  of  Virginia 
presentinge  two  dorst  [dressed?]  Deerskins  desiringe  roe  to  send 
them  to  the  Kinge  that  a  red  broade  scale  might  bee  affixed  to 
them,  that,  that  part  of  Susquehanna  river  might  be  annexed  to 
thisCollony  haveinge  some  of  their  friends  livinge  there. 


-«»    s  *\^''0,- 9    i' ; 


THE  HUMBLE  ADDRESS 


OF  THE  GOVERNOUa  AND  COUKCILL  OF  YOUR  MAJESTY'S  PROUINCfi  OF 

NEW  YORKE  AND  DEPENDENCYS.      [6  AUG.  1691.]  \ 

[LonU.  Doc.  VIII.]  ^ 

Most  Gracious  Sovereigne  ,        ^,  ,^  ,^^ 

May  it  please  Yo'  Most  Excell  Maj^^ 
There  being  nothing  so  dear  unto  us  as  the  prosperity  of  your 
Majesty  the  increase  of  your  empire  and  the  safety  of  your 


406 


VAPXES  RELATING  TO 


It^ 


I 


people  planted  in  these  remote  parts  of  Amei  iua,  We  therefore 
in  all  humble  manner  find  it  is  our  duty  to  represent  unto  your 
most  sacred  Majesty  the  State  and  Condiu(3n  of  this  your  Majtsty^s 
Province,  that  by  a  view  thereof  Tour  Majesty  may  be  truely 
informed  of  the  advantages  accruing  to  your  Majesty  and  also  of 
the  great  detriment  and  prejudice  that  threatens  your  Majesty's 
interest  by  the  pretences  of  our  Neighbours  and  the  strength  of 
the  French  your  Majesty's  declared  enemys. 

Therefore  Most  Excel  Sovereigne 

This  your  Maj'y*  Province  was  first  settled  and  planted  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1619.  by  the  States  Generall  of  the  United 
Provinces,  whu  did  extend  the  line  of  their  dominion  from  this 
your  Majesty's  Citty  of  New  Yorke  to  the  Eastward  so  farr  as 
Connecticut  River  and  to  the  Westward  along  the  Coast  beyond 
the  Delaware  River,  and  to  the  Northward  up  Hudson's  River  so 
farr  as  Schenetady  and  from  thence  to  the  Lakes  of  Canada,  and 
from  thence  to  the  Westward  so  farr  as  the  Sinnekes  land  or  the 
Indian  hunting  reacheth.  Since  which  time  in  the  year  of  out 
Lord  1664.  King  Charles  the  Second  did  subdue  and  reduce  to 
the  allegiance  of  Your  Majesty's  Crowne  all  the  Inhabitants  and 
Territorys  within  the  limitts  aforesaid ;  all  which  was  granted 
by  King  Charles  the  Second  unto  His  Royall  Highness  James 
Duke  of  Yorke  in  the  same  year  together  with  the  governm'  of 
all  that  tract  of  land  to  the  Westward  of  Delaware  River  unto 
Maryland. 

His  Royall  Highness  was  pleased  out  of  the  premises  to  grant 
a  certain  tract  of  land  unto  the  Right  Honorable  John  Lord  Bar- 
clay and  Sir  George  Carterett  limited  and  bounded  by  Hudson 
and  Delaware  Rivers,  as  per  the  Deed  of  Conveyance  relation 
being  thereunto  had  may  more  fully  appeare  ;  the  remaining  part 
continued  in  His  Royall  Highnesses  possession  untill  the  yeare 
of  our  Lord  1682,  William  Penn  procured  a  Pattent  from  King 
Charles  the  Second  for  land  to  the  Westward  of  Delaware  River, 
now  called  Pensilvania,  as  per  said  pattent  doth  more  largely 
appeare. 

His  Royall  Highness  was  also  pleased  to  grant  unto  the  said 
William  Penn,  New  Castle  upon  Delaware  River  and  twelve 


tL 


7t. 


THE  lUIQUElfANNAII  RIVER. 


407 


to  grant 
)rd  Bar- 
I  Hudson 
relation 

^ing  part 
it  yeare 
)m  King 
re  River, 
le  largely 

the  said 
twelve 


miles  round  about  and  afterwards  lie  made  another  grant  unto 
him  of  all  the  land  to  the  Southward  of  New  CHSlle. 

Now,  may  it  please  your  Majesty,  all  that  been  reserved  out 
of  the  Territorys  and  dominion  afoesaidis  only  Long  Island  and 
lome  other  small  Islands  adjacent,  New  York,  Zopus,  Albany 
and  the  limitts  thereof  j  for  the  preserving  of  which  the  Crowne 
hath  been  at  great  charge,  and  for  the  support  of  your  Majt'"* 
governm'  there  is  now  in  Generall  Assembly  a  revenue  established 
upon  the  trade  thereof  which  is  managed  i ;  manner  follow' iig. 

New  Yorke  is  the  Metropolis,  is  scituatf  upon  a  barr.'n  island 
bounded  by  Hudson's  River  and  the  East  River  th^t  runs  into  the 
Sound,  and  hath  nothing  to  support  it  but  trade,  w'  ich  chief? v 
flows  from  flower  and  bread  they  make  of  the  Come  the  W  .  t 
end  of  Long  Island  and  Zopus  produccth ;  which  is  sent  t.^  t'le 
West  Indies,  and  there  is  brought  in  returne  from  thf  i;  «  amongst 
other  things  a  liquor  called  Rumm,the  duty  whereoi  con  iderably 
encreaseth  your  Majesties  revenue. 

Zopus  is  a  place  upon  Hudson's  River,  80  miles  distant  from 
New  Yorke  ;  consists  of  five  small  towns  whose  inhabitant's  manage 
husbandry  and  have  not  above  3000  acres  of  manurcable  land  ; 
all  the  rt'st  bting  hills  and  mountains,  not  possible  to  be  culti- 
vated. 

Albany  lyes  upon  the  same  River  distant  from  New  Yorke  144 
miles,  only  settled  for  Indian  trade  ;  its  commerce  extends  itself 
as  far  as  the  Lakes  of  Canada  and  theSi^riekes  Country  in  which 
is  the  Susquehannah  River  ;  their  chiefe  t  :  .ndance  is  upon  their 
traflick  with  the  5  Nations  called  Sinnekes  Cayeugoes  OnCydes 
Onondages  and  Maquase  ;  which  Indians  in  the  time  of  the  Dutch 
did  surrender  themselves  and  their  Unds  to  the  obedience  &  pro- 
tec6n  of  Albany,  and  upon  that  place's  reduccon  to  your  Majes- 
ties Crowne  of  England  they  continued  confirming  the  same 
successively  to  all  the  Governours  of  this  Province,  and  h<.th 
now  ratifyed  and  confirmed  the  same  unto  your  IVHyesty ;  so  that 
all  that  tract  of  land  from  the  Westermost  extent  of  the  Sinnekes 
Country  unto  Albany  hath  been  appropriated  and  did  absolutely 
belong  unto  the  Inhabitants  of  Albany,  upwards  of  fourty  yearcs; 
The  Indian  inhabitants  have  always  reckoned  themselves  subjects 


i| 


408 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO 


' 


B 


to  your  Majesties  Crowne,  and  are  not  willing  to  submitt  or 
have  any  trade  or  Commerce  with  any  of  your  Majesty's  subjects 
but  those  att  Albany,  your  Majesty's  forts  of  New  Yorke  and 
Albany  had  always  an  absolute  dominion  over  all  the  Indian 
Nations  adjacent  to  this  Province  but  especially  of  all  those  to 
the  Westward ;  and  they  were  accustomed  annually  to  bring 
tribute  to  your  Majesty's  forts,  acknowledging  the  same,  but  of 
late  years  the  neighbouring  Collonys  have  obstructed  them  which 
we  conceive  highly  injurious  to  your  Majesty's  interest  and  that 
this  royalty  is  not  conveyed  by  any  of  the  afore  recited  grants. 

Long  Island  is  pleasantly  scituated  and  well  planted  but  brings 
little  gain  unto  your  Majesty,  the  East  end  being  chiefly  settled 
by  New  England  people  who  have  erected  five  towns.  Their 
improvements  are  most  in  pasturage  and  whaleing.  What  is 
produced  from  their  industry  is  frequently  carried  to  Boston  and 
notwithstand  ng  of  the  many  strict  rules  and  laws  made  to  confine 
them  to  this  place  they  interlope  that  the  revenue  there  is  not  able 
to  defray  the  expence  of  looking  after  it.  The  middle  of  the 
Island  [is]  altogether  barren  ;  the  West  end  chiefly  employed  in 
tillage,  which  in  a  great  measure  supplys  the  trafliq  of  New 
Yorke 

All  the  rest  of  the  Province,  West  Chester,  Staten  Island  and 
Martin's  Vineyard  excepted,  consist  of  barren  mountains  hills  not 
improveable  by  humane  industry. 
Now  May  it  please  Your  Majty : 

The  revenue  that  is  established  in  this  Province  is  in  such  a 
nature  that  if  the  encroachm**  and  pretences  of  our  neighbours  be 
removed,  it  will  not  only  be  sufficie'it  to  defray  the  charge  of 
your  Maj*'«*  Governm*  but  also  bring  in  profitt  into  your  Maj*'«» 
Coffers.  ";^     .     i  ' 

East  Jersey  is  scituate  on  Hudsons  River  over  ac;ainst  Long 
Island  Staten  Island  and  New  York,  and  they  pretend  by  the 
aforementioned  grant  to  be  a  free  place  and  to  have  free  ports  to 
trade  as  they  please,  which  if  admitted  must  certainly  destroy  yo' 
Maj*'«"  interest  and  revenue  here  ;  for  what  merchant  will  come 
to  New  York  and  trade  and  pay  to  yo'  Maj'y  2  and  10  p  cent 
with  the  excise  and  yo  Maj''«'  duties  settled  here,  if  they  can  at 


hai 


<Ie£ 
wis 
on  11 
lani 


THS  SUBQUEHANKAU  EIVER. 


409 


jong 

r  the 
rts  to 
oyyo' 

come 
p  cent 

can  at 


3  or  3  miles  distance  over  against  the  same  place  go  and  be  free 
from  any  duty  or  imposition  whatever. 

Conneticutt  ]yes  to  the  eastward  of  us  &  pretends  to  the  like 
freedome  as  East  Jersey^  and  doth  in  the  same  degree  threaten 
y''  Majestys  interest  with  the  like  inconveniency  and  prejudice. 
Therefore  may  it  please  our  Maj^y  if  Connecticutt  East  and  West 
Jersey  be  not  annexed  to  your  Majesty's  Government  of  this  Pro- 
vince it  will  be  alltogether  impossible  to  raise  such  a  revenue  to 
yo"^  Majesty  here  as  will  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  charge  of  the 
government,  and  the  annexing  thereof  cannot  be  injurious  to  the 
proprietors,  but  on  the  contrary  advantageous  to  them,  for  it  will 
ease  them  of  the  charge  of  governm^  which  hath  allways  exceeded 
the  quitt  Rents  accrueing  to  them ;  wheras  if  they  were  annexed 
the  profits  would  be  freed  from  that  charge,  retain  their  propertys 
and  putt  the  Quitt  Rents  clear  in  their  pocquets. 

These  inconveniences  of  Connecticutt  East  and  West  Jersey  are 
not  only  prejudicial!  to  yo"  M;  j  :  intrest,  but  also  the  pretences 
of  William  Penn  Esq"^  to  the  3  lower  Countys  on  Delaware  River 
and  to  the  Susquehanna  River  are  equally  if  not  more  injurious  to 
your  Maj*y  and  particularly  in  this  respect  Susquehanna  River  is 
scituate  in  the  middle  of  the  Sinnekes  Country  which  they  gave  unto 
your  Majesty's  Crowne  and  hath  belonged  as  an  appendix  to  this 
your  Maj''«"  Governm*  many  years  before  Mr  Penn  had  his  pattent. 
Notwithstanding  thereof  Mr  Penn  endevors  to  disturb  your  Majesty 
in  the  peaceable  and  quiett  possession  of  the  premises ;  endeavoring 
to  tempt  the  Indians  to  sell  it  again  to  him,  by  that  means  not 
only  to  dispossess  your  Majesty  of  your  antient  rights,  but  also 
to  pervert  and  draw  away  the  trade  of  the  Indians  to  his  Province; 
which  will  be  an  irreparable  loss  to  your  Majesty,  all  the  Nations 
with  whom  Albany  hath  their  trade  liveing  at  the  head  of  Susque- 
hanna River.  So  the  revenue  of  10  p"^  Cent,  the  impost  upon 
powder,  lead,  alumn  and  furrs,  quite  lost,  and  if  Mr  Penn  should 
attain  his  pretences  to  the  Susquehanna  River,  it  will  not  only 
destroy  the  best  branch  of  your  Maj*»8»  revenue,  but  it  will  like- 
wise depopulate  your  Province,  the  inhabitants  of  Albany  haveing 
only  seated  themselves  there  and  addicted  their  minds  to  the  Indian 
language  and  the  misteries  of  the  said  trade  with  purpose  to 


•  ^i  n 


'"  :] 


M: 


u     . 


f 


SIO 


PAPERS  RELATIKO  TO 


r" 


Ifl 


ik  !■ 


n  r  f  • 


SI' 


I  . , 


r* 


?  1 


^  J 


manage  it,  that  if  it  should  be  diverted  from  that  channell  they 
must  follow  it,  haveing  no  other  way  or  art  to  gett  a  livelyhood. 

The  3  Lower  Countys  were  planted  at  the  charge  and  expence 
of  this  your  Maj'X"  citty  of  New  Yorke  and  cheifly  to  encrease 
and  preserve  the  navigacon  of  this  port,  being  recommended  to 
imploy  their  industry  in  planting  of  tobacco,  which  being  a  bulky 
comodity  gave  great  encouragement  to  shipping  as  well  as  it  brings 
great  profitt  to  yo"^  Maj^y  Since  we  have  mett  with  obstruccons 
from  that  place  by  the  pretences  of  M'  Penn,  we  have  not  been 
able  to  load  so  many  ships  as  formerly ;  all  that  yo*"  Majesties 
province  produceth  suitable  for  Europe  being  only  furrs,  which 
are  of  great  value  and  in  small  bulk,  gives  little  encouragement 
to  nnvigation.  We  were  also  accustomed  to  have  considerable 
parcells  of  peltry  from  said  Countys,  which  go  now  another  way 
without  paying  yo'  Majesty  any  thing,  and  that  which  is  a  heavier 
presture  upon  us,  they  constrain  us  a  penny  p  pound  for  the 
tobacco  brought  here,  and  send  it  to  Pensilvania,  a  distinct  Pro- 
vince, without  paying  any  thing;  by  that  means  divtrting  the 
trade  of  this  port  to  Pensilvania  :  by  all  which  your  Majesty  may 
perceive  that  the  pretences  of  M  Penn  to  the  Susquehanna  River 
are  very  injurious  to  your  Maj '"  right  and  revenue ;  so  that  some 
care  must  be  taken  if  your  Maj  y  sees  cause  he  shall  remain  a 
distinct  governm"  that  his  line  doth  encroach  upon  your  Majesties 
right  noe  further  upon  the  Susquehanna  River  then  the  fall  thereof; 
otherwise  its  scituation  being  so  near  the  Sinnekes  Indii^ns,  if 
planted  by  him,  must  of  necessity  divert  t'ne  whole  trade  of 
Albany. 

May  it  please  Your  Most  Excel*  Majty. 

This  is  the  state  of  your  Majesties  Province  with  relation  to 
our  neighbours  your  Majesty's  subjects.  There  is  likewise  the 
French  formerly  under  the  pretence  of  propagating  the  Christian 
faith  amongst  the  Indians,  did  thereby  very  much  incroach  upon 
yo'  Majesties  right  on  this  side  of  the  lake,  and  particularly  did 
draw  away  many  of  our  Indians  into  Canada,  under  the  notion  of 
supplying  them  with  priests  to  instruct  them  in  the  Christian  reli- 
gion ;  by  which  means  they  lessened  our  hunting  much,  and  has 
so  weakened  the  Maquase  nation  that  they  are  not  capable  to  do 


!      1 


THE  SU8QUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


411 


od. 
nee 
jase 
\  to 
ilky 
ings 
icons 
been 
esties 
jvhich 
ement 
erable 
tr  way 
leavier 
For  the 
ct  Pro- 
ing  the 
sty  may 
a  River 
lat  some 
emain  a 
ajesties 

thereof; 
dians,  if 
trade  of 


Llation  to 
lewise  the 
I  Christian 
lach  upon 
iilarly  did 
I  notion  of 
l&tian  reVi- 
,,  and  has 
lable  to  do 


yo  Majesty  t:»e  service  as  formerly.     Besides  they  are  so  affected 
to  the  French  Yo'  Maj*'e«  enemys  that  while  they  are  in  being  we 
cann  have  no  safety.     Since  the  war  the  French  priests  have 
retired  from   their  castles,  and  the  Dutch  Minister  at  Albany 
hath  been  very  successful!  in  converting  many  of  them  to  the  true 
religion,  in  which  they  are  very  devout  and  desirous  to  have  a'minis- 
try  settled  amongst  them  for  their  pious  comfort  and  instruccon. 
This  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  your  Majesty  not  only  in  the 
increase  of  your  revenue  but  also  to  endear  the  Indians  to  us, 
that  they  would  continue  to  be  the  preservacdn  of  this  and  the 
rest  of  your  Majesty's  adjacent  Colonys  ;  these  Nations  being  the 
strongest  and  most  terrible  among  the  Indians  are  the  only  bul- 
warke  and  wall  of  defence  both  against  other  Indians  and  the 
French  pretences,  which  we  are  daily  threatened  with,  being  in- 
formed that  they  intend  with  a  considerable  force  of  themselves 
and  the  Ottawawes  Indians  to  descend  upon  Albany  and  take  it, 
which  is  not  at  present  able  (if  attaqued)  to  resist,  neither  is  the 
whole  Province  as  now  narrowed,  capable  to  secure  that  post, 
which  hath  occasioned  an  applicacon  to  our  neighbours  for  assis- 
tance, but  possitively  denyed  :  the  particulars  whereof  are  more 
plainly  expressed  in  letters  to  the  Secretary  of  State  and  Planta- 
cons:  by  all  which  yo'  Maj^y  may  judge  of  the  present  state  of 
this  Province,  and  of  the  inconveniencys  that  dayly  attend  it. 
Now  may  it  please  your  most  Excels  Maj^y. 

The  premises  considered  we  humbly  presume  and  represent 
unto  y'  most  sacred  Majesty  that  there  cann  be  nothing  in  America 
more  conducive  to  yo  Maj*'«"  subjects  upon  this  continent  then 
that  Connecticut,  East  and  West  Jersey,  Pensilvania  and  3  Lower 
Countys  be  reannexed  to  this  yf  Majt'^«  Province  which  then  will 
be  a  governm^  of  sufficient  extent ;  our  late  annexing  to  Boston 
haveing  been  evidently  ruinous  and  destructive  to  these  parts  and 
may  be  other  waies  prejudicial  to  yo'  Maj*'  ■  interest  for  these 
reasons.  Yo  Maj'y  hath  already  by  the  unanimous  consent  of 
the  people,  a  revenue  established  of  greater  value  then  is  any 
where  else  in  yo'  Maj*y»  Plantacdns  and  whoever  arc  joyned  to 
this  Province  submit  to  the  Establishm* ;  wheras  it  will  be  difficult 
to  settle  the  like  among  our  neighbours,  and  if  settled,  remain 


"  .  ^1 


M  ■   :i: 


I     1 

I   ii 


m 

y  %  <' 


m 
IB  If 


41S 


PAFSBS  BKLATWO  TO 


fi 


If 


II:: 


distinct  governments  they  are  so  weak  as  not  capable  to  defend 
themselveS)  and  the  revenue  will  be  eat  up  in  looking  after  it,  that 
they  cannot  be  profitable  to  your  Maj  y.  Whereas  if  they  be  an* 
nexed  the  charge  will  be  no  more  to  yo'  Majty  then  now  without 
them,  and  their  conjunction  must  at  least  increase  the  Revenue 
3  fold,  besides  will  make  this  province  not  only  capnble  to  defend 
themselves  but  to  anoy  if  not  subdue  the  enemy 

May  it  please  your  Majesty;  the  small  quantity  of  stores 
Govern'  Sloughter  brought  over  are  mostly  disposed  of  in  the 
severall  small  forts  of  Albany  and  Schenectady  &''  so  that  now  we 
must  begg  ^^e  favor  of  a  fresh  supply. 

All  which  is  humbly  submitted 

^ivV  •)♦>  Rich*' :  Inooldsbt 
Fred:  Phillips 
Stev:  Cortlandt 
Nich:  Bayakd 
Gab  :  Monvieix 
A  true  Copy  .         .  Chid:  Brook 

M.  Clabksom  Secy.  Will:  Nicolls. 


<•*»- 


REMARKS 

OrON  THE  OBSERVATIONS  OF  THE  PROPRIETORS  OF  PENSILVANIA  ON  A 
PARAGRAPH  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSon's  LETTER  TO  THK  RIGHT 
HONOURABLE  THE  LORDS  OF  TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS  BKARING 
DATE  THE  IOtH  OF  SEPTEMBER  1757. 


[Load.  Doc.  XXIV.] 


1767 


ttSept.  The  whole  paragraph  of  the  above  letter  which  gav« 
birth  to  the  Observations  is  as  follows  : — 

"  I  think  I  have  before  now  hinted  to  your  Lordships  my  opinion 
that  the  Hostilities  which  Pensilvania  in  particular  has  suffered 
from  some  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  Susquehanna  did  in  some 
measure  arise  from  the  large  purchase  made  by  that  Ciovcrntnent 
two  years  ago  at  Albany.  I  have  more  reason  eve  y  ilay  from 
talking  with  the  Indians  to  be  confirmed  in  this  Suspicion.  T  in 
inclined  to  believe  that  this  purchase  was  public  ly  ( onsi  ntc  I  lo  at 
Albany,  some  of  the  Six  Nations  are  disgusted  at  i^,  and  olhrrs 
repent  their  consenting  to  it,  and  that  part  of  them  do  umlorhiind 


(Nl 
are  to 


THE  SU8QUEHANNAH  BIVER. 


413 


:»puiion 
Uftercd 
It)  some 

ly  tVoin 
T  .  »i 
\v\  K)  a1 


connive  at  the  Disturbance  between  the  Susquehannah  Indians  & 
the  Province  of  Pensilvania  whose  raising  forces  and  building 
Forts  on  the  Susquehana,  tho'  it  hath  very  plausible  pretences  is 
at  the  bottom  bad  polii'.y  and  really  intended  to  secure  Lands 
which  it  would  be  more  for  the  true  interest  of  the  community  to 
give  up  at  least  for  the  present.  I  conceive  the  most  effectual 
method  of  producing  tranquillity  to  that  province  would  be  a  vo- 
luntary and  open  surrender  of  that  Deed  of  Sale,  fix  with  the  In- 
dians in  the  best  manner  they  can  the  Bounds  for  their  Settlements 
and  make  them  Guarantees  to  it. 

**  The  Proprietors  are  pleased  to  introduce  their  observations 
with  a  challenge  to  Sir  William  Johnson  and  all  the  World  to  shew 
any  one  Instance  of  their  Conduct  that  has  given  dissatisfaction  to 
the  Six  Nftions  and  which  they  say  those  Nations  will  readily 
acknowledge  in  any  free  Conference." 

Tho'  the  real  Intent  of  the  above  paragraph  from  Sir  William 
Johnson's  letter  was,  and  its  obvious  meaning  is,  to  assign  a  cause 
to  which  he  suspected  the  Indians'  Hostilities  in  Pensilvania  were 
in  a  great  measure  owing.  Yet  upon  Sir  William  Johnson  saying 
he  was  inclined  to  believe  &"■  The  Proprietors  are  pleased  to 
sound  this  unprovoked  challenge,  which  tho  to  answer  as  well  as 
to  have  given  is  departing  from  the  main  argument,  Yet  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson  begs  leave  to  say  something  in  answer  to  it. 

Firsty  He  will  now  presume  to  assert  that  from  many  Private 
conversatious  he  hrth  hadd  with  severall  of  the  Chiefs  of  the  Six 
Nations,  they  are  not  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the  Government 
of  Pensilvania  ia  General,  nor  with  the  aforesaid  purchase  in  par- 
ticular. 

Secondly^  He  will  adduce  some  facts  public  and  upon  Record  ' 
in  support  of  the  above  assertion. 

At  the  Treaty  of  Lancaster  in  the  year  1744  the  Six  Nations  ' 
complained  to  Governour  Thomas  that  the  Connoge  Indians  had  • 
not  been  satisfied  for  their  Lands.     The  Governour  promised  re- 
dress.    In  the  yeare  1749  the  Six  Nations  renewed  the  aforesaid 
Complaint  to  Governor  Hamilton. 

(NB.     It  doth  not  appear  upon  Record  that  the  Connoge  Indians  - 
are  to  this  day  satisfied.) 


:'  o„ 


hill 


414 


PAPEBS  RELATING  TO     n 


lit 


In  the  year  1750  Connageriwa  a  Sachim  of  the  Six  Nations 
living  on  the  Ohio  came  at  the  head  of  a  Deputation  from  thence 
to  Mr.  Croghan's  house,  and  told  Mr.  Peters  he  was  sent  down 
from  Ohio  to  enquire  about  the  purchase  they  had  heard  the 
Governour  had  made  on  the  East  side  of  the  Susquehannah  the 
year  before,  from  the  Onondaga  Council  and  said  they  were  enti- 
tled to  part  of  the  goods  paid  for  those  Lands  as  well  as  the  Onon- 
daga Council!,  but  they  had  received  no  part. 

That  they  were  come  down  to  desire  the  Governour  to  purchase 
no  more  Lands  without  giving  them  notice  and  desired  the  Gover- 
nour might  send  that  Belt  of  Wampum  to  the  Onondaga  Council 
and  let  them  know  what  the  Ohio  Indians  had  said  on  this  head. 
Gave  a  large  Belt.  /. 

The  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  who  were  settled  on  the  Ohio 
were  so  dissatisfied  with  the  Albany  purchase  made  by  the  Pro- 
prietary Agents  and  saw  such  bad  consequences  arising  from  it 
that  they  left  the  O^.iio  and  returned  to  their  own  Country. 

In  a  Speech  of  the  Six  Nations  at  a  publick  meeting  with  Sir 
William  Johnson  on  the  3d  July  1755  They  said 

Brother,  You  desire  us  to  unite  and  live  together  and  draw 
all  our  allies  near  us,  but  we  shall  have  no  land  left  either  for 
ourselves  or  them,  for  your  people  when  they  buy  a  small  piece  of 
land  of  us,  by  stealing  they  make  it  large  We  desire  such  things 
may  not  be  done  and  that  your  people  may  not  be  suffered  to 
buy  any  more  of  our  lands.  Sometimes  its  bought  of  two  men, 
who  are  not  the  proper  owners  of  it.  The  land  which  reaches 
down  from  Oswego  to  Schahandowana  (Wyoming)  we  beg  may 
not  be  settled  by  Christians.  The  Governour  of  Pensilvania 
bought  a  whole  tr.*ck  and  only  paid  for  half,  and  desire  you  will 
let  him  know  that  we  will  not  part  with  the  other  half  but  keep 
it.  These  things  makes  us  constantly  uneasic  in  our  minds,  .and 
we  desire  you  will  take  care  that  we  may  keep  our  land  for  our- 
selves. 

At  a  Meeting  between  Governour  Denny  George  Croghan  Esq' 
Sir  William  Johnson's  Deputy,  and  sundrey  Six  Nations  and  other 
Indians  held  at  Lancaster  in  May  1757,  a  coppy  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  which  lays  before  the  Board  of  Trade.     There  is  a  speech 


they  I 

(C 

gave] 

time 

Susqij 

settle! 
lirjs 

(( > 

InterJ 
asked] 


ind  other 
I  proceec\- 
a speech 


THE  8V8QUEHAKNAH  RIVER. 


416 


of  the  Six  Nations  bearing  date  Thursday  19">  May  from  the 
whole  letter  and  speech  of  which  it  appears  that  the  Six  Nations 
have  been,  and  are  very  far  from  that  satisfaction  of  mind,  with 
the  conduct  of  the  Province  of  Pensilvania  which  the  Proprietors 
boast  of  and  found  their  challenge  upon. 

The  Proprietors  are  further  pleased  to  add  to  their  challenge 
this  assertion,  that  the  Six  Nations  will  readily  acknowledge  the 
truth  of  it  in  any  free  conference. 

As  the  truth  of  this  assertion  can  depend  only  upon  a  Contin- 
gent event,  Sir  William  Johnson  begs  leave  to  be  of  a  very 
different  opinion,  and  from  a  variety  of  circumstances  is  well 
perswaded  the  Six  Nations  never  will  be  reconciled  to  the  conduct 
of  the  Proprietors,  their  Deputies  and  Agents  unless  the  deed  of 
the  Albany  purchase  be  surrendered  and  the  claims  founded  there- 
upon in  a  great  measure  given  up. 

The  Proprietors  say  they  cannot  conceive  that  the  last  purchase 
made  of  land  to  the  Westward  of  Susquehanna  could  possibly  be 
the  Cause  of  the  hostilities  committed  by  the  Indians  living  on  that 
River  &c*. 

Sir  William  Johnson  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  hostilities 
which  Pensilvania  had  suffered  from  some  of  the  Indians  living  on 
the  Susquehanna  did  in  some  measure  arise  from  the  large  pur- 
chase made  by  the  Governour  two  years  ago. 

This  is  the  point  to  be  proved  and  more  then  this  it  is  appre- 
hended will  be  proved  by  the  following  Quotations  from  authen- 
tick  Records  &  Papers. 

"  Before  the  year  1742  the  Delaware  Indians  complained  that 
they  were  defrauded  out  of  some  lands  or  not  paid  for  them. 

"  It  is  well  known  that  the  purchase  made  at  Albany  in  1754 
gave  a  great  uneasiness  to  the  Susquehana  Indians  and  from  the 
time  the  County  Surveyor  began  to  survey  Juniatta,  and  up  the 
Susquehana :  The  Delewars,  Shawanese  and  Nanticokes  then 
settled  on  the  River  began  to  remove  farther  back,  some  to 
Tirjahoga  some  to  Ohio. 

"  The  Ohio  Indians  at  a  Meeting  with  M'  Wiser  (the  Pensilvania 
Interpreter)  at  Aughwick,  after  the  defeat  of  Col"  Washington 
asked  M"f  Wiser  how  those  Lands  came  to  be  sold.     He  said  in 


!       m    :'^ 


fit  ■    (,.  ll 


It 


m 


416 


PAPBM  EKLATINO  TO 


answer  that  the  Six  Nations  hat]  only  made  over  their  right  of  sale, 
and  taken  an  earnest  piece,  and  that  when  the  lands  cnme  to  be 
settled,  that  they  should  receive  a  consideration  for  them.  At  thi 
same  time  John  Schecelany,  a  Deleware  Indian,  burned  some 
houses  that  were  built  on  Penns  creek  (below  Shamokin  on  the 
West  side)  and  said  there  should  be  no  plantations  made  on  their 
hunting  grounds,  and  all  the  Indians  at  Shamokin  seemed  very 
uneasie,  and  indeed  obliged  the  Surveyor  to  come  away,  and  quit 
surveying." 

In  the  Spring  of  1756.  Governour  Morris  sent  several  messages 
with  Belts  and  strings  of  Wampum  by  an  Onondaga  Indian  to  the 
Five  Nations,  amongst  which  is  the  following  just  and  remarkable 
Confession. 

^'  That  he  found  by  woful  experience  that  making  purchases  of 
Lands  was  the  cause  of  much  blood  having  been  shed,  he  was 
determined  therefore  to  buy  no  more." 

As  a  Confirmation  of  Sir  William  Johnsons  said  opinion  he 
refers  himself  to  the  following  extract  from  Margaret  Williams 
deposition  who  was  a  prisoner  amongst  the  Delaware  Indians, 
sworn  before  him  the  8"»  day  of  September  1756. 

*'  The  said  Margaret  says  she  often  heard  the  Indians  say  f>nd 
declare  most  solemnly  they  never  would  leave  off  killing  the 
English  as  long  as  there  was  an  Englishman  living  on  their  lands 
that  they  were  determined  to  drive  them  all  off  their  lands,  naming 
Minisinck  almost  to  the  North  River  East,  (in  the  provinces  of 
New  York  &  Jersey)  also  Bethlehem  and  the  lands  in  parallel  to 
it  West  which  the  English  cheated  them  out  of." 

In  further  support  to  hiit  opinion  Sir  William  Johnson  refers 
himself  to  the  Treaty  Governour  Denny  held  with  Tedinscung  the 
Delaware  Chief  at  Easton  last  autumn,  and  which  is  before  the 
Board  of  Trade 

Sir  William  Johnson  also  refers  himself  to  the  Extract  from  a 
Speech  of  the  Six  Nations  to  Gov'  Denny  and  M'  Croghan  (before 
mentioned  in  these  Remarks)  in  answer  to  their  earnest  call  upon 
the  Six  Nations  to  assign  if  they  knew  the  Cause  of  the  hostilities 
and  Discontents  of  the  Susquehana  Indians. 


Alba 


wgnt 

Mr 

U 

*?e»| 


THC  SUSQUEBAMKAH  BIVCB. 


417 


be 

ht 

tne 

the 

leir 

ery 

quit 

BgCS 

otbe 
table 

ses  of 
e  was 

ion  he 
iU'iams 
ndians, 

oy  ?nd 
ing  t*»c 
it  lands 
Inaming 
inces  of 
ralWl  to 

in  refers 
;ung  the 
Ifore  the 

from  a 

(^before 
call  upon 
lOStUilies 


The  Indian  proceedings  this  Summer  which  past  at  Easton 
between  Governo'  Denny,  Mr  Croghan  &  the  sundry  Indians 
therein  mentioned,  &  which  Sir  William  Johnson  transmits  here- 
with to  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of  Trade  puts  beyond 
dispute  and  demonstrates  the  Truth  of  v  Sir  William  Johnson 
gave  as  his  opinion  in  his  aforesaid  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade 
and  he  apprehends  it  doth  very  fully  evidence  the  conclusions  of 
belief  he  then  drew  from  that  opinion. 

Lastly  Sir  William  Johnson  refers  himself  to  the  following 
Extract  from  the  examination  of  John  Morris  of  Lancaster  County, 
who  was  taken  by,  and  made  his  escape  from,  the  Delaware 
Indians  sworn  before  him  27^'*  August  11611. 

The  Examiiiant  says  he  often  heard  the  Delawares  say  that  the 
reason  of  their  quarrelling  with  and  killing  the  English  in  that 
part  of  the  country  was  on  account  of  their  lands  which  the  people 
of  Pensilvania  Government  cheated  them  out  of,  and  drove  them 
from  their  settlement  at  Shamokin  by  crowding  upon  them,  and 
by  that  means  spoiled  their  hunting  and  that  the  people  of  Mini- 
sinck  used  to  make  the  Indians  always  drunk  whenever  they  traded 
with  them  and  then  cheated  them  out  of  their  furs  and  skins,  also 
wronged  them  with  regard  to  their  lands.  This  he  has  heard 
from  many  of  the  chief  and  oldest  men  amonf^st  them  both  in 
the  English  and  the  Delaware  Language  which  he  sufficiently 
understands. 

The  Proprietors  say,  that  as  the  Six  Nations  are  not  well  satisfied 
with  the  sale  of  those  lands  on  the  Ohio,  they  are  willing  to  waive 
that  part  of  the  Treaty  provided  &c». 

As  Sir  William  Johnson  has  never  seen  the  deed  of  sale  for  the 
Albany  purchase,  he  cannot  to  his  knowledge  tell  how  far  the 
purchase  extends,  but  he  hath  in  his  possession  a  Report  of  several 
Indian  Transactions,  relative  to  the  Government  of  Pensilvania 
signed  by  George  Croghan  Esq<^  who  was  for  several  years  em- 
ployed as  an  Indian  Agent  by  that  Government,  in  which  Report 
M'  Croghan  says  as  follows : — 

"  I  never  understood  from  any  of  the  Six  Nations  that  they 
<*«ei»ed  the  Lands  west  of  the  Susquehana  as  a  purchase,  but 
27 


■1/     ■   ■. 

I'         '                         1 

i      ■ 

i          ■                      ■  '- 

if     ' 

■ 

■  1 

■    ;   ' 

5  i  Ci 

1   '    i 

^ '     !! 


'  1 


419 


fA9EM  IWM.TIV4  fO 


r^iiker  as  a  tieed  of  Trust  and  rec'^  1000  DoUajv  u  an  Earnest 
Price  and  looked  on  it  that  when  the  lands  came  to  be  settled 
th«>  should  veceive  the  Consideration  and  the  Commissioners  who 
w^re  sent  from  Pensilvania  to  make  that  purchase  at  Albany  in 
1754,  viz'  M  Norria  6o  M  Peters,  with  the  Inteipreter  M'  Wiser 
h»ve  repeatedly  acknowledged  to  me,  that  the  Land  West  of 
Mllegany  Mountaint  croee  to  Lake  Erie  wu  included  in  the  deed 
of  1754,  that  it  was  neither  jpmrcha»e4  nor  paid  /or,  and  vtMfh 
toUl  t^ftear  ky  a  primtt  Conference  in  Mr.  Peters^s  handa  at  the 
time  of  signing?^ 

Certainly  the  proprieters  are  not  apprized  of  the  ftict  here 
asserted  or  they  would  not  have  made  an  offer  to  relinquish  Land 
they  have  never  purchased,  nor  allowed  it  to  have  been  put  in  a 
deed  of  sale. 

In  answer  to  Sir  William  Johnson's  opinion  about  the  Govern- 
ment of  Pensilvania  raising  Forces  and  building  Forts  on  the 
Sus^uehana  River  ^ 

« The  Proprietors  say  this  Insinuation  is  without  any  sort  of 
Foundation,  as  it  never  would  have  been  attempted  had  not  the 
Chiefs  of  the  Indis^s  living  on  the  Susquehannah  and  Delaware 
R|ver  op  their  own  Motion  entirely  desired  they  should  be  built 
at  ShaiQokin  and  qear  Wyoming^  fbr  their  own  security. 

"  In  this  the  Proprietors  must  certainly  be  misinformed  for  none 
Qf  the  Indians  on  Susquehanna  or  Delaware  ever  requested  any 
Forts  to  be  built  there.  Indeed  after  the  defeat  of  General 
Braddock,  Scarayade,  Cayseuntenego,  and  two  or  three  more 
Ohio  Indians  who  had  left  their  country  on  the  first  approach  of 
thp  French  in  the  year  1763  did  desire  the  Government  of 
Pensilv*  to  build  a  Fort  at  Shamokin,  in  order  to  protect  their 
iiitere^t  with  the  Susquehanna  Indians,  but  the  request  of  those 
four  or  five  dispossessed  Indians  can  never  be  fairly  construed  as 
an  authprity  of  application  from  the  Six  Nations,  or  any  other 
Bodies  of  Indians.  However  this  request  for  a  Fort  was  not 
complied  with  at  that  time." 

In  a  Message  which  Sir  William  Johnsoii  received  the  23'  May 
1756  from  the  Onondaga  Indians  they  say  ^  follows: — 


Mi  ■    :       f       *^,i  .;■ 


If 


^mUUHfJVUIIVJM  ftiHII. 


419 


■M 


23*  May 


.  "  Tell  our  BvetbcF  fuitker  t^t  sinew  we  took  \h»  ImWhct  out 
of  tht  hiuiids  of  the  Dclawavu  and  Sliawiin98«  tKey  have  told  im 
there  is  an  army  of  the  English  coming  against  tUvMy  {Huty  lotiin 
the  Provincial  Troops  of  Pensilvania  under  Colonel  Clnpham) 
and  that  they  think  it  unreasonable  and  unnatural  for  us  to  hold 
them  in  our  arms,  and  preventing  them  defcndini^  themaelvei 
when  People  are  just  on  their  backs  to  destroy  them. 

"  We  are  informed  the  English  are  building  a  Fort  at  Shamokin. 
We  can't  comprehend  the  method  of  making  War  which  Is  made 
use  of  by  our  Bretheren  the  English.  When  we  go  to  war  our 
manner  is  to  destroy  a  Nation  and  there's  an  End  of  it.  But  the 
English  chiefly  regard  building  Forts  which  looks  as  if  their  only 
scheme  was  to  take  Possession  of  the  Lands." 

Here  is  an  evident  Proof  of  the  jealousy  which  the  Pensil- 
yania  levies  and  Fort  building  occasioned  and  a  strong  hint 
of  the  Ends  intended  by  them,  as  it  stood  in  the  minds  of  the 
Indians. 

Sir  William  Johnson  well  knowing  how  extreamly  tender  the 
Indians  in  general  are,  with  regard  to  Forts,  near  to  their  country 
or  hunting  grounds  and  naturally  judging  a  Body  of  Armed  Men, 
to  support  as  it  were  the  building  of  those,  at  a  time,  and  in 
places  where  he  had  many  reasons  to  believe  the  neighbouring 
Indians  (as  it  hath  since  fully  appeared)  were  dissatisfied  with  the 
Government  on  the  score  of  Lands,  and  Encroaching  by  their 
purchases  on  their  hunting  grounds,  and  crowding  too  near  upou 
them  by  their  extended  settlements  he  judged  this  conduct  in  the 
Government  of  Pensilvania  was  impolitick,  and  he  must  beg 
leave  to  be  still  of  the  same  opinion,  and  as  he  looked  upon  those 
proceedings  to  be  contrary  to  the  true  interest  of  the  Community) 
he  did  suspect  they  were  pushed  forward  upon  other  motives. 

And  to  conclude,  unless  the  Province  of  Pensilvania  is  both 
able  and  willing  to  maintain  their  land  pretentions  by  force  of 
Arms  against  the  Indians,  Sir  William  Johnson  hath  not  altered 
his  opinion  but  doth  with  yet  stronger  degree  of  conviction  than 
formerly,  humbly  offer  his  conception  of  the  matter  in  the  same 
words  as  before.  Namely,  ^'  that  the  most  effectual  method  of 
producing  tranquility  to  that  Province  would  be  a  Voluntary  and 


t 


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open  Surrender  of  that  Deed  of  Salej  to  fix  with  the  I&diani  u 
the  best  mtnner  they  can^  the  boundi  for  their  lettlementa,  and 
make  them  Ouarantiea  to  it." 


NoTB.— See  further  on  this  lubject,  J%*  Sut^hannah  TUh 
Stated  and  Examined  in  a  Seriu  qf  Jfimhertfirtt  jmblieked  in 
Me  Wutem  Star  and  note  Re-publitKed,  4rc  CataldU;  by  Bfackay 
Crofwell.    1796. 


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W{ 


XVI. 


PAPERS 


aiL&vuwTOTn 


(Snrlq  $MmtrA  nt  (DgbrashDrgjj, 


NEW-TORK. 


1740. 


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in 
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; . 


MrmisitimY  of  a  mmm  in  tM  k^iohbourhood 

OF  K)ftT  FRONTENAC.    APRIL,  1750. 

[Paris  Doo.  X,] 

A  large  ttUtoW  dJT  Imquoig  Sat&geti  Wlhg  declared  their 
ti^illitighiesk  to  embrace  Ohrii^ianity)  it  has  been  proposed  to 
esttiblish  ti  Missiob  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Frontenat. 
Abb6  I'iequ^t,  a  tedious  Missionary  in  "whom  the  nations  have 
tf^inced  taudh  confidence  has  takcsn  chstgB  of  it,  and  of  testing) 
as  much  as  possible  what  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  the  dispoti- 
Abtts  of  the  Infliuis.'* 

Kev^thel^ss,  tfs  lilt  de  la  Gallisonni^re  had  temarked  in  the 
uibHth  of  Octdber,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty  eight, 
that  too  much  dependence  ought  not  to  be  placed  dn  them,  fft. 
da  la  Jonquilgffe  was  written  to,  on  the  fburth  df  May  one  thou- 
Siind  s^ven  hundred  and  forty  nine,  that  he  should  neglect  nothing 
fbr  the  formation  of  this  establishment,  because  if  it  at  sQl 
succeeded  it  Wduld  ndt  be  difficult  to  give  the  Indians  to  under- 
stand thtlt'the  only  means  they  had  to  relieve  themselves  of  the 
pretensions  of  the  English  to  their  lands  is  the  destruction  of 
Chdueguen  which  they  founded  solely  with  a  view  to  bridle  these 
iTatibns ;  but  it  Was  necessary  to  be  prudent  and  circumspedt  to 
induce  the  Savages  to  undertake  it. 

31it  gber  1749.  Mr.  de  la  JonquiSre  sends  a  plan  drawn  by 
^ieur  Ae  Lery  Of  the  ground  selected  by  the  AbbS  Ticqucft  fdr  his 
Mission  and  a  letter  from  that  Ahh6  cbntainirig  a  Relation  of  his 
voydge  and  the  situation  of  the  ptece. 

1  Th«  following  ExtrMt  frdm  Paris  Doe.  X.,  rumiihei  the  UattWthe 'AMx 
Picquet'8  departare  to  establi^  his  colony  on  the  Oswegatehie  River  ^—"  30  Stft. 
1748.  The  Abb6  Picquet  departs  from  Quebec  for  Fort  Frontenac;  heis  to  look 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  that  Fort,  for  a  locatiota  beM  adapted  for  a  ViUige  for 
the  Iroquois  of  the  Five  Nations  who  propose  to  embrace  Christianity." 


^  i\ 


\i 


424 


kAUY  •XTTLEMBMT  AT  OGDKNBBUBflB. 


■I 


He  says  he  left  the  fourth  of  May  of  last  year  with  twenty-five 
Frenchmen  and  four  Iroquois  Indians;  he  arrived  the  thirtieth  at 
the  River  de  la  Prutntationy  called  Soegatzy.  The  land  there  b 
the  finest  in  Canada.  There  is  Oak  timber  in  abundance^  and 
trees  of  a  prodigious  size  and  height,  but  it  will  be  necessary)  for 
the  defence  of  the  settlement,  to  fell  them  without  permission. 
Picquet  reserved  sufficient  on  the  land  he  had  cleared  to  build  a  bark. 

He  then  set  about  building  a  store  house  to  secure  his  effects ; 
he,  next,  had  erected  a  small  fort  of  pickets  and  he  will  have  a 
small  house  constructed  which  will  serve  as  a  bastion. 

Sieur  Picquet  had  a  special  interview  with  the  Indians ;  they 
were  satisfied  with  all  he  had  done ;  and  assured  him  they  were 
willing  to  follow  his  advice  and  to  immediately  establish  their 
village.    To  accomplish  this,  they  are  gone  to  regulate  their  \ 
affairs  and  have  promised  to  return  with  their  provisions. 

The  situation  of  this  post  is  very  advantageous ;  it  is  on  the 
borders  of  the  River  de  la  Presentation^  at  the  head  of  all  the 
rapids,  on  the  west  side  of  a  beautiful  basin  formed  by  that  river, 
capable  of  easily  holding  forty  or  fifty  barks. 

In  all  parts  of  it  there  has  been  found  at  least  two  fathoms  and 
a  half  of  water  and  often  four  fathoms.  This  basin  is  so  located 
that  no  wind  scarcely  can  prevent  its  being  entered.  The  bank 
is  very  low  in  a  level  country  the  point  of  which  runs  far  out. 
The  passage  across  is  hardly  a  quarter  of  a  league,  and  all  the 
canoes  going  up  or  down,  cannot  pass  elsewhere.  A  fort  on  this 
point  would  be  impregnable ;  it  would  be  impossible  to  approach, 
and  nothing  commands,  it.  The  east  side  is  more  elevated,  and 
runs  by  a  gradual  inclination  into  an  Amphitheatre.  A  beautiful 
town  could  hereafter  be  built  there. 

This  post  is,  moreover,  so  much  the  more  advantageous  as  the 
English  and  Iroquois  can  easily  descend  to  Montreal  by  the  River 
de  la  Presentation  which  has  its  source  in  a  lake  bordering  on  the 
Mohawks  and  Corlar.  If  they  take  possession  of  this  River  they 
will  block  the  passage  to  Fort  Frontenac  and  more  easily  assist 
Choueguen.  Whereas  by  means  of  a  Fort  at  the  Point,  it  would 
be  easy  to  have  a  force  there  in  case  of  need  to  despatch  to 


i   ■:"■>'■   *   ■  .; 


lM 


BABLT  IBTTLKMXMT  AT  OODUfiaDAOB. 


415 


Choueguen  and  to  intercept  the  Engliih  and  Indians  who  may 
want  to  penetrate  into  the  Colony,  and  the  voyage  to  MiMilimak- 
inac  could  be  made  in  safety. 

•  Moreover^  this  establishment  is  only  thirty-five  leaguei  from 
Montreal ;  twenty-five  from  Fort  Frontenac  and  thirty-three  from 
Choueguen  ;'  a  distance  sufficient  to  remove  the  Indians  from  the 
disorders  which  the  proximity  of  Forts  and  Towns  ordinarily 
engenders  among  them.  It  is  convenient  for  the  reception  of  the 
Lake  Ontario,  and  more  distant,  Indians. 

Abb6  Picquet's  views  are  to  accustom  these  Indians  to  raise 
Cows,  Hogs  and  Poultry  ;  there  are  beautiful  prairieS)  acorni  and 
wild  oats. 

On  the  other  hand  it  can  be  so  regulated  that  the  batteaux 
carrying  goods  to  the  posts,  may  stop  at  La  Presentation.  The 
cost  of  freight  would  become  smaller ;  men  could  be  found  to 
convey  those  batteaux  @  fifteen  to  twenty  livres  instead  of  forty- 
five  and  fifty  livres  which  are  given  for  the  whole  voyage.  Other 
batteaux  of  La  Presentation  would  convey  them  farther  on,  and 
the  first  would  take  in  return  plank,  boards  and  other  timber, 
abundant  there.  This  timber  would  not  come  to  more  than  twelve 
®  fifteen  livres,  whilst  they  are  purchased  at  sixty-eight  livres  at 
Montreal  and  sometimes  more.  Eventually  this  post  will  be  able 
to  supply  Fort  Frontenac  with  provisions  which  will  save  the 
King  considerable  expense.         ^ 

The  Abb6  Picquet  adds  in  his  letter,  that  he  examined  in  his 
voyage  the  nature  of  the  rapids  of  the  Fort  Frontenac  river, 
very  important  to  secure  to  us  the  possession  of  Lake  Ontario  on 
which  the  English  have  an  eye.  The  most  dangerous  of  those 
rapids,  in  number  fourteen,  are  the  Trou  (the  Hole)  and  the 
Buisson  (the  Thicket).  AbbS  Picquet  points  out  a  mode  of 
rendering  tlus  River  navigable ;  and  to  meet  the  expense  he 
proposes  a  tax  of  ten  livres  on  each  canoe  sent  up  and  an  ecu 
(fifty  cents)  on  each  of  the  crew,  which  according  to  him  will 
produce  three  thousand  livres,  a  sum  sufficient  for  the  workmen. 

1  Ogdensburg^  is  105  miles  from  Montreal;  60  from  Kingttoa,  Can.,  and  abont 
90  from  Oswego.  The  distances  laid  down  in  the  Text  are  rery  aeourate,  ooui- 
derinf  the  time  and  the  circnmstaneea.     :  Mi^  ' 


■'I!    ! 


ii 


ji.l,  V    ,.,' 

■I    ■'^'■ 


r  ..• 


Ill 


i/.m 


m 
I*'  ■ 


'toi 


«t6 


WMMJt  nrrTLmirr  at  ooDonrMoMH. 


Mefci"  d«  la  JdnquiMre  fend  Bi((Ot  remai^  thM  tkcy  find  (hif 
^■ttblifhment  neccmiy  ba  w«ll  aa  the  erection  of  a  aaw-mill^M  it 
will  diminiih  the  expense  in  the  purchftM  of  timber ;  biit  as  regaffdr 
the  lUpids'they  will  tferify  them  hi  order  to  ascertain  if  in  fact 
the  riTer  can  beirenderednatigable  and  they  will  send  ah  ciliiBiiAe 
•f  the  works. 

They  hate  ciusted  fif«  oahnfon  of  two  pound  calibre  to  be  sdnt 
to  the  Abb6  Pic<{tt«t  for  his  little  foirt  so  as  to  i^ve  oonfidenca  to 
his  Indians  and  to  penuade  than  that  they  will  be  in  iecvrity 
ttWre. 

M.  da  la  JonqaiiSrb  in  particular  says,  he  Hi^illiee  if  tht  pir6- 
prietora  of  batteaux  would  contribute  to  the  expense  necessity  to 
be  iHcUrred  for  the  Rapids  j  but  he  aiks  th&t  convicts  froiathe 
j^alleya  oir  |>«ople  out^of  nt'ork  {gen^  inutile$)  be  aebt  every  yaar 
to  him  to  iiultivate  thie  grouhd.  He  ia  in  Want  of  meh,  and  the 
fti^'ba  has  Mndthif^  Mimgcs. 

Ut  8ber,  1740.  Mr.  Bigot  also  eenda  a  special  metaloir  of  the 
expense  incurred  by  Abb6  Pic()uet  for  im|)rbvem#nts(d</ricAefnMM) 
Wftouhting  to' three  thoiksand  four  hundred  and  eighty  five  liT^es 
t^n  aous.*  ProTisions  were  lalao  furnished  him  for  hhnatelf  Hifd 
worlmteto,  and  this  atttleihent  is  only  cbmmenced.  M.  de  la 
ilbnqUi^re'CJannot  dispense  wiih  sending  an  officer  there  and^iofne 
'ioldiefs.  Sieur  de  la  Morandidrc,  Enginie<er,  ift  to  be  sent  thefe 
this  winter  to  draw  out  a  plan  of  quarters  for  these  soldiers  ahd 
a- store  for  provisions.  If  there  be  not  fei  garrison  at  thit  post,  a 
^emiiiderable  folreign  tradie  will  be  carried  on  therb. 

7th  9«dr  i*fi^.  Since  all  tbesie  letters  M.  de  la  Jonqui^re  has 
^tt^n  tmothcr  in  Which  he  litates  that  M.  de  Longueuil  ihformed 
'btm  timt  a'bahd  of  Savages  bilievfed  to  be  Mohawks  had  attfeiokcd 
'Sieor  Picquet's  Mission  on  the 'twenty-sixth  Of  October  laat^thht 
•Siettr  de  Vassaiu,  commandant  of  Port  Frontenac,  bad  sent  a  de- 
tachment thither  wfaic^  could  not  prevent  the  barning  of  two  ves- 
'  iMts  loaded  with  hay  and  thepalteades^f  the  fort.  Abb6Pici|ilat^ 
hoaiie  atone  was  aaVed. 

The  IC'Ss  by  this  fire  is  considerable.  It  would  have  been  greater 
were  it  not  for  four  Abenakis  who  furnished  on  this  occasion  a 


1  Equal  to  ^imja. 


( 


\ 


J* 


[greater 
lauon  ft 


ATonmmomm. 


4tn 


froof  of  Umv  fi(l«li«7.  Tlw  maa  named  PcrdMauz  hU  katf  <ke 
kaad  earned  aw&/,  Hii  arm  had  to  be  cut  off.  Ooa  of  4ha  Ak*' 
Rikia  vecaivfd  the  diachaifa  of  a  pm  tka  Iball  of  wttch  MaaiMd 
la  kit  blanket. 

M.  da  LongaauU  baa  pvorided  evary  tbing  aecenaiy.  M.  4% 
la  JonquiAre  gave  bin  ordera  to  bare  a  detachment  of  teaiaaidiari 
aent  there)  and  he  will  tak§  meaaurea,  next  springi  to  aecure  that 
poft.  M.  de  la  Jonquiire  adda  that  the  Savagea  were  inatigated 
to  this  attack  by  the  English.  The  Iroquois  who  were  on  a  com- 
plimentary visit  at  Montreal  were  avrpiiaed  at  it  and  aasured  M. 
da  Longueuil  that  it  oould  only  be  Colonel  cimson  (Johnson'!] 
who  coald  have  induced  them.  He  omitted  nothing  to  persuade 
those  aaroe  Iroquois  to  undertake  this  expedition  and  to  pvettnt 
them  going  to  oompUment  the  Goreraori  having  offered  Ihcpk 
Belta  which  they  refused. 


COL  JOHNSON  TO  GOV.  CLINTON,  18  AUG.  1750. 

[Und.  Doe.  XZNE.] 

The  next  thing  of  consequence  he  (an  Indian  Sachem)  tdd  oe 
waS)  that  he  had  heard  from  several  Indiana  that  the  Gover- 
nor had  given  orders  to  the  Priest  who  is  now  settled  below 
Cadaraqui  to  use  all  means  possible  to  induce  the  five  Nations  ,to 
settle  there;  for  which  end  they  have  a  large  magazine  of  all  kinds 
of  clothing  fitted  for  Indians  as  also  Arms,  Ammunition  Provision 
&c  which  they  distribute  very  liberally. 


TEE  SAME  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE,  28  AUO.  17S6. 

*   [Lond.  Doe.  XXXin.1 

The  Onnondagas  and  Oneidas  are  in  the  neighbourhood  of  "Swe- 
gatchie  a  French  settlement  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  whither 
numbers  of  those  two  Nations  have  of  late  years  been  debauched 
and  gone  to  live.    T3io'  oor  Indiana  do  not  now  resort  to 


I 


?'i 


i    j, 


'k<  ■ 

I;  i . 


if/ 


9f: 


H 


428 


XAALT  SETTLEHEMT  AT  OODENSBUaOH. 


those  places  as  frequently  and  familiarly  as  they  formerly  did,  yet 
some  among  them  do  occasionally  visit  there,  when  the  French 
'  and  the  Iiidians  in  their  interest  poison  the  minds  of  ours  with 
stories  not  only  to  the  disadvantage  of  our  good  intentions  towards 
them,  hut  endeavour  to  frighten  them  with  pompous  accounts  of 
the  superior  prowess  and  martial  abilities  of  the  French.        .  itt 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  THE  REV.  ABBE  PICQUET. 

[Abridged  from  Lettres  Edifiantes  et  Curieusea,  XIY.] 
Fkancois  Pioquet,  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  King's  Missionary 
and  Prefect  Apostolic  to  Canada  was  born  at  Bourg  in  Bresse  on 
the  6^>>  December,  1708  ...  As  early  as  the  seventeenth 
year  of  his  age,  he  successfully  commenced  the  functions  of  a 
missionary  in  his  country  and  at  twenty  years  the  Bishop  of  Sinope, 
Suffragan  of  the  Diocese  of  Lyon,  gave  him,  by  a  flattering 
exception,  permission  to  preach  in  all  the  parishes  of  Bresse  and 
Franche-Comt6  which  depended  on  his  diocese.  The  enthusiasm 
of  his  new  state  rendered  him  desirous  to  go  to  Rome,  but  the 
Archibishop  of  Lyons  advised  him  to  study  theology  at  Paris. 
He  followed  this  advice  and  entered  the  Congregation  of  Saint 
Sulpice.  The  direction  of  the  new  converts  was  soon  proposed  to 
him ;  but  the  activity  of  his  zeal  induced  him  to  seek  a  wider 
field,  and  led  him  beyond  the  seas  in  1733,  to  the  Missions  of  North 
America  where  he  remained  thirty  years,  and  where  his  constitu- 
tion debilitated  by  labor,  acquired  a  force  and  vigor  which  secured 
for  him  a  robust  health  to  the  end  of  his  life.  ^ 

M.  Picquet  was  among  the  first  to  foresee  the  war  which  sprung 
up  about  1742  between  the  English  and  the  French.  He  pre- 
pared himself  for  it  a  long  time  beforehand.  He  began  by  draw- 
ing to  his  Mission  (at  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains)  all  the 
French  scattered  in  the  vicinity,  to  strengthen  themselves  and 
afford  more  liberty  to  the  savages.  These  furnished  all  the 
necessary  detachments ;  they  were  continually  on  the  frontiers  to 
spy  the  enemy's  movements.  M.  Picquet  learned,  by  one  of  these 
detachments  that  the  English  were  making  warlike  preparations 
.at  Sarasto  [Saratoga  1]  and  were  pushing  their  settlements  up  to 


f. 


XAKLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBDaOH. 


429 


I  sprung 
iHe  pre- 
ly  draw- 
I  all  the 
Ives  and 
all   the 
Intiers  to 
1  of  these 
[)aralion8 
fits  up  to 


Lake  St.  Sacrement.  *  He  informed  the  General  of  the  circum- 
stance and  proposed  to  him  to  send  a  hody  of  troops  there  at 
least  to  intimidate  the  enemy,  if  we  could  do  no  more.  The  ex- 
pedition was  formed.  M.  Picquet  accompanied  M.  Marin  who 
commanded  this  detachment.  They  burnt  the  fort,  the  Lydius 
establishments,'  several  saw  mills,  the  planks,  boards  and  other 
building  timber,  the  stock  of  supplies,  provisions,  the  herds  of 
cattle  along  nearly  fifteen  leagues  of  settlement  and  made  one 
hundred  and  forty-five  prisoners  without  having  lost  a  single 
Frenchman  or  without  having  any  even  wounded.  ^  This  expedition 
alone  prevented  the  English  undertaking  any  thing  at  that  side 
during  the  war. 

Peace  having  been  re-established  in  1748,  our  Missionary  occu- 
pied himself  with  the  means  of  remedying,  for  the  future,  the  in- 
conveniences which  he  had  witnessed.  The  road  he  saw  taken 
by  the  Savages  and  other  parties  of  the  enemy  sent  by  the 
English  against  us,  caused  him  to  select  a  post  which  could, 
hereafter,  intercept  the  passage  of  the  English.  He  proposed  to 
M.  de  la  Galissonidre  to  make  a  settlement  of  the  Mission  of  La 
Presentation^  near  Lake  Ontario,  an  establishment  which  succeded 
beyond  his  hopes,  and  has  been  the  most  useful  of  all  those  of 
Canada.."     .\\i:c>h.r-  '■■'/,'■-  h.--        .■'■'■■    ''   '-/■■■■■>--' 

Mr.  Rouill6,  Minister  of  the  Marine  wrote  on  the  4t'»  May  1749; 
*'A  large  number  of  Iroquois  having  declared  that  they  were  desirous 
of  embracing  Christianity,  it  has  been  proposed  to  establish  a  Mis- 
sion towards  Fort  Frontenac  in  order  to  attract  the  greatest  number 
possible  thither.  It  is  Abb4  Picquet,  a  zealous  Missionary  and  in 
whom  these  Nations  seem  to  huve  confidence,  who  has  been  en- 

1  *<  I  am  building  a  Fort  at  thia  Lake  which  the  French  call  Lake  St.  Sacrement, 
bat  I  have  given  it  the  name  of  Lake  George,  not  only  in  honour  to  his  Majesty 
bat  to  aacertain  his  undoubted  dominion  here."  Sir  William  Muuon  to  the  Board 
qf  Trade,  Sept.  3d,  1755.   Land.  Doe.  xxxii.,  ITS. 

2  Now  Fort  F4ward,  Washington  County. 

3  "I  received  an  account  on  the  19th  inst.,  by  express  from  Albany,  that  a 
party  of  French  and  their  Indians  had  cut  off  a  settlement  in  this  Province  called 
Saraghtoge,  about  fifty  miles  from  Albany,  and  that  about  twenty  houses  with  a 
Fort  (which  the  publick  would  not  repair)  were  burned  to  ashes,  thirty  persons 
killed  and  scalped  and  about  sixty  taken  prisoners.  Ckm.  ClUtton  to  tht  Board,  30 
Mw.  1745.    Lo»d.Doe.xxriU,l«J,236. 


<     ,„ 


I     »i 


:^i 


»*A. 


l^  1 


430 


MABhY  ■mxBaaunr  at  ocnBmBinMiB. 


troBted  with  thii  negotiation.  He  was  lo  bate  g«ne  lost  yeUy  to 
select  a  suitable  site  for  the  establishment  of  the  Mission,  and 
verify  as  precisely  as  was  possible  what  can  be  depended  upott 
relative  to  the  (Sispositions  of  these  same  nations.  In  a  letter  of 
the  5^^  October  last,  M.  de  la  Gallisonni^re  stated  that  though  an 
entire  confidence  cannot  be  placed  in  those  th  'y  have  manifestcd| 
it  is  notwithstanding  of  so  much  importance  to  succeed  in  dividiBg 
theoi)  that  nothing  must  be  neglected  that  can  contribute  to  it. 
It  is  for  this  reason  that  His  Majesty  desires  you  shall  prodttcttte 
the  design  of  the  proposed  settlement.  If  it  coald  attsdn  ai  certain 
success,  it  would  not  be  difficult  then  to  make  the  savages  under- 
stand that  the  only  means  of  extricating  themselves  hojgk  the 
pretensions  of  the  English  to  them  and  their  luidS)  is  to  destfoy 
Choueguen,'  so  te  to  deprive  them  thereby  of  a  Post  whitk  flisy 
established  chiefly  with  a  view  to  control  their  tribes,  l^is  des- 
truction is  of  such  great  importance,  both  as  regards  our  possessions 
and  the  attachment  of  the  savages  and  their  Trade,  that  it  is  ptoptt 
to  ure  every  means  to  engage  the  Iroquois  to  vmdertake  it.  This 
is  actually  the  only  means  that  can  be  employed,  but  you  must 
feel  that  it  requires  much  prudence  and  circumspection.'' 

Mr.  Picquet  eminently  possessed  the  qualities  requisite  to  effMl 
the  removal  of  the  English  from  our  neighbourhood.  Thersfws 
the  General,  the  Intendant,  and  the  Bishop  deferred  absolutely 
to  him  in  the  selection  of  the  settlement  for  this  new  Mission,  attd 
despite  the  efforts  of  those  who  had  opponte  interests,  he  was 
entrusted  with  the  undertaking. 

The  Fort  of  La  Presentation  is  situated  at  303  deg.  40  mtn. 
T  ongitude,  and  at  44  deg.  50  min.  Latitude  on  the  Presentation 
River,  which  the  Indians  name  Soegasti;  thirty  leagues  above 
Mont-Real ;  fifteen  leagues  from  Lake  Ontario  or  Lake  Frontenao, 
which  with  Lake  Champlain  gives  rise  to  the  River  St.  Laurence; 
]5  leagues  west  of  the  source  of  the  River  Hudson  which  falls 
into  the  sea  at  New  York.  Fort  Frontenac  had  been  built  near 
there  in  1671,  to  arrest  the  incursions  of  the  English  and  the 
Iroquois ;  the  bay  served  as  a  port  for  the  Mercantile  and  Military 
Marine  which  had  been  formed  there  on  that  sort  of  sea  where  the 

1  Oswegd* 


\ 


and 
cpo* 

jliaii 
stud) 
idittg 

jdCttte 
«rtttitt 
QBdeT' 
m  tli« 
leittoy 

M  dea- 
segcdoM 

t.    Thii 


toeifec* 

)Bolutely 
jion,  a«»d 
U  was 

40  m^* 
isentatioii 
ics  above 
rontenaoy 

.autence; 
Ibich  falls 

milt  near 

and  the 

|d  Military 

where  the 


A"-'. 


m. 


431 


the  ocean.  But 
aportant,  because 
rarely,  'he  barks 
ads,  the  lands  are 
I  advantageously, 
ition  to  recondle 
,0  inhabit  between 
jBeauharnois  and 
il  of  New  France, 
p^ci^lly  at  a  ti^ne 
^  years,  sought  to 

1  .'      '. 

)ony,  bjBQau^e  ih^^ 

\d  not  pass  e^fe- 

Q^  \irhen  coming 

i  and  the  Micis- 

wSi  it  eventually 

fi  diEit^nee  oJT  onfi 

(traders,  notyrith- 

imerical.    f^nvy 

iieen  for  th^  firm- 

i  Admioistsation. 

Imfort  the  Posts 

H  Canoes  for  the 

itructed  there  at 

ler  is  in  greater 

M.  Picquet  had 

anufacturing  the 

itant  settlement 

I  for  Europeans 

very  convenient 

inada.   iqnKff  f"? 

'  mechanics  and 

ireat  security  as 

(vailed  him  ever 

lort  of  palisades, 

iven.     He   had 


]i 


\  if 


ill 


.1     ') 


I  w 


^ 


.r 


>  c 


-^^fK 


IfmiiiK 


430 

trusted  with  thit  i 
select  a  suitable 
verify  as  precise! 
relative  to  the  cB: 
the  6ti>  October  1 
ODitire  confidence 
it  is  notwithstanc 
tliemy  that  nothi 
It  is  for  this  reas 
the  design  of  the 
success,  it  would! 
stand  that  the  o 
pretenmons  of  th^ 
Ghouegucn,'  so  i 
establidied  cbiefl] 
tructionisofsucli 
and  the  attachme) 
to  ufe  every  me 
is  actually  the 
feel  that  it  requi 
Mr.  Picquet  ei 
the  removal  of  tt 
the  General,  thei 
to  him  in  the  sell 
despite  the  e£forl 
entrusted  with  tl| 

The  Fort  of 
I  ongitude,  and 
•  River,  which  t! 
Mont-Real ;  fift 
which  with  Lak 
15  leagues  west 
into  the  sea  at  I 
there  in  1671, 
Iroquois  j  the  ba 
Marine  which  hi 


:\> 


^ 


^i,  '^  ^* 


^^ 


#{ 


■■.  I 


and 
toil 
Ml 

somt 
possi 
since 
a  ho 


TUILJf  fST^^^UVr  J^T  QCfD^^UBOK. 


481 


tempests  are  a^  frequent  find  ^  dangerous  as  on  the  ocean.  But 
thf  Post  of  Ja  Pre^en,tation  appeared  still  more  important,  because 
the  h^rboiMT  i|i  very  gpod,,  th^  river  freezes  there  rarely,  the  barks 
dUi  le^^ve  with  northern^  easterifi  s^nd  southern  winds,  the  lands  are 
excellent,  s^d  that  quarter  c^q  be  fortified  ^^ost  advantageously. 

Besides,  thai  Mis^i,on  was  adapted  by  its  situation  to  reconcile 
to,  us  the  Iroquois  sa,y^9S  of  the  Five  Nations  who  inhabit  between 
yirgioia  9,Ti4  l^aV^  Oi^t^io.  The;  |ilarqtus  of  Beauharnois  and 
afterwards  M:  de  1^  Jonqw^re,  Qavernor  Qen^ral  of  ^ew  France, 
w«re  very  desirous  that  we  should  Qocupy  it,  e^p^ci^lly  at  a  tiine 
when  iJnglish  jealousy  irritated  by  a  wax  of  npany  year«,  sought  to 
alienate  fron)  us  the  IVihfs  of  Canada; 

Tbi^  e«li9UUshiaent  w{«  as  if  the  key  of  \hfi  Colony,  because  th« 
English}  French  and  Upper  Oan?tda  wvages  could  9Qt  pass  9\^er 
where  than  under  the  cannon  of'  Fort  Presentation  when  coming 
down  from  the  South ;  the  Iroquois  to  the  Somth  and  the  Mieis- 
sagu^  to  the  North  were  within  its  reach.  Thusi  it  eventut^Uy 
succeeded  in  collecting  them  together  from  over  a  distance  o|  on^ 
hundred  leagues.  The  officers,  interpreters  aqd  traders,  notwith- 
stjanding,  then  regarded  that  establishment  as  chimerical.  £nvy 
and  opposition  had  effected  its  failure  hfid  it  not  been  for  the  firm- 
ness of  the  Abb6  Picquet  supported  by  that  of  the  Admioistsation. 
This  establishment  served  to  protect,  aid,  and  comfort  the  Posts 
already  erected  on  Lake  Ontario.  The  Barks  and  Canoes  for  the 
Transportation  of  the  King's  effects  could  be  constructed  there  at 
a  third  less  expense  than  elsewhere  because  timber  is  in  greater 
quantity  and  more  accessible,  especially  when  M.  Picquet  h&d 
had  a  saw  mill  erected  there  for  preparing  and  manufacturing  the 
timber.  In  fine  he  could  establish  a  very  impoitant  settlement 
for  the  French  Colonists  and  a  point  of  reunion  for  Europeans 
and  savages,  where  they  would  find  themselves  very  convenient 
to  the  hunting  and  fishing  in  the  upper  part  of  Canada. 

M.  Picquet  left  with  a  detachment  of  soldiers,  mechanics  and 
some  savages.  He  placed  himself  at  first  in  as  great  security  as 
possible  against  the  insults  of  the  enemy,  which  availed  him  ever 
since.  On  the  20ti>  October  1749,  he  had  built  a  Fort  of  palisades, 
a  house,  a  bam,  a  stable,  a  redoubt  and  an  oven.     He   had 


,iv 


4S2 


'  EABLY  SCTTLBMEMT  AT  OGDEirBBUEGB. 


i 


til  .1 


'i 


landls  cleared  for  the  savages.  His  improvements  were  estimated 
as  thirty  to  forty  thousand  livresy  hut  he  introduced  as  much 
judgment  as  economy.  He  animated  the  -workmen  and  they 
laboured  from  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  until  nine  at  night. 
As  for  himself  his  disinterestedness  was  extreme.  He  received  at 
that  time  neither  allowance  nor  presents ;  he  supported  himself  by 
his  industry  and  credit.  From  the  King  he  had  but  one  ration  of 
two  pounds  of  bread  and  one  half  pound  of  pork,  which  made  the 
savages  say,  when  they  brought  him  a  Buck  and  some  Partridges, 
'<  We  doubt  not.  Father,  but  that  there  have  been  disagreeable 
expostulations  in  your  stomach,  because  you  have  had  nothing  but 
pork  to  eat.  Here's  something  to  put  your  affairs  in  order."  The 
hunters  furnished  him  wherewithal  to  support  the  Frenchmen,  and 
to  treat  the  Generals  occasionally.  The  savages  brought  him  trout  ^ 
weighing  as  many  as  eighty  pounds.  v- 

When  the  Court  had  granted  him  a  pension  He  employed  it  only  *) 
for  the  benefit  for  bis  establishment.  At  first,  he  had  six  heads 
of  families  in  1749,  eighty-seven  the  year  following,  and  three 
hundred  and  ninety-six  in  1751.  All  these  were  of  the  most  J 
antient  and  most  influential  families,  so  that  this  Mission  was,' 
from  that  time  sufficiently  powerful  to  attach  the  Five  Nations  to 
us,  amounting  to  twenty-five  thousand  inhabitants,  and  he  reck-<( 
oned  as  many  as  three  thousand  in  his  Colony.  By  attaching  the 
Iroquois  Cantons  to  France  and  establishing  them  fully  in  our 
interest,  we  were  certain  of  having  nothing  to  fear  from  the  other 
savage  tribes  and  thus  a  limit  could  be  put  to  the  ambition  of  the 
English.  Mr.  Picquet  took  considerable  advantage  of  the  peace 
to  increase  that  settlement,  and  he  carried  it  in  less  than  four 
years  to  the  most  desirable  perfection,  despite  of  the  contradictions 
that  he  had  to  combat  against ;  the  obstacles  he  had  to  surmount ; 
the  jibes  and  unbecoming  jokes  which  he  was  obliged  to  bear ;  but 
his  happiness  and  glory  suffered  nothing  therefrom.  People  saw 
with  astonishment  several  villages  start  up  almost  at  once ;  a 
convenient,  habitable  and  pleasantly  situated  fort ;  vast  clearances 
covered  almost  at  the  same  time  with  the  finest  maize.  More  than 
five  hundred  families,  still  all  infidels,  who  congregated  thei<;, 
toon  rendered  this  settlement  the  most  beautiful,  the  most  chariu 


1 


West 
Was 


J:  I 


KABLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  0GDEM8BURGU. 


433 


d 

:b 

it. 

at 
by 
I  of 
tbe 

ges, 

able 

;but 

Tbe 

,  and 

trout 

tonly 
beads 
tbree 
[  most 
a  was, 
ions  to 
B  reck- 
ing tbe 
in  our 
,e  otber 
of  tbe 
peace 
Ian  four 
jdictions 
rinount ; 
jar ;  but 
)ple  sa-w 
lonce ;  a 
[earances 
;ore  than 
;d  ther«;, 
5t  cbar» 


ing  and  the  most  abundant  of  the  Colony.  Depending  on  it  were 
La  Presentation,  La  Oalette,  Suegatzi,  L'isle  au  Oalop,  and  L'isle 
Picquet  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  There  were  in  the  Fort,  seven 
small  stone  guns  and  eleven  four  to  six  pounders. 

The  most  distinguished  of  the  Iroquois  families  were  distributed 
at  La  Presentation  in  three  villages :  that  which  adjoined  the 
French  fort  contained,  in  1754,  forty- nine  bark  cabins  some  of 
which  were  from  sixty  to  eighty  feet  long  and  accommodated  three 
to  four  families.  The  place  pleased  them  on  account  of  the  abun- 
dance of  hunting  and  fishing.  This  Mission  could  no  doubt  be 
increased,  but  cleared  land  sufficient  to  allow  all  the  families  to 
plant  and  to  aid  them  to  subsist  would  be  necessary  and  each 

Tribe  should  have  a  separate  location The 

Bishop  of  Quebec  wishing  to  witness  and  assure  himself  personally 
of  the  wonders  related  to  him  of  the  establishment  at  La  Presen- 
tation went  thithei  in  1749,  accompanied  by  some  Officers,  royal 
interpreters.  Priests  from  other  Missions  and  several  other  cler- 
gymen, and  spent  ten  days  examining  and  causing  the  Catechu- 
mens to  be  examined.  He  himself  baptized  one  hundred  and 
thirty-two,  and  did  not  cease  during  his  sojourn,  blessing  Heaven 
for  the  progress  of  Religion  among  these  Infidels. 

Scarcely  were  they  baptized  when  M.  Picket  determined  to 
give  them  a  form  of  Government,  He  established  a  Council  of 
Twelve  Ancients  ;  chose  the  most  influential  among  the  Five 
Nations  ;  brought  them  to  Mont-Real  where  at  the  hands  of  the 
Marquis  Du  Quesne  they  took  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  to  the  King 
to  the  great  astonishment  of  the  whole  Colony  where  no  person 
dared  to  hope  for  such  an  event. 

In  the  month  of  June  1751,  M.  Picquet  made  a  voyage  around 
Lake  Ontario  with  a  King's  Canoe  and  one  of  Bark  in  which  he 
had  five  trusty  Savages,  with  the  design  of  attracting  some  Indian 
families  to  the  new  settlement  of  La  Presentation.  There  is  a 
memoir,  among  his  papers  on  the  subject,  from  which  it  is  pro- 
posed to  give  an  extract. 

He  visited  Fort  Frontenac  or  Cataracoui,  situate  twelve  leagues 
west  of  La  Presentation.  He  found  no  Indians  there  though  it 
was  formerly  the  rendezvous  of  the  Five  Nations.     The  bread  and 

28 


"  tl 


V 


!*i 


484 


EARLY  •CTTLEMBNT  AT  OGDENIBURGH. 


'|l 


F 


t1' 


III 


ft 


milk)  there,  were  bad  ;  they  had  not  even  brandy  there  to  staunch 
a  wound.     Arrived  at  a  point  of  Ltike  Ontario  called  Kaoi,  he 

found  a  runaway  there  from  Virginia At  the  Bny 

of  Quints  he  visited  the  site  of  the  antieiit  Mission  which  M. 
DoUiercs  de  Klcus  and  Abb6  D'Urf6,  priests  of  the  Saint  Sulpice 
Seminary  had  establislied  there.  The  quarter  is  beautiful  but  the 
land  is  not  good.  He  visited  Fort  Toronto,  seventy  leagues  fiom 
Fort  Frontenac,  at  the  West  end  of  Lake  Ontario.  He  found 
good  Bread  and  good  Wine  there,  and  every  thing  requisite  for 
the  trade,  whilst  they  were  in  want  of  these  at  all  the  other  posts. 
He  found  Mississagues  there  who  flocked  around  him ;  they  spoke 
first  of  the  happiness  their  young  people,  (he  women  and  child- 
ren would  feel  if  the  King  would  be  as  good  to  them  as  to  the 
Iroquois  for  whom  he  procured  Mls^i^jonaries.  They  complained 
tliat  instead  of  building  a  church,  they  had  constructed  only  a 
canteen  for  them.  M.  Picquet  did  not  allow  them  to  finish  and 
answered  them  that  they  had  been  treated  according  to  their  fancy; 
that  they  had  never  evinced  the  least  zeal  for  religion;  that  their 
conduct  was  much  opposed  to  it ;  that  the  Iroquois  on  the  con- 
trary had  manifested  tii  nr  love  for  Christianity,  but  as  he  had  no 
order  to  attract  them  to  his  Mission,  he  avoided  a  more  lengthy 
explanation. 

He  passed  thence  to  Niagara.  He  examined  the  situation  of 
that  fort,  not  having  any  savages  to  whom  he  could  spenk.  It  is 
well  located  for  defence  not  being  commanded  from  any  point. 
The  view  extends  to  a  gieat  distance;  they  have  the  advantage 
of  the  landing  of  all  the  canoes  and  barks  which  Ir.nd  an<l  aie  in 
safely  there.  But  the  rain  was  washing  the  soil  away  by  degrees, 
notwithstanding  the  vast  expence  which  the  King  incurred  to 
sustain  it.  M.  Picquet  was  of  opinion  that  the  space  b(twc<n 
the  land  and  the  wharf  might  be  filled  in  so  a:?  to  support  it  and 
make  a  glacis  there.  This  place  was  important  as  a  Trading  post 
and  as  securing  possession  of  the  Carrying  place,  Niagara  and 
Lake  Ontario. 

From  Niagara,  Mr.  Picquet  went  to  the  Carrying  place  which  is 
six  leagues  from  that  Post.  He  visited  on  the  same  day  the  famous 
Fall  of  Niagara  by  which  the  four  Great  Canada  lakes  dischaige 


P[ 

foi 


Bu 


•y 

A. 

ice 
Lhe 
om 
and 
for 

poke 
hild- 
j  lhe 
a'ined 

mly  a 
h  and 
fancy; 
t  their 
\e  con- 
had  no 
engthy 

jtion  of 
It  is 
point, 
[vantage 
la  ;\ve  in 
LU'grees, 
lurred  to 

bttwo<n 
Irt  it  and 
IVmg  pf'st 

Igaia  and 

J  which  is 
le  famous 
idischaige 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OODENilBUR4 


«8S 


themselves  into  Lake  Ontnrio.  This  Cascade  is  os  prodigious  by 
its  height  and  the  quantity  of  water  which  falls  thirt',  as  by  the 
variety  of  its  falls  which  are  to  the  number  of  six  principal  ones 
divided  by  a  small  ishuid,  leaving  three  to  the  North  and  three 
to  the  South.  They  produce  of  themselves  a  singular  symmetry 
and  wonderful  effect.  He  measured  the  height  of  one  of  those  falls 
from  the  south  side,  and  he  found  it  about  one  hundred  and  forty 
feet. '  The  establishment  at  this  Carrying  place,  the  most  important 
in  a  commercial  point  of  view  was  the  worst  stocked.  The  Indians, 
who  came  there  in  great  numbers,  were  in  the  best  disposition  to 
trade,  but  not  finding  what  they  wanted,  they  went  to  Choueguen 
or  Choeguen  [Oswego]  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  same 
name.  M.  Picquet  counted  there  as  many  as  fifty  canoes.  There 
was  notwithstanding  at  Niagara  a  Trading  House  where  the  Com- 
mandant and  Trader  lodged,  but  it  was  too  small,  and  the  King's 
property  was  not  safe  there. 

M.  Picquet  negotiated  with  the  Senecas  who  promised  to  re- 
pair to  his  Mission  and  gave  him  twelve  children  as  hostages, 
saying  to  him  that  their  parents  had  nothing  dearer  to  them  and 
followed  him  immediately,  as  well  as  the  Chief  of  the  Little 

Rapid  with  all  his  family He  set  out  with  all  those 

Savages  to  return  to  Fort  Niagara.  M.  Chabert  de  Joncaire 
would  not  abandon  him.  At  each  place  where  they  encountered 
camps,  cabins  and  entrepots,  they  were  saluted  with  musquetry  by 
the  Indians  who  never  ceased  testifying  their  consideration  for 
the  Missionary.  M.  Picquet  took  the  lead  with  the  Siivages 
of  the  hills ;  Mess"  Joncaire  and  Rigouille  following  with  the 
recruits.  He  embarked  with  thirty-nine  Sav.iges  in  his  large 
canoe  and  was  received  on  arriving  at  the  fort  with  the  greatest 
ceremony,  even  with  the  discharge  of  cannon  wiiich  greatly 
pleased  the  Indians.  On  the  morrow  he  assembled  the  Senecas, 
for  the  first  time,  in  the  chapel  of  the  Fort  for  religious  services. 

M.  Picquet  returned  along  the  south  coast  of  Lake  Ontario. 
Alongside  of  Choeguen,  a  young  Seneca  met  her  Uncle  who  was 
coming  from  his  village  with  his  wife  and  children.     This  young 


ii  ) 


1  These  arc  French  Teet. 
Burr's  Atlas,  Intro  J.  p.  31. 


The  Tails  on  the  American  side  ore  164  feet  high.- 


436 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  00DEN8BUH0H. 


h 


i: 


i.  :"'■ 


girl  spoke  so  well  to  her  Uncle,  though  she  had  but  little  know< 
ledge  of  Religion  that  he  promised  to  repair  to  La  Presentation 
early  the  following  spiing,  and  that  he  hoped  to  gain  over  also 
seven  other  cabins  of  Senecas  of  which  he  was  chief.  Twenty- 
five  leagues  from  Niagara  he  visited  the  River  Gascouchagou ' 
where  he  met  a  number  of  Raitlesnakes.  The  young  Indiana 
jumped  into  the  midst  of  them  and  killed  forty-two  without 
having  been  bitten  by  any. 

He  next  visited  the  Fulls  of  this  River.  The  first  which 
appear  in  sight  in  ascending  resemble  much  the  great  Cascade  at 
Saint  Cloud,  except  that  they  have  not  been  ornamented  and  do 
not  seem  so  high,  but  they  possess  natural  beauties  which  render 
them  very  curious.  The  second,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  higher,  are 
less  conf  .derable,  yet  are  remarkable.  The  third,  also  a  quarter 
of  a  league  higher,  has  beauties  truly  admirable  by  its  curtains 
and  falls  which  form  also,  as  at  Niagara,  a  charming  proportion 
and  variety.  They  may  be  one  hundred  and  some  feet  high.'  In 
the  intervals  between  the  falls,  there  are  a  hundred  little  cascades 
which  present  likewise  a  curious  spectacle ;  and  if  the  altitudes 
of  each  chute  were  joined  together,  and  they  made  but  one  as  at 
Niagara,  the  height  would,  perhaps,  be  four  hundred  feet ;  but 
there  is  four  times  less  water  than  at  the  Niagara  Fall  which  will 
cause  the  latter  to  pass,  for  ever,  as  a  Wonder  perhaps  unique 
in  the  World. 

The  English  to  throw  disorder  into  this  new  levy  sent  a  good 
deal  of  brandy.  Some  savages  did,  in  fact  get  drunk  whom  M. 
Picquet  could  not  bring  along.  He  therefore  desired  much  that 
Choeguen  were  destroyed  and  the  English  prevented  rebuilding 
it ;  and  in  order  that  we  should  be  absolutely  masters  of  the  south 
side  of  Lake  Ontario,  he  proposed  erecting  a  Fort  near  there  at  the 
bay  of  the  Cayugas'  which  would  make  a  very  good  harbour  and 
furnish  very  fine  anchorage.    No  place  is  better  adapted  for  a  Fort. 

He  examined  attentively  the  Fort  of  Choeguen,  a  post  the  most 
pernicious  to  France  that  the  Enjrlish  could  erect.     It  was  com- 

1  The  Genesee  River.  In  Belin'u  Map  of  Partie  Oceidentale  de  la  Nouvtlle  France 
17&5  (No.  992.  W.  C.  State  Lib.)  it  is  described  as  a  "River  unknown  to  Geogra- 
phers, Ailed  with  Rapids  and  Waterfalls." 

2  The  highest  fall  on  the  river  is  105  feet.  3  SOdus  bay. 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OODENHBVROH. 


437 


n 

10 

r 

ins 

}Ut 

lich 
e  at 

I  ao 

nder 
,  are 
larter 
rtains 
Dttion 
,a    In 
scades 
Atudes 
e  as  at 
X ;  but 

Ich  w»^^ 
unique 


la  good 

lom  M. 

|ch  that 
)uilding 
le  south 
^e  at  the 
)Our  and 
Ir  a  Fort, 
jtbe  most 
^as  cotn- 

I  to  Geogra- 


naandcd  almost  from  all  sides  and  could  be  very  easily  approached 
in  time  of  war.  It  was  a  two  story  very  low  buildint; ;  decked 
like  a  ship  and  surmounted  on  the  top  by  a  gallery  ;  the  whole  was 
surrounded  by  a  stone  wall,  flanked  only  with  two  bastions  at  the 
side  towards  the  nearest  hill.  Two  batteries  each  of  three  twelve 
pounders,  would  have  been  more  than  sufficient  to  reduce  that 
establishment  to  ashes.  It  was  prejudicial  to  us  by  the  facility  it 
afforded  the  English  of  communicating  with  all  the  tribes  of 
Canada  still  more  than  by  the  trade  carried  on  there  as  well  by 
the  French  of  the  Colony  as  by  the  savages  :  for  Chotiguen  was 
supplied  with  merchandize  adapted  only  to  the  French,  at  least  as 
much  as  with  what  suited  to  the  savages,  a  circumstance  that 
indicated  an  illicit  trade.  Uad  the  Minister's  orders  been  executed, 
the  Cho(iguen  trade  at  least  with  the  savages  of  Upper  Canada 
would  be  almost  ruined.  But  it  was  necessary  to  supply  Niagara) 
especially  the  Portage,  rather  than  Toronto.  The  difference 
between  the  two  first  of  these  posts  and  the  last  is,  that  three  or 
four  hundred  canoes  could  come  loaded  with  furs  to  the  Portage, 
and  that  no  canoes  could  go  to  Toronto  except  those  which  cannot 
pass  before  Niagara  and  to  Fort  Frontenac,  such  as  the  Otaois  of 
the  head  of  the  Lake  {Fond  du  Lac)  and  the  Mississagues ;  so  that 
Toronto  could  not  but  diminish  the  trade  of  these  two  antient 
posts,  which  woulil  have  been  sufficient  to  stop  all  the  savages 
had  the  stores  been  furnished  with  goods  to  their  liking.  There 
was  a  wish  to  imitate  the  English  in  the  trifles  they  sold  the  sava- 
ges such  a  silver  bracelets  etc.  The  Indians  compared  &  weighed 
them,  as  the  storekeeper  at  Niagara  stated,  and  the  Choeguen 
bracelets  which  were  found  as  heavy,  of  a  purer  silver  and  more 
elegant,  did  not  cost  them  two  beavers,  whilst  those  at  the  King's 
posts  wanted  to  sell  them  for  ten  beavers.  Thus  we  were  discre- 
dited, and  this  silver  ware  remained  a  pure  loss  in  the  King's 
stores.  French  brandy  was  preferred  to  the  English,  but  that  did 
not  pi  event  the  Indians  going  to  ChoSguen.  To  destroy  the 
Trade  the  King's  posts  ought  to  have  been  supplied  with  the  same 
goods  as  Choeguen  and  at  the  same  price.  The  French  ought 
also  have  been  forbidden  to  s^nd  the  domiciliated  Indians  thither  : 
but  that  would  have  been  very  difficult. 


ii 


^  .  '!| 


bay. 


438 


EARLT  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBURGH. 


'vSf-i 


Mr.  Picquet  next  returned  to  Frontenac.  Never  was  a  recep- 
tion mnre  imposing.  The  Nipissings  and  Algonquins  who  were 
going  to  war  with  M.  de  Eellestre,  drew  up  in  a  line  of  their 
own  accord  above  Fort  Frontenac  where  three  standards  were 
hoisted.  They  fired  several  volleys  of  musketry  and  cheered 
incessantly.  They  were  answered  in  the  same  style  from  all  the 
little  craft  of  bark.  M.  de  Verchere  and  M  de  la  Valtrie  caused 
the  guns  of  the  Fort  to  be  discharged  at  the  same  time,  and  the 
Indians  transported  with  joy  at  the  honors  paid  them  also  kept  up 
a  continual  fire  with  shouts  and  acclamations  which  made  every 
one  rejoice.  The  commandants  and  officers  received  our  Missionary 
at  the  landing.  No  sooner  had  he  debarked  than  all  the  Algon- 
quins and  Nipissings  of  the  Lake  came  to  embrace  him,  saying 
that  they  had  been  told  that  the  English  had  arrested  him,  and  had 
that  news  been  confirmed  they  would  soon  have  themselves 
relieved  him.  Finally  when  he  returned  to  La  Presentation, 
he  was  received  with  that  affection,  that  tenderness  which  children 
would  experience  in  recovering  a  father  whom  they  had  lost. 

War  was  no  sooner  declared  in  1754  than  the  new  children  of 
God,  of  the  King  and  of  M.  Picquet,  thought  only  of  giving  fresh 
proofs  of  their  fidelity  and  valor,  as  those  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two 
Mountains  had  done  in  the  war  preceding.     The  generals  were 
indebted  to  M.  Picquet  for  the  destruction  of  all  the  Forts  as 
well  on  the  river  Corlac  (Corlear)  as  on  that  of  Choegiien.     His 
Indians  distinguished  themselves  especially  at  Fort  George  on 
Lake  Ontario  where  the  warriors  of  La  Presentation  alone  with  their 
bark  canoes  destroyed  the  English  fl.'ct  commanded  by  Capt. 
Beccan  who  was  made  prisoner  with  a  number  of  others  and  that 
in  sight  of  the  French  army,  commanded  by  M.  de  Villiers  who 
was  at  the   Isle  Galop.     The  war  parties  which  departed  and 
returned  continually,  filled  the  Mission  with  so  many  prisoners 
that  their  numbers  frequently  surpassed  that   of  the  warriors, 
rendering   it  necessary  to   empty  the  villages   anil   send  them 
to  Headquarters.    In  fine  a  number  of  other  expeditions  of  which 
M.  Picquet  was  the  principal  author  have  procured  the  promotion 
of  several  officers.      .     .     .     .     .     He  frequently  found  himself 

in  the  vanguard  when  the  King's  troops  were  ordered  to  attack  the 


0 

t 


EABLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  0GDEN8BUB6H. 


439 


:e 

ir 

re 

ed 

he 

led 

Ihe 

up 

ery 

lary 

ron- 

ying 

had 
elves 
ilion, 
Idren 


enemy.  He  distinguished  himself  particularly  in  the  expeditions 
of  Sarasto  (Saiatoga),  Lake  Champlain,  Pointe  a  la  Chevelure 
(Crown  Point),  the  CascHdes,  Carillon  (Ticonderoga)  Choeguen 
(Oswego),  River  Corlac  (Mohawk),  Isle  au  Galop  etc.  The  posts 
he  estHblished  for  the  King  protected  the  Colony  pending  the  en- 
tire war.  M.  du  Quesne  said  that  the  Abb6  Picquet  was  worth 
more  than  ten  regiiiicr.ts. 

In  the  month  of  May  1756  M.  de  Vaudreuil  got  M.  Picquet  to 
depute  the  Chiefs  of  his  Missions  to  the  Five  Nations  of  SenecaS) 
Cayugas,  Onontagu^s,  Tuscaroras  and  Oneidas  to  attach  them 
more  and  more  to  the  French.  The  English  had  surprised  and 
killed  their  nephews  in  the  three  villages  of  the  Loups  (Mohegans?) 
M.  de  Vaudreuil  requested  him  to  form  parties  which  could  suc- 
ceed each  other  in  disquieting  and  harassing  the  English.  In 
1758  he  destroyed  the  English  forts  on  the  banks  of  CorlaC) 
but  at  length  the  battle  of  the  13  Sept.  1759,  in  which  the  Marquis 
of  Montcalm  was  killed,  brought  ruin  on  Quebec  and  that  of  Ca- 
nada followed.  When  he  saw  all  thus  lost,  M.  Picquet  ter- 
minated his  long  and  laborious  career  by  his  retreat  on  the  S*^ 
May  1760,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  General,  the 
Bishop  and  Intcndant,  in  order  not  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
English.  He  had  determined  never  to  swear  allegiance  to  another 
power. 

He  pnssed  to  Michilimachina  between  Lake  Huron  and  Lake 
Michigan ;  proceeded  thus  by  way  of  Upper  Canada  to  the  Illinois 
country  &Louisiana,  and  sojourned  twenty  two  months  Lt  New 
Orleans.  On  his  return  to  France,  he  passed  several  years  in 
Paris.  A  hernia  which  afflicted  him  a  long  time,  having  become 
aggravated,  finally  caused  his  death  at  Verjon  on  the  15t'>  July 
1781.  In  his  life  time  he  was  complimented  with  the  title  of 
"  Apostle  of  the  Iroquois." 


1 
I 


Id 


Note. — Fort  la  Presentation,  with  the  River,  under  the  names 
of  Wegalchij  Swegaichiy  Oswegatckiy  will  be  found  laid  down  in 
the  following  Maps  and  Charts,  viz' 


I  f 


440 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  06DENSBUR0H. 


fi) 


I  ''i 


A  Map  of  that  part  of  America  which  was  the  principal  seat 
of  War  in  1756,  published  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine  for 
1767,  Vol.  xxvii. ; 

An  Exact  Chart  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  from  Fort  Fron- 
tenac  to  the  Island  of  Anticosti  by  Tho*  JefTereys,  London 
1775 ;  with  the  River  St.  Lawrence  from  Quebec  to  Lake 
Ontario  copied  from  D'Anvill's  Map  of  1755  j 
,  Sauthiers  Map  of  the  Inhabited  parts  of  Canada  and  Frontiers 
of  New  York,  &c.  London  1777  j 

Sauthiers  Map  of  the  Province  of  New  York,  Lond.  1779  and  in 

Carte  Generate  des  (14)  Etats  Unis  de  I'Amerique  Septentrionale 
renfermant  quelques  Provinces  Angloises  adjacentes,  being 
No.  30  in  Atlas  of  Maps  on  America  in  State  Lib. 

Reference  to  this  settlement  will  be  also  found  in  Gent.  Mag. 
xxiv,  593.  It  is  sometimes,  though  corruptly,  called  Fort 
Patterson. 


K 


Li'<f 


K  '51- 


•'%/' 


I  f 


■'iHi^'''- 


seat 

e  for 

rron- 
indon 
Lake 


►ntiers 

and  in 
rionale 
,  being 

t.  Mag. 
sd  Fort 


\ 


XVII. 


PAPERS 


mXUlTIX0TO 


THE  FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AND  CAPTURE  OP 


/orl  (DatDrgo, 


y 


1727-1756. 


;<    -ii 


t 


O^i 


OT  'f>«    fi.,'  !.( 


■*>>^tH' 


<.'//  T/i':^-: 


't  1  r,  >t^ 


0t 


/    ■!■:. 


3;        J  J' 


\ 


^uO'KI. ^>^  v«.  A* 


// 


hh 
arj 
frc 
die 


am 
hai 
J'etl 
tht 


ver^ 


fror 

be( 

be; 


sal 


I-  rl 


*.; 


\ 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  ENGLISH  IN  WESTERN 

NEW-YORK. 


[Lond.  Ooo.  XXII.] 


GoVi  Burnet  to  the  Board  of  Tradt. 

New  York,  Oct.  16, 1721. 

That  I  might  improye  their  (the  Indians')  present  good  humor 
to  the  best  advantage  I  have  employed  the  five  hundred  pounds 
granted  this  year  by  the  Assembly  chiefly  to  the  erecting  and 
encouraging  a  settlement  a  Tirandaquet  a  Creek  on  the  Lake 
Ontario  about  sixty  miles  on  this  side  Niagara'  whither  there  are 
now  actually  gone  a  company  of  ten  persons  with  the  approbation 
of  our  Indians  and  with  the  assurance  of  a  sufficient  number  of 
themselves  to  live  with  them  and  be  a  guard  to  them  against  any 
surprize,  and  because  the  late  President  of  the  Council  Peter 
Schuyler's  son  "  first  offered  his  service  to  go  at  the  head  of  this 
expedition  I  readily  accepted  him  and  have  made  him  several 
presents  to  Equip  him  and  given  him  a  handsome  allowance  for 
his  own  salary  and  a  Commission  of  Captain  over  the  rest  that 
are  or  may  be  there  with  him  and  Agent  to  treat  with  the  Indians 
from  me  for  purchasing  Land  and  other  things  which  I  the  rather 
did  that  I  might  shew  that  I  had  no  personal  dislike  to  the  family. 

This  Company  have  undertaken  to  remain  on  this  Settlement 
and  that  never  above  two  shall  be  absent  at  once,  and  tho'  these 
have  the  sole  encouragement  at  present  out  of  the  public  money 
yet  there  is  nothing  that  hinders  as  many  more  to  go  and  settle 
there  or  any  where  else  on  their  own  account  as  please. 

This  place  is  indisputedly  in  the  Indians  possession  and  lies 
very  convenient  for  all  the  far  Indians  to  come  on  account  of  Trade 
from  which  the  Frenih  at  Niagara  will  not  easily  hinder  them 
because  first  it  must  be  soon  known  and  is  against  the  Treaty  and 
besides  they  may  easily  slip  by  them  in  canoes  and  get  to  this 

1.  Ironilcquoit  bay,  Monroe  Co.  2.  M^jor  Abraham  Schuyler. 


1 


1= 


'1.1  < 


r\ 


ii 


U' 


*     l\ 


444 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


i    '  !■ 


place  before  the  French  can  catch  them  in  the  pursuit  if  they 
should  attempt  to  hinder  them. 

This,  my  Lords  is  the  beginning  of  a  great  Trade  that  may  be 
maintained  with  all  the  Indians  upon  the  Lakes  and  the  cheapness 
of  all  our  goods  except  Powder  above  the  French  will  by  degrees 
draw  all  that  Trade  to  us  which  can  not  better  appear  than  by  the 
French  having  found  it  worth  while  to  buy  our  Goods  at  Albany 
to  sell  again  to  the  Indians.  Wherefore  to  break  that  Practice 
more  effectually  I  have  placed  a  sufficient  Guard  of  Soldiers  on 
the  Carrying  Place  to  Canada  and  built  a  small  Blockhouse  there  ^ 
with  the  remainder  of  the  five  hundred  pounds  before  mentioned. 

As  to  Niagara  I  did  write  to  the  Governor  of  Canada  to  com- 
plain of  all  the  unwarrantable  steps  he  has  taken  and  among  others 
of  his  erecting  a  Blockhouse  at  Niagara  before  the  Treaty  of  Limits 
had  settled  who  it  belong  to  ■  '  '    • 

I  received  his  answer  at  Albany  in  which  he  flatly  denies  most 
of  the  Facts  I  complain  of.  ;        .:  ;(  ^  •  r- 

But  as  to  Niagara  he  pretends  possession  for  above  fifty  years 
first  taken  by  M^  de  la  Sale.  ,      >. 


lti\i'yy  !>■•■ 


EXTRACTS  FROM  FRENCH  LETTERS. 

[Pari*  Doc.  VII.] 

Letter^  dated  22  May  1725.  M.  the  Marquis  of  Yaudreuil  writes 
that  he  received  advice  the  9^^  December  that  the  English  and  the 
Dutch  had  projected  an  establishment  at  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Chouaguen  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Ontario  and  very  near  the  post 
we  have  at  Niagara.  . »; 

The  news  of  this  establishment  on  soil  always  considered  as 
belonging  to  France  appeared  to  him  the  more  important  as  he 
felt  the  difficulty  of  preserving  the  post  of  Niagara  where  there 
is  no  fort,  should  the  English  once  fortify  Chouaguen;  and  that  in 
losing  Niagara  the  Colony  is  lost  and  at  the  same  time  all  the  trade 
with  the  upper  Country  Indians,  who  go  the  more  willingly  to  the 
English  since  they  obtain  goods  there  much  cheaper  and  get  as 

1.  Now  Fort  Edward,  originally  Fort  Lydius,  Washington  Co. 


A 1 


PAPEB8  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


445 


they 

lay  be 
apness 
legrees 
by  the 
Mbany 
'ractice 
liers  on 
e there' 
ntioned. 
to  com- 
ng  others 
of  Limits 

jnies  most 
fifty  years 


reuil  writes 
llish  and  the 
the  River 
par  the  post 

Lnsidered  as 
lortant  as  he 
Iwhere  there 
Land  that  in 
]  all  the  trade 
llinglytothe 
Ir  and  get  as 
on  Co.  , 


much  brandy  as  they  like,  which  we  cannot  absolutely  dispense 
furnishing  the  upper  country  Indians,  though  with  prudence,  if  it 
be  desirable  to  prevent  them  carrying  their  furs  and  surrendering 
themselves  to  the  English. 

M.  de  Longueuil  wrote  in  the  month  of  February  that  the  Iro- 
quois of  the  Sault  had  appointed  four  of  their  chiefs  and  one  of 
the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  to  go  to  Orange  to  represent  to 
the  Dutch  that  they  would  not  suffer  their  settling  at  Chouaguen 
and  that  they  would  declare  war  against  them  if  they  established 
themselves  there. 

He  repaired  on  the  ice  to  Montreal  on  the  12  March  where  he 
received  the  confirmation  of  the  news  of  the  English,  and  learned 
that  they  and  the  Dutch  had  started  with  a  great  many  canoes  for 
Lake  Ontario  to  make  a  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Choueguen  in  concert  with  the  Iroquois ;  that  he  was  afraid  he 
could  not  prevent  it  if  they  be  supported  by  those  Indians,  to  a 
war  with  whom,  he  knows,  the  King  does  not  intend  to  expose 
himself.         -''  ,^^::"'^    *■    ,  .'■  ■   "-v-       •■•-*  ■  /^r^'v  ,    .;■-»"■■ 

The  Indians  of  the  Sault  returned  from  Orange  dissatisfied  with 
their  reception.  He  immediately  despatched  M,  de  Longueuil  to 
the  Iroquois  and  thence  to  Choueguen.  He  commanded  him  to 
induce  the  savages  not  to  suffer  this  Establishment,  and  in  case 
he  could  not  prevail  on  them  to  oppose  it  openly,  to  persuade  them 
to  remain  neuter  and  to  suggest  to  them  at  the  same  time,  that  it 
is  their  interest  to  maintain  us  at  Niagara  or  to  consent  to  our 
building  a  more  solid  and  secure  house  than  the  one  that  is  there. 

In  regard  to  the  English  he  ordered  M.  de  Longueuil,  should 
he  find  them  settled  at  Choueguen,  to  summon  them  to  withdraw 
from  their  lands  until  the  boundaries  were  regulated,  failing  which 
he  should  adopt  proper  measures  to  constrain  them. 

Letter  dated  10  June  1725.  M.  de  Longueuil  writes  to  him 
(M.  Begon)  from  Fort  Frontenac  the  ninth  of  May  that  there 
was  no  Trading  Post  as  yet  at  Choueguen. 

Letter  dated,  31  October,  1725.  Mess"  de  Longueuil  &  Begon 
send  particulars  of  said  Sieur  de  Longueuil's  voyage.  He  found 
'  00  English  at  the  portage  of  the  River,  four  leagues  from  Lake 
Ontario,  with  more  than  60  canoes;  that  they  made  him  exhibit  his 


x : 


','i,  ; 


/P^ 


i 


■  i:^M 


446 


PAPERS  RELATINO  TO  OBWEGO. 


passport  and  shewed  him  an  order  from  the  Governor  of  New 
York  not  to  allow  any  Frenchman  to  go  by  without  a  passport. 

M.  de  Longueuil  took  occasion  to  reproach  the  Iroquois  Chiefs 
who  were  present  that  they  were  no  longer  masttrs  of  thi  ir  lands. 
This  succeeded;  they  blew  out  against  the  English;  told  them 
they  would  bear  with  them  no  longer,  having  permitted  them  to 
6ome  to  trade.  They  even  promised  him  they  should  remain 
neuter  in  case  of  war  against  the  English. 

He  next  repaired  to  Onontague,  an  Iroquois  Village  and  there 
found  the  Deputies  of  the  other  four  Iroquois  Villages  who  were 
waiting  for  him  there.  He  made  them  consent  to  the  construc- 
tion of  2  barks  and  the  erection  of  a  stone  house  at  Niagara,  of 
which  he  took  the  plan  which  they  send  with  an  estimate 
amounting  to  29,295  livres  (=  $6,592.)  U 

NoTAi     The  two  barks  were  built  ir  1726.      .  nftut) 

The  House  (Niagara)  was  commenced  the  same  year  and  fin- 
ished in  1726.  .    <,  '  V/ 

NoTA.  Sieur  Chaussegross,  engineer,  writes  that  he  erected  tlus 
House  on  the  same  spot  where  an  antient  Fort  had  been  built  by 
order  of  M.  d'Eiionville  former  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General 
of  New  France  in  1686. 

25  July  J  1726.  (M.  de  Longueuil  writes  that)  he  has  given 
orders  to  Chevalier  de  Longueuil  his  son  who  commanded  there 
(at  Niagara)  not  to  return  until  the  English  and  Dutch  retire  from 
Choueguen  where  they  have  been  all  summer  to  the  number  of 
300  men,  and  should  he  meet  their  canoes  on  the  lake,  to  plunder 
them.  ?         1.  5 

18  Sept  1726.  M.  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnols  sends  an  extract 
of  a  letter  from  Chevalier  de  Longueuil  dated  Niagara,  the  5th  of 
7be.  1726,  in  which  he  stntes  that  there  are  no  more  English  at 
Choueguen,  along  the  Lake  nor  in  the  River  and  if  he  meet  any 
of  them  in  the  Lake  he'll  plunder  them. 


ne 


::;"''Sf 


PAPEKB  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


447 


lew 

t. 

.icfs 

nils. 

hem 

m  to 

iBain 

there 
•were 
istruo- 
ira,  of 
itlmate 


ind  fin-    \ 

:tcd  this 
built  by 
General 

18  given 
h1  there 
tire  fiom 
Imber  of 
plunder 

In  extract 

le  5th  of 

i«rlish  at 

leel  any 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.] 

New  York  May  9lh  1727. 

I  have  this  Spring  sent  up  workmen  to  build  a  slone  house  of 
strength  at  a  place  called  Oswego^  at  the  mouth  of  the  Onnon- 
dage  River  where  our  principal  Trade  with  the  far  Nations  is 
carried  on.  I  have  obtained  the  consent  of  the  Six  Nations  to 
build  it,  and  having  Intelligence  that  a  party  of  French  of  ninety 
men  were  going  up  towards  Niagara  I  suspected  that  they  might 
have  orders  to  interupt  this  work,  and  therefore  I  have  sent  up  a 
detachment  of  sixty  Souldiers  with  a  Captain  and  two  Lieutenants, 
to  protect  the  building  from  any  disturbance  that  any  French  or 
Indians  may  offer  to  it.  There  are  besides  about  two  hundred 
traders  now  at  the  same  place,  who  are  all  armed  as  Militia,  and 
ready  to  join  in  defence  of  the  Building  and  their  Trade,  in  case 
they  arc  attacked :  The  French  can  have  no  just  pretence  for 
doing  it,  but  their  lately  building  a  Fort  at  Niagara,  contrary  to 
the  last  Treaty  makes  me  think  it  necessary  for  us  to  be  on  our 
guard  against  any  attempts  they  may  make. 

When  the  house  is  finished  it  will  be  sufficiently  strong  against 
an  attack  wilh  small  arras,  which  is  all  that  can  be  brought  thither, 
and  I  intend  to  keep  an  Officer  and  twenty  men  always  in  Garrison 
there,  which  will  be  of  the  greatest  use  to  keep  our  Indians  true 
to  us,  it  being  near  the  centre  of  all  the  Six  Nations,  &  lying 
most  conveniently  to  receive  all  the  far  Indians  who  come  to  trade 
with  us. 

My  Lord  Bellomont  formerly  intended  to  build  a  Fort  by  King 
William's  order  near  this  place,  and  it  went  so  far  that  even 
plate  and  furniture  for  a  chappie  there,  were  sent  over  from 
England,  but  the  Design  was  laid  by  upon  his  Death,  and  has 
never  been  resumed  since 'till  now^.' 

1  Smilh,  Hist.  N.  Y.  Etl.  1828,  i.  253,  represents  the  erection  of  the  above  Fort 
as  having  been  begun  in  1722;  an  error  which  has  been  copied  by  McAuIey, 
Dunlap  and  others  who  have  followed  him  without  inquiry.  Gov.  Burnet's  des- 
patch  and  the  preceding  Docs.,  correct  the  mistake  and  furnish  the  precise  date. 


Sm    '''r, 


P' 


H\ 


448 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


The  Assembly  provided  three  hundred  pounds  last  fall  for  this 
service,  of  which  I  then  acquainted  Your  Lordships,  but  I  have 
been  obliged  to  lay  out  more  than  double  that  value  upon  my 
own  credit,  to  furnish  necessaries  and  provisions,  and  hire  work- 
men, &  make  Battoes  to  carry  up  the  men,  for  it  is  all  Water 
carriage  from  our  outmost  Town  called  Schenectady  to  this  place, 
which  is  about  two  hundred  miles,  except  five  miles,  where  they 
must  draw  their  Battoes  over  Land,  which  is  easily  enough  done, 
&  this  makes  the  communication  much  more  convenient  than  by 
Land. 

I  hope  the  Assembly  will  supply  this  Deficiency  when  they 
meet,  but  I  was  so  convinced  of  the  benefit  of  the  undertaking 
that  I  was  resolved  not  to  let  it  fail  for  want  of  a  present  supply 
of  money.     I  am  with  great  Respect, 

My  Lords,  Your  Lordships  most  dutifull  and 

most  obliged  humble  servant 

W.  Burnet. 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[Load.  Doo.  XXIII.] 

New  York  29th  June  1727. 

Extract. — The  Province  is  much  obliged  to  your  Lordships  for 
representing  the  French  building  a  Fort  at  Niagara,  and  in  order 
to  obtain  Redress  the  same  Fort  which  I  have  been  building  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Onnondage's  River  called  Oswego  this  Spring, 
goes  on  successfully  hitherto,  and  without  any  interruption  from 
the  French  or  their  Indians,  and  with  the  full  consent  and  appro- 
bation of  our  own  Indians. 

The  Detachment  of  Souldiers  which  I  sent  to  up  arrived  safely 
there  the  beginning  of  this  month,  so  that  it  is  not  likely  that 
any  attempt  will  now  be  made  to  hinder  it,  and  I  depend  upon 
its  being  of  the  best  use  of  any  thing  that  has  ever  been  under- 
taken on  that  side  either  to  preserve  our  own  Indians  in  our 
Interest,  or  to  promote  and  fix  a  constant  Trade  with  the  remote 
Indians. 


i'L  I 


fall  for  this 
,  but  I  have 
ue  upon  my 
d  hire  work- 
is  all  Water 
to  this  place, 
»,  where  they 
enough  done, 
lient  than  by 

By  when  they 
e  undertaking 
tresent  supply 

1 

servant        , 

V.  Burnet. 


lADE. 


29th  June  1727. 
r  Lordships  for 
a,  and  in  order 
en  building  at 
go  this  Spring, 
;erruption  from 
lent  and  appro- 
arrived  safely 
not  likely  that 
depend  upon 
rer  been  under- 
Indians  in  our 
vith  the  remote 


.  /.'■ 


•v'     * 


!l  i' 


ti(fU 


r' 


ty 


XWfcvcncel 


.  I     /*/ftft  tft  /(f  /•/  t/f'iffc  a  .  t/tf/\ 

A.y.  //f///fffx  /•///  //f//  //'/t.s/l 

tft  lit /{fifi ir  f7itK*nfmii  tt\ 

f/r  nnifrttx  rf  ftft'rx  //fiii 

li    liirntfKn  t/r  f,f  thfr  /ftffA 

f    I'lhtfi  ftttirtnts  t/t  ///'/.»•  (ni\ 

fJ    Unit  f'ancfs  (f  Krttcr 

K     7ff  f\rf*tnn\  ttn.r.  Itarrhtti 

r/  /•'hniunttf.s- 
/''    'IVufi  .V  fff\'/}yn/nw  />ti  rtiiin 
ft    Si'tfuttfH'n  fff  /ti  ft  t/f>)ifr\ 
If   ^/'/f  Pnu.r  *ft  f  '4  tttr  fh  /; 
if  Urn  rrt'it  r/rr  tfr.sfinrs 
1     .  MfltifftUff   ftrs  'Jiffff/fff.V 


•HI ft    o  t'rn/trr 
If  fH'Hriunrtf 

\utf  .    .      V 


prft/  Oy\V„/,/tf/.v 


m 

\M^mj9m£mik 

,^'^ 

M 

"7" 

_4 

\ 

t 

/          f         /         .; 

fi 

7 

">  "  'i  \  s  ^^' '  ■  '  *•♦   "^v    >■ ' 


'!/ 


(KsH'tffO     J  7  a  7. 


Pitnt  n<  r  Villi 


r    i 


f 


F;n 


i.i     !^: 


•     .1 


# 


^<'■'■ 


-.jJifi._.. 


i/'  Mufjilisli 


BAPER8  RELATING  TO  OSWXOO. 


4«ft 


GOVERNOR  OF  CANADA  TO  THE  GOV.  OF  NEW-TORK. 

[Par.  Doe.  VII.;  Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.] 

July  20th,  1727. 

Sir — ^I  am  very  well  persuaded  that  you  have  been  informed 
that  the  King  my  master  has  done  me  the  honor  to  name  me 
Governour  and  his  Lieutenant  General  in  all  New  France,  and 
that  you  have  likewise  been  so  of  my  arrival  to  this  country. 

I  find  myself,  Sir,  in  a  juncture  when  the  close  union  that  sub- 
asts  between  our  Sovereigns  ought  to  flatter  me  with  the  hopes 
of  the  like  between  you  and  me.  But  I  cannot  avoid  observing 
to  you  my  surprise  at  the  permission  which  you  have  given  to  the 
English  Merchants  to  carry  on  a  trade  at  the  River  of  Oswego, 
and  that  you  have  ordered  a  Redoubt  with  Galleries  {MachicotUies) 
snd  full  of  Loop  holes  and  other  works  belonging  to  fortification, 
to  be  built  at  the  Mouth  of  that  River,  in  which  you  have  placed 
a  Garrison  of  Regular  Troops. 

I  have  been.  Sir,  the  more  astonished  at  it,  since  you  should 
have  considered  your  Undertaking  as  a  thing  capable  of  disturbing 
the  Union  of  the  two  Crowns ;  You  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the 
possession  during  a  very  considerable  time,  which  the  King  my 
Master  has  of  all  the  Lands  of  Canada,  of  which  those  of  the  lake 
Ontario  and  the  adjacent  Lands  make  a  part,  and  in  which  he  has 
built  Forts  and  made  other  Settlements  in  different  places  as  are 
those  of  Denonville  at  the  Entrance  of  the  River  of  Niagara,  that 
of  Frontenac,  another  called  La  Famine,  that  which  is  called  the 
Fort  des  Sables,  another  at  the  Bay  of  the  Cayougas  at  Oswego, 
&c.  without  any  opposition,  they  having  been  one  and  all  of  them 
possessed  by  the  French,  who  alone'  have  had  a  right,  and  have 
had  the  possession  of  carrying  on  the  Trade  there. 

I  look.  Sir,  upon  the  Settlements  that  you  are  beginning  and 
pretending  to  make  at  the  Entrance  of  the  Lake  Ontario  into  the 
River  of  Oswego,  the  fortifications  that  you  have  made  there,  and 
the  Garrison  that  you  have  posted  there,  as  a,,  manifest  infraction 
of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  it  being  expressly  settled  by  that  Treaty, 


•  i\ 


,1 ' .  > 


450 


PAPERS  RELliTING  TO  OSWEGO. 


h^i. 


w 


that  the  subjects  of  each  Crown  shall  not  molest  nor  encroach 
upon  one  another,  'till  the  Limits  have  been  fixed  by  Commissaries, 
to  be  named  for  that  purpose. 

This  it  is,  Sir,  which  determines  me  at  present  to  send  away 
M.  De  la  Chassaigne  Governour  of  the  Town  of  trois  Rivieres, 
with  an  Officer,  to  deliver  this  letter  to  you,  and  to  inform  you  of 
my  Intentions. 

I  send  away  at  the  same  time  a  Major  to  summon  the  Officer^ 
who  commands  at  Oswego,  to  retire  with  his  Garrison  and  other 
persons  who  are  there,  to  demolish  the  fortifications  and  other 
works,  and  to  evacuate  entirely  that  post  and  to  retire  home. 

The  Court  of  France  which  I  have  the  honour  to  inform  of  it 
this  moment,  will  have  Room  to  look  upon  this  undertaking  as  an 
act  of  hostility  on  your  part,  and  I  dont  doubt  but  you  will  give 
attention  to  the  justice  of  my  Demand. 

I  desire  you  to  honour  me  with  a  positive  answer  which  1  '^i 
without  delay  by  the  return  of  these  Gentlemen,  I  am  per.  ..  i  :d 
that  on  your  side  you  will  do  nothing  that  may  trouble  the  harmony 
that  prevails  among  our  two  Crowns,  and  that  you  will  not  act 
against  their  true  Interests. 

I  should  be  extremely  pleased.  Sir,  if  you  would  give  me  some 
occasion  to  show  you  particularly  the  sentiments  of  Respect  with 
which  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  most  humble  and 
most  obed"*'  servant 
At  Montreal  Beauhai^ois. 

this  20tJ»  July  1727. 

P.  S.  M.  De  la  Chassaigne  who  did  not  at  first  intend  to  carry 
with  him  any  but  the  Officer  of  whom  I  had  the  honor  to  inform 
you  in  my  Letter,  has  since  desired  me  to  let  him  have  the  four 
Gentlemen  named  in  the  Passport  which  I  have  ordered  to  be 
made  out  for  him.  I  dont  doubt,  Sir,  but  you  will  have  the  same 
Regard  for  them  as  for  the  King's  Officer  who  goes  along  with  them. 


nl 


'iUi^ai. 


V  {■' 


h'>^i 


>*  'j-fa- 


:■<  i 


4H< 


peo 
and 
you 
or  tl 
mou 
faili] 
meai 
will 


roach 
saries, 

away 
vieres, 
you  of 

Officer 
d  other 
1  other 
me. 

m  of  it 
ig  as  an 
rill  give 


jr,-.'  r.^L 

larmony 

not  act 

me  some 
lect  with 


nt 

il^OIS. 

d  to  carry 
to  inform 
8  the  four 
;red  to  be 
B  the  same 
ivilhthem. 


PAPEBS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


461 


COPY  OF  THE  SUMMONS 

TO  THE  OOBIMANDANT  OF  THE  FORT  BUILT  BY  THE  ENGLISH  ON  THE 
SHORE  OF  LAKE  ONTARIO  A^  THE  MOUTH  OF  THE  RIVER  CHOUB- 
6UEN  TO  WITHDRAW  WITH  THE  GARRISON  OF  SAID  FORT,  SERVED 
BY  M'  BEGON  MAJOR  OF  THE  TOWN  AND  CASTLE  OF  QUEBEC  ON 
BEHALF  OF  THE  MARQUIS  OF  BEi^UHARNOIS,  GOVERNOR  GENERAL 
IN  CANADA. 

[Paris  Doe.  VII.] 

His  Lordship  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois  appointed  by  His 
Most  Christian  Majesty  Governour  General  in  and  over  Canada 
and  the  whole  Dependencies  of  New  France,  being  informed  of 
your  Governour's  enterprise  at  the  Mouth  of  Choueguen  River, 
where  he  ordered  a  Stone  Redoubt  to  be  built  on  the  shore  of 
Lake  Ontario  where  the  French  only  have  traded,  and  of  which 
they  have  been  possessors  for  a  very  great  while,  and  considering 
t^at  Enterpqise  as  a  plain  Contravention  to  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht, 
which  mentions  that  the  subjects  of  the  two  Crowns  shall  not 
intrench  upon  one  anothers  Land,  'till  the  Decision  of  the  Limits  by 
the  Judges  delegated  to  that  End,  has  sent  me  with  orders  to  sum- 
mon you  to  draw  out  at  furthest  within  a  fortnight  the  Garrison  of 
this  place  with  arms,  munitions  and  other  effects  belonging  to  the 
people  of  Albany  or  other  places,  to  cast  down  the  block  house 
and  all  peices  of  work  you  raised  up  contrary  to  all  law,  leaving 
you  if  you  think  fit  to  establish  yourselves  at  Lake  Thechiroguen, 
or  the  Oneida  River  where  you  formerly  traded  and  to  leave  the 
mouth  of  this  river  free,  as  it  has  always  been,  to  the«French| 
failing  which  his  Lordship  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois  will  take 
measures  against  you  and  against  your  unjust  usurpation  as  he 

will  think  fit. 

(Signed)  Begon« 

Montreal  the  Uth  of  July  1727. 


/  k 


j 


■J.:.; 


ti';-; 


..U 


.  j,., 


452 


PAPSaS  RELATING  TO  OBWtOO. 


^^  11     11 


.■  s 


COPY  OP  THE  PROCES  VERBAL  OF  THE  SERVICE  OP 

SAID  SUMMONS. 

[Paris  Doe.  YII.] 

This  day  the  fii-st  of  August  1727,  we  the  undersigned)  Knight 
of  the  Military  Order  of  St.  Louis,  Major  of  the  Town,  Castle  and 
Government  of  Quebec,  having  in  execution  of  the  orders  to  us 
given  by  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois  Governor  and  Lieutenant 
General  for  the  King  in  all  New  France,  arrived  before  the  Fort 
built  by  the  English  on  the  borders  of  Lake  (Ontario,  at  tbemouih 
of  the  kiver  Choueguen,  sent  to  advise  Mr.  Sancker  Command- 
ing the  Garrison  of  our  arrival  and  had  him  informed,  at  the  saine 
time,  that  we  came  on  the  part  of  the  Governor  General  Cipm- 
inanding  in  Chief  over  all  New  France,  to  summon  him  to  with- 
draw at  latest  within  fifteen  days  the  garrison  of  said  fort,  "mm 
the  arms,  ammunition  and  other  effects  belonging  to  individuals 
h  Orange  and  other  places,  and  to  demolish  said  fort  and  ot^er 
work  he  had  there  constructed. 

He  sent  to  invite  us  on  shore  and  came  to  meet  us  on  the  bank  oi 
said  river  Choueguen,  accompanied  by  two  odicers  of  the  garrison, 
be  conducted  us  into  the  fort  with  much  courtesy  and  after  service 
on  the  said  Commandant  in  the  usual  manner  of  the  said  summons 
which  we  lefl  him  in  writing  in  French  and  in  English,  he  answered 
us  that  he  was  on  his  land  and  in  his  house ;  that  he  had  been 
sent  thifher  by  his  General  Government  to  build  the  said  fort 
tnere  with  the  consent  of  the  Six  Nations  and  even  under  valid 
contracts  with  them ;  that  if  we  wished,  he  would  cause  the 
Chiefs  of  the  Onondaga  Indians  then  on  the  spot,  to  coine  who 
would  Inform  us  of  it ;  whom  we  refused  to  hear  }fe\ng  unwilling 
to  have  any  discussion  with  them.  Afler  which  he  added,  that  he 
was  but  a  subordinate  officer  like  ourselves,  and  consequently 
equally  obliged  to  follow  the  orders  of  his  General;  that  we  had 
an  order  in  writing  from  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois ;  it  would 


h 


PAVS^  RELATING  TO  OByfWtiO. 


m 


IF 


ieand 
to  us 
itenant 
e  fort 


ninand' 
he  saime 
il  Corn- 
to  -witb- 
irt,  "witlE 
lividuals 
nd  otW 

jTbankol 
rarrison, 
er  service 
suiumons 
answered 
had  been 
said  fort 
ider  valid 
cause  the 
joine  "wKo 

un-wilVmg 
ed,  that  he 

nsequently 
aat  we  bad 
.  it  would 


be  necessary  for  him  to  have  one  also  from  Mr.  Burnet)  lus  G|en|B- 
ral,  so  as  to  be  able  to  furnish  his  reply  ;  whereupon  we  aslc^  to 
have  his  refusal  in  writing,  but  having  communicated  to  us  thie^ta 
little  time  would  be  necessary  to  consider  of  it,  and  if  we  wisbffd 
he  would  leave  us  at  liberty  to  walk  wherever  we  pleased ;  iy|d 
having  kept  us  waiting  about  three  quarters  of  an  hour  and  coii- 
suited  with  his  officers,  he  persisted  in  his  original  sentiments  and 
said  that  he  had  ^s  much  right  to  summon  the  Commandtuat  of 
Niagara ;  finally  he  should  send  the  summons  to  his  Qovc^rnior 
General,  promising  to  give  an  answer  so  soon  as  he  should  receK^e 
orders.     Done  at  Choueguen  the  !■*  August  1727. 

(Signed)        Bsgoit.* 


.   -r — —  ■  ■ 

GOV.  BTJKNET  TO  THE  GOVERNOR  OP  CAIi[ADA. 

[Load.  Doc  XXIII.] 

New  York,  Sth  Augut,  17X1^. 

Sir — ^I  have  received  the  letter  which  you  have  doiie  me  the 
honour  to  write  to  me,  and  which  was  delivered  to  me  by  Mr. 
De  la  Chassaigne.  You  have  done  me  a  singular  pleasure  in 
taking  this  occasion  to  make  me  acquainted  with  a  person  of  80 
distinguished  merit,  and  in  sending  along  with  them  Gentlemen 
who  do  honour  to  their  country.  I  could  have  wished  that  these 
marks  of  your  good  will  had  not  been  attended  with  a  proceeding 
so  little  suitable  to  them.  '^ 

You  perceive,  Sir,  that  I  would  complain  of  the  sudden  and 
peremptory  summons  that  you  have  sent  to  my  Officer  posted  Iftt 
Oswego ;  and  which  was  brought  to  me  by  an  express,  before  t^e 
arrival  of  M' De  la  Chassaigne.  f'f '^^ 

I  should  think.  Sir,  that  you  might  have  waited  for  my  reasons 
in  answer  to  what  you  were  pleased  to  write  to  me,  before  you  took 
so  Extraordinary  a  step,  and  that  in  giving  so  short  a  time,  that 
my  Officer  could  not  possibly  receive  my  orders  before  it  expired. 

I  agree  with  you,  sir,  that  the  close  union  that  prevails  betweoi 

1.  In  Loml.  Doc.  XXIII.  are  papers  pnrporting  to  be  Translationi  of  th«  two 
preceding  Doc*s  but  they  are  essentially  imperfect  and  inoorftlst.  '  P 


'^^  .  »l 


1 


r  'i 


Hn 


I 


iM 


PAnnS  RELATING  TO  08WECM>. 


our  Sovereigns  ought  naturally  to  produce  the  like  between  yoa 
and  me,  and  it  shall  never  be  through  my  fault  if  it  does  not  sub- 
sist in  all  its  extent.  It  -was,  Sir,  with  the  same  Intention  that  I' 
made  my  complaint  in  the  modestest  manner  I  could  to  Mr.  De 
Longueuil,  then  Commander  in  Chief  in  Canada,  of  a  Fort  that 
\aA  been  built  at  Niagara  and  tho'  I  received  no  answer  from  him 
by  the  bearer  of  my  letter  and  at  last  received  one  that  was  not 
at  all  satisfactory,  I  contented  myself  with  writing  to  our  Court 
about  it,  whence  I  am  informed  that  our  Ambassadors  at  the  Court 
of  France,  has  orders  to  represent  this  undertaking  as  contrary  to 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 

This,  Sir,  was  all  that  I  did  upon  that  occasion.  I  did  not  send 
any  summons  to  Niagai-a,  I  did  not  make  any  warlike  preparations 
to  interrupt  the  work,  and  I  did  not  stir  up  the  Five  Nations  to 
make  use  of  force  to  demolish  it,  which  I  might  have  done  easily 
enough,  since  at  the  very  time  I  received  Mr  de  Longueuil's 
letter,  they  were  all  come  to  complain  to  me  of  this  undertaking^ 
as  the  justest  cause  of  uneasiness  that  could  have  been  given  them. 
I  won't  tire  you  with  repeating  all  that  I  writ  to  Mr.  de  Lon- 
grueuil  upon  that  subject  which  he  has  no  doubt  shown  to  you. 

I  come  now.  Sir,  to  the  subject  of  your  Letter,  there  are  two 
things  which  you  complain  of,  first  of  the  trade  at  Oswego, 
secondly  of  the  Redoubt  as  you  call  it,  and  of  the  Garrison  that 
is  in  it;  as  for  the  Trade  I  cannot  understand  how  you  could  be 
surprised  at  it,  since  we  have  carried  on  a  trade  there  regularly 
for  more  than  five  years  running  without  opposition,  and  I  have 
reason  to  wonder  how  you  can  call  that  an  Infraction  of  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht,  since  it  is  expressly  stipulated  in  that  very  \b^^ 
Article  which  you  cite,  That  on  both  sides  the  subjects  of  each 
Crown  shall  enjoy  full  liberty  of  going  and  coming  on  account  of 
Trade. 

Going  and  coming  must  imply  (as  appears  clearly  by  what  goes 
before)  among  all  the  American  subjects  or  allies  or  friends  of 
Great  Britain  and  of  France.  It  is  upon  this,  Sir,  that  we  pre- 
tend to  have  an  equal  right  with  you  of  trading  thro'  all  the  Lakes 
and  all  the  Continent,  and  that  incontestably,  by  virtue  of  the 
Terms  of  the  Treaty 


I         < 


I  we  pre- 
Ihe  Lakes 
le  of  the 


.  PAPKB8  BKLATINO  TO  OVWBOO. 

It  follows  therein  that  also  the  Natives  of  those  Countries  shall 
with  the  same  liberty  resort  as  they  please  to  the  British  and 
French  Colonies,  for  promoting  a  Trade  on  one  side  or  the  other} 
without  any  Molestation  or  hindrance  either  on  the  part  of  th« 
British  subjects  or  the  French. 

I  cited  to  you  before  the  Right  which  we  have  to  carry  on  a 
Trade  every  where  among  the  Indians.  In  these  last  words  is 
contained  the  Right  which  all  the  Ind'  ns  have  to  come  and  trade 
with  us,  and  I  leave  it  to  you  to  reflect  sincerely  upon  the  conduct 
of  the  People  of  Canada,  and  to  consider  whether  they  have  not 
done  all  they  could  and  do  not  continue  still  to  hinder  the  Indians 
from  coming  to  trade  with  us.  But  as  for  our  Right  to  carry  a 
Trade  every  where  among  the  Indians,  one  cannot  find  expressions 
more  contrary  to  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  than  those  in  your  letterj 
where  you  name  several  places  occupied  by  the  French,  who  alone, 
say  you,  have  had  the  Right  and  been  in  possession  of  trading 
there. 

You  will  oblige  extremely  if  you  will  shew  me  how  to  recohdle 
that  with  a  full  liberty  on  both  sides  of  going  and  coming  on 
account  of  trade  which  the  subjects  of  both  crowns  shall  enjoy. 
But  if  you  say  that  formerly  it  was  as  you  pretend,  that  will 
signify  nothing,  since  at  present  the  Treaty  alone  ought  to  regulate 
the  matters. 

I  hope.  Sir,  I  have  said  enough  upon  the  first  subject  of  Com- 
plaint which  relates  to  the  Trade,  for  to  shew  you  the  right  we 
have  to  it,  and  to  make  you  sensible  that  the  future  Regulation  of 
Limits,  can  never  make  any  alteration  in  the  general  liberty  which 
there  is  of  Trade. 

I  come  now  to  the  second  subject  of  Complaint  which  relates  to 
the  Redoubt  and  Garrison  at  Oswego.  It  is  true.  Sir,  that  I  have 
ordered  a  Stone  house  to  be  built  there,  with  some  contrivances  to 
hinder  its  being  Surprized,  and  that  I  have  posted  some  Souldiers 
in  it,  but  that  which  gave  rue  the  first  thought  of  it,  was  the 
fortified  and  much  larger  house  which  the  French  have  built  at 
Niagara,  upon  the  lands  of  the  Five  Nations,  as  it  appears  even 
by  the  Confession  of  M.  de  Longueuil,  in  his  letter  to  me  of  the 
leth  of  August  1726,  for  he  pretends  that  the  Five  Nations  had 


M56 


VAPntS  BELATIN6  TO  OSWHOO. 


^^ed  to  it  by  an  unanimous  consent.  If  that  Post  was  not  upon 
l^ir  Land,  but  upon  Land  that  belongs  incontestably  to  the  French, 
I  believe,  Sir,  that  you  would  be  very  far  from  asking  their  con- 
sent to  do  what  you  had  a  mind  to  do  there. 

It  has  been  always  the  same  case  with  all  the  posts  you  mention 
rand  which  besides  had  been  abandoned  many  years  before  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht,  except  Fort  Frontenac  only,  which  is  on  the 
<6ther  side  of  the  Lake.  It  is  certain  that  the  French  never  built 
'anjr  of  them  but  by  the  permission  of  the  Five  Nations,  and 
(always  on  pretence  that  they  were  only  to  be  houses  for  the  con- 
Teniency  of  Trade  With  them  and  without  ever  pretending  to 
'Claim  the  Property  of  those  places :  And  you  seem.  Sir,  to  allow 
'idmost  as  much  yourself  for  you  say,  That  His  Most  Christian 
.lifojesty  had  ordered  Forts  and  other  Establishments  to  be  built  in 
different  places,  '&c.  without  any  opposition.  What  has  been 
'built  without  opposition  can  never  be  looked  on  as  a  conquest,  as 
Mr.  De  la  Chassaigne  would  maintain,  and  I  should  be  very  glad 
'to  l*earB  by  lihat  Treaty  or  Agreement  the  five  Nations  ever 
(yielded  to  you  any  of  tlieir  lands.  On  the  contrary  those  Nations 
have  always  maintained  that  the  Lands  on  both  sides  of  the  Lake 
'Ontario  are  theirs  and  will  always  maintain  it. 

I  can't  comprehend  what  use  the  Article  of  the  Treaty  to  which 

you  allude,  can  be  to  you,  and  I  can't  find  the  words  in  the 

Treaty  as  you  have  cited  them,  nor  even  the  sense   entirely 

agreeable  to  them.    You  call  the  post  which  we  have  settled  at 

1 0swego  a  manifest  infraction  of  the  Treaty  of  Uttccht,  it  being 

mentioned  expressly  in  the  Treaty  that  the  Subjects  of  one  and 

the  other  Crown  shall  not  molest  nor  incroach  upon  one  another, 

'till  the  Limits  shall  be  regulated  by  Commissaries  to  be  named 

tyy  them  for  that  purpose.    I  dont  know.  Sir,  what  copy  of  the 

Treaty  you  make  use  of,  but  for  my  part,  I  have  compared  the 

'  Frenbh  translation  which  I  have  quoted,  with  the  Original  Latin, 

''Which  is  <  printed  at  London  by  Royal  Authority  and  have  found 

it  entirely  agreeable  to  h. 

The  words  we  are  now  upon  are  these  as  follows,  The  Subjects 
flf  France  irihfiibHing  Canada  and  others,  shall  hereafter  give  no 
hindrance  or 'Molestation  to  the  five  Nations  or  Cantons  of  Indians, 


upon 

enoh, 

con- 

mtion 
re  the 
)n  the 
r  built 
B,  aiid 
le  con- 
ing to 
>  allow 
iiristian 
built  in 
IS  been  ^ 
uest,  as 
;ry  glad 
tns  ever 
Nations 
be  Lake 

to  Which 
s  in  the 
entirely 
ettled  at 
it  being 
one  and 
another, 
}e  named 
)y  of  the 
tared  the 
lal  Latin, 
ave  found 

Subjects 
give  no 
)f  Indians, 


PAPEaa  RELATIMO  TO  OSWEGO. 


467 


subject  to  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain,  nor  to  the  other  NattTes 
of  America  who  are  friends  to  the  same,  in  like  manner  the  sub- 
jects of  Great  Fritain  shall  behave  themselves  peaceably  towar48 
the  Americans,  who  are  subjects  or  friends  to  France. 

This  is  the  first  part  at  full  length  of  what  you  refer  to ;  the 
the  second  part  is  at  the  end  of  the  Article  in  these  words,  But 
it  [is]  to  be  exactly  and  distinctly  settled  by  Commissaries,  who 
are  and  who  ought  to  be  accounted  the  Subjects  and  friends  of 
Britain  or  of  France. 

Upon  reading  all  this  together  it  is  impossible  to  imagine  ihat 
the  last  clause  of  this  Article  can  relate  to  the  Five  Nations,  as 
if  Commissaries  were  yet  to  determine  whether  they  are  ovix 
subjects  or  yours,  as  Mr.  de  Longueuil  writ  to  me  that  they  weie 
<neithef. 

This  would  be  directly  opposite  to  the  first  part  of  the  same 
Article  which  declares  them  expressly  subject  to  the  Dominion  of 
Great  Britain.  But  as  there  is  mention  made  of  other  Amerieans 
Allies  of  Great  Britain  and  of  Americans  Subjects  or  friends  to 
France,  without  naming  them,  it  is  as  clear  as  day  light  that  lAie 
Commissaries  are  only  to  determine  about  these  last. 

You  have  now,  Sir,  my  reasons  for  acting  as  I  have  done,  and 
of  which  I  have  given  an  account  to  the  Court  at  the  same  time 
that  I  represented  the  affair  of  Niagara,  I  expect  every  day  a 
compleat  answer  upon  both  these  points,  &  I  think  myself  obliged, 
'not  withstanding  all  the  reasons  which  M\  De  la  Chassaigne  has 
given  me  to  the  contrary,  to  maintain  the  Post  of  Oswego,  till  I 
receive  new  orders  from  the  King  my  Master. 

You  may.  Sir,  make  such  complaints  hereupon  as  you  judge 
proper,  as  you  have  informed  me  that  you  have  already  made 
some,  and  at  the  same  time  you  will  not  think  it  strange  that  on 
my  part  I  inform  the  Court,  in  what  manner  you  have  summoned 
the  Kings  Officer  posted  at  Oswtgo,  without  waiting  for  any 
Explanation  from  me  upon  it.  This  is  a  step  which  the  King  my 
Master  may  perhaps  be  offended  at,  and  which  His  Most  Christian 
Majesty  may  perhaps  think  fit  to  disown 

I  am  very  sorry,  Sir  to  find  myself  under  a  necessity  to  have 
sentiments  so  opposite  to  yours.     I  should  be  glad  to  see  all  these 


i 


I  i   * 


( 


ff.~  .  I' 


458 


PAPERS  RKLATIMO  TO  OSWKGO. 


m 


.'1 


differences  end  in  a  good  understanding,  &  that  you  would  honour 
me  with  your  friendship,  and  it  is  with  a  great  deal  of  respect 
that  I  have  the  honour  to  be.  Sir,  Your  most  humble 

and  most  obedient  Servant. 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[Lond.  Doe.  XXIIl.]  ' 

New  York  24th  Augurt  1727 
I  had  News  that  the  Fort  which  I  have  been  building  this 
Spring  at  Oswego,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Onnondages  River,  was 
upon  the  point  of  being  finished,  when  at  the  same  time  I  learnt 
by  an  Express  that  the  Govcmour  of  Canada  had  sent  a  summons 
to  the  said  Fort  to  have  it  Demolished  and  abandoned  in  16 
days,  copies  whereof  in  French  &  English  both  as  they  were 
delivered  to  the  commanding  o^cer  there,  are  herewith  transmit- 
ted. Soon  after  my  receiving  this  Summons  arrived  here  the 
Oovernour  of  trois  rivieres  in  Canada,  who  is  next  in  rank  to  the 
Governour  of  Montreal,  as  he  is  to  the  Governour  General  of 
Canada.  This  Gentleman  with  his  attendants  was  sent  by  the 
Governour  of  Canada  to  deliver  a  letter  from  him  to  me,  and  to 
persuade  me  to  abandon  this  Fort  for  the  present  and  to  leave  it 
to  be  afterwards  settled  between  the  two  Crowns,  who  had  the 
Right  to  that  place.  I  agreed  to  leave  it  to  be  decided  between 
the  two  Crowns  as  he  proposed  but  in  the  mean  time  thought 
myself  obliged  to  hold  and  maintain  it. 

I  have  enclosed  copies  of  the  Governour  of  Canada's  letter  to 
me  in  French  and  my  answer  to  him  in  the  same  language, 
together  with  my  own  translation  of  both  letters,  \Yheiein  Your 
Lordships  will  find  the  whole  argument  stated  on  both  sides. 
There  is  no  variation  between  the  French  &  English  but  what 
was  necessary  to  be  made  according  to  the  different  Translations 
of  the  Treaty  from  the  Original  Latin,  but  I  think  my  argument 
holds  equally  in  either  translation  and  as  strongly  in  the  Latin  as 
in  either.  -i- 

Your  Lordships  know  very  well  how  backward  the  French 
have  been  to  name  Commissaries,  and  in  the  mean  time  if  they 


PAPCRS  BELATINO  TO  OSWIGO. 


469 


kour 
pect 


\ 


1727 
I  this 
,  was 
learnt 
ninonB 
in  16 
y  wete 
insmit- 
:re  the 
:  to  the 
pral  of 
by  the 
and  to 
leave  it 
had  the 
letween 
Ithought 


letter  to 
Inguage, 
[in  Your 
Ih  sides. 
l)ut  what 
islations 
rgument 
I  Latin  as 


French 
if  they 


are  permitted  they  would  seize  upon  every  thing.  But  this  new 
house  at  Oswego  will  make  a  stand  that  will  embolden  our  Five 
nations,  &  will  not  easily  be  taken  without  great  Cannon,  the 
wall  being  four  foot  thick  of  large  good  stone,  and  it  is  repre- 
sented to  roe  that  the  French  cannot  bring  large  cannon  against 
it,  since  they  have  no  way  but  to  come  up  from  Montreal  to  the 
Lake  against  a  Violent  stream,  all  full  of  Rifts  &  Falls  &  Shal- 
lows, where  they  are  forced  to  set  up  with  poles  most  part  of  the 
way  in  light  Canoes,  or  Battoes,  &  if  they  had  cannon  to  carry, 
it  is  thought  they  could  not  set  them  along,  &  by  land  it  is  all 
over  precipices  &  mountains,  and  Rivers  to  cross  on  both  sides  of 
the  great  river,  so  that  it  is  not  believed  practicable  for  them  to 
bring  battering  Cannon  any  way.  The  French  have  a  Fort  on 
the  Lake  at  Cataraqui,  where  the  bigg«st  Guns  they  have  are 
patereros,  that  one  man  can  carry  about  in  his  arms  So  that 
probably  they  could  bring  no  bigger  thither. 

I  have  had  a  report  from  some  New  England  captives  lately 
redeemed  from  Canada  that  the  Governour  of  Canada  was  pre- 
paring 400  French  &  800  Indians  to  attack  this  Fort.  But  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  this  is  more  given  out  to  intimidate  us 
than  really  intended,  and  when  I  charged  the  Governour  of  trois 
Rivieres  with  it  he  utterly  denyed  it,  but  I  thought  I  had  ground 
enough  to  hint  at  it  by  way  of  Reproach  in  my  letter  tho'  with- 
out asserting  it  positively.  However  if  they  should  come  we  are 
provided  with  a  double  Garrison  at  Oswego,  provisions  for  six 
months  and  powder  and  Ball  sufficient  for  their  Defence,  and  I 
have  sent  proper  persons  among  our  five  nations  with  presents  to 
them  to  engage  them  to  stand  by  us,  and  not  to  suffer  any  Indians 
to  molest  us  upon  their  Lands,  as  we  shall  be  ready  to  defend 
ourselves  against  the  French,  so  that  I  am  in  good  hopes  to  be 
able  to  hold  this  place,  in  case  we  are  attacked,  and  I  hope  Your 
Lordships  will  support  me  in  taking  these  measures  for  securing 
our  right  to  the  five  nations  against  the  Encroachments  and 
Pretensions  of  the  French,  and  represent  the  whole  affair  to  His 
Majesty,  both  of  the  French  building  at  Niagara,  contrary  to  the 
treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  of  their  disturbing  our  undoubted  right  of 
Trading  and  building  upon  the  land  of  the  five  Nations  at  Oswego. 


460 


PAPIM  BILATIMG  TO  OtWiOO. 


t\»i.3l' 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  PARTICULARS 

or  THE  VOYAGE  OF  M.  DE  LA  CHAUVIONEBIE,  OFFICER,  INTERPRETES 
OF  THE  FIVE  IROQUOIS  NATIONS,  SENT  BY  ORDER  OF  THE  GENERAL 
WITH  A  MESSAGE  TO  THE  NONTAGUE8  (oNONOAGAs).       1728. 

[Pari*  Doe.  VJII.] 

Three  leagues  from  Choueguen  I  sent  three  Wampum  belts  to 
notify  the  Nontagu6  Chiefs  to  meet  me  on  business  which  brought 
me  among  them ;  and  with  three  other  belts  I  invited  the  four 
other  Iroquois  Nations  their  allies  to  repair  to  th6  Nontagu^  to 
hear  the  message  of  their  Father  of  which  I  was  the  bearer  to 
them. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Nontagu^s  at  my  tent,  they  told  me  on 
the  part  of  the  Commandant  of  Choueguen,  that  as  I  was  passing 
his  place  on  public  business,  I  must  fire  the  first  salute  and  lower 
my  flag.  This  proposition  surprised  me ;  my  people  would  per- 
suade me  to  do  so.  I  therefore  suddenly  stood  up  and  said  to 
them — Ye  know  such  is  not  the  intention  of  your  Father  Onontio 
whose  messae;e  I  carry.  A  young  fool  in  the  canoe  of  those  of 
the  Lake  said  to  me  aloud,  that  he  would  fire  and  salute  the  fort 
I  replied  to  him,  Indian  fashion,  that  he  lied  and  that  I  should  not 
suffer  it,  being  unwilling  either  to  witness  or  be  accomplice  to 
such  a  folly ;  that  I  was  surprized  he  had  so  soon  forgotten  the 
words  of  his  father  Onontio  whose  intentions  I  had  communicated 
to  him  during  our  voyage;  that  I  had  no  manner  of  business  with 
him  who  was  Commandant  of  the  house  at  Choueguen. 

They  returned  to  said  fort  and  reported  to  me  that  the  Com- 
mandant insisted  on  what  they  had  first  communicated  to  me.  I 
asked  them  whose  was  the  land  over  which  I  wished  to  pass  1 
This  question  caused  them  to  droop  their  heads  and  they  remained 
in  pensive  silence.  It  was  not  until  I  told  them  that  I  wanted  a 
decisive  and  substantial  answer,  that  they  replied — The  ground 
over  which  I  wished  to  walk  was  theirs.  I  then  said  to  them, 
since  it  was  their  property  I,  as  child  of  their  father  Onontio  and 


1 


^ 


I     I 


PAPtAfl  RELATING  TO  OSWCOO. 


4«1 


PBCTSB 
l8.       . 


belts  to 
brought 
the  four 
agu68  to 
>earer  to 

id  me  on 

8  pasung 

ind  lower 

ould  per- 

d  s^d  to 

r  Onontio 
those  of 
the  fort 
lould  not 
mplice  to 
rotten  the 
municated 
jiness  with 

the  Corn- 
to  me.    I 

to  passi 
r  remained 

wanted  a 
Ihe  ground 
to  them, 
knontio  and 


iHeflrer  of  his  iiit>8SHge  to  them,  Wished  a  cl^&r  rn;i<)  artd  that  nil  the 
branches  bvcrhdngihg  the  t  ivt^^,  hb  cut  il\ray  so  that  ihy  t''lag  might 
pass  without  being  obliged  to  remove  it  from  whbre  their  Father 
Onuntio  had  pidced  it ;  and  that  I  should  not  fire  a  salute  until 
others  had  saluted  me.  IVillingly  or  unwillingly  they  approved 
and  we  pk-Ocefeded. 

Wheh  I  arrived  opposite  the  house  of  Chougucn  We  found,  at 
the  Mouth  of  the  river  a  caiioewith  peojple  of  the  Sault  who  werC 
rieturtiing  from  War.  This  obliged  us  to  land  to  give  our  folks  ah 
oppbrttiriity  to  learn  tht  neWs  And  to  cat*  e  the  Prisoners  to  dancej 
Hi  is  the  ( ustom  among  :he  tribes.  During  this  intei'val  the  Com 
mandant  of  Choueguen  sent  fcr  six  of  the  printipsl  Chii'fs  inclil- 
ding  riJi.  My  Chiefs  incited  Af  tb  folllnW  th*  n.  t  ansW^ted 
ihttt  I  hsld  no  business  at  that  house ;  they  ,  '^'re  tnaiterS  to  go  sitati^ 
thby  "^'ished  it ;  I  should  keep  ihy  id  i  A-ith  the  young  merii 
Tligarioguch  wished  to  reibaih  /'i'h  ihej  I  pe  ^iftded  hiih  tO 
accompany  the  o.hcts,  so  that  I  nay  '?arh  frotn  him  what  transpii^ 
^.  He  iSj  morieover,  a  man  on  Whbm  I  hare  great  rtii-^iafU* 
They,  therefor^i  set  out  for  the  fort.  In  th«i  interval  of  thtt# 
visit  thr6e  cannbn  were  fired  the  meaning  of  which  I  did  not  utt^ 
deftetand.  On  their  return  I  learn^^d  that  it  Was  to  honor  the  ToaiitSi 
They  begin  by— T^he  King  of  England  j  The  Commandant  of  Al4 
J'olrt,  and  The  General  of  the  French  of  Canada.  These  are  ^e 
tertils  they  made  use  of.  Here  is  what  was  said  to  theih  by  th* 
C'omihandant  of  the  Fbrt. 

BUbtHEKS,  I  nevp-  failed  to  assist  the  people  of  your  l^atiofi 
and  you  in  particular  •  ntn  you  pass  by  my  house  and  Cbihe  to 
see  me.  I  will  always  act  so  towards  you.  I  invite  you  to  peace 
and  tranquillity  between  you  and  us. 

He  gave  thr  i!  three  pots  of  i[lum,  a  large  piece  of  Pork  and  a 
bushel  of  peas  which  they  brought  to  the  Camp.  I  found  them  in 
a  stPte  bf  great  Drunkenness,  except  Tegarioguen.  He  assured 
th&t  the  Choueguen  Sachem  had  been  charmed  to  see  them  ahd 
that  he  gave  them  milk  to  drink  to  their  Brother's  health.  But 
the  excitement  they  were  in  led  them,  notwithstanding  all  the 
ifcntreatics  I  could  make,  to  finish  what  liquor  they  brought.  This 
delayed  me  three  days  before  the  Fort,  they  being  drunk  so  thit 


462 


PAPERS  BELATINO  TO  OSWEGO. 


■  .1  I 


I  was  unable  to  do  any  thing.    I  was  not  free  from  uneasiness 
having  only  Tegarioguen  for  support,  if  I  were  insulted. 

When  the  Chiefs  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  and  of 
Sault  St.  Louis  returned  to  my  tent,  the  Nontagu^  Chiefs  came 
to  summon  me,  on  the  part  of  the  Commandant  of  the  Fort, 
to  strike  my  flag  which  I  had  hoisted  over  my  Tent,  inas- 
much as  I  was  under  the  guns  of  the  Fort.  I  always  answered 
Lidian  fashion ;  I  knew  no  flag  but  that  of  their  Father  Onontio 
which  I  carried,  and  it  should  not  be  lowered  until  I  was  tied. 
Contrary  to  the  custom  of  lowering  it  at  sundown,  it  remained 
flying  night  and  day  the  whole  of  the  time  I  was  constrained  to 
remain  at  that  post.  -^  ^ 

On  the  day  of  our  departure  it  was  again  the  same  tune.  I 
must  absolutely  fire  first  and  strike  my  flag.  This  I  would  not 
do ;  therefore  no  salute  on  the  one  side  nor  the  other,  and  we  set 
out  to  proceed.  A  Nontagu^  Chief  carrying  a  British  flag  in  his 
hand,  called  out  to  me  to  embark.  I  forbid  my  people  to  do  so, 
telling  them  I  would  not  march  under  an  English  flag,  and  they 
heard  me.  I  told  them  we  should  start  when  the  English  flag 
was  no  longer  to  be  seen,  which  we  did.  I  reproached  the  Non- 
tagu^s  with  their  weakness  and  the  little  respect  they  paid  their 
Father  and  his  Flag  ^ince  they  dared  not  pass  Choueguen  without 
a  British  flag.  They  answered — ^You're  right.  Father  j  but  you 
know  we  have  every  thing  to  manage  here.  I  replied — ^Under 
their  Father's  flag,  there  was  nothing  to  be  feared.  And  forth- 
with they  furled  the  British  flag  which  has  not  made  its  appear- 


ance since. .. 


.■S^  >■•*'!:  ■  ffi'i  >''4'»!<i  ff 


;  ?";-v- 


;  '•  ■' ' 


GOV.  CLARKE  TO  THE  COMMANDER  AT  OSWEGO. 


\m- 


[Lond.  Doc.  XXV.]  I 

New  York  Nov'r  lit  1736. 
Sir — ^I  am  truly  sorry  to  hear  so  many  complaints  of  your  con- 
duct at  Oswego.  I  hope  for  better  things,  but  am  now  in  fear,  if 
some  .better  care  be  not  taken,  that  the  Garrison  will  all  desert  or 
perish  for  want  of  provision  of  which  I  am  told  there  is  no  manner 
of  Oconemy  j  it  behooves  you.  Sir,  to  be  very  circumspect,  and  I 


it 


appeat- 


)ur  con- 
fear,  if 
lesert  or 
I  manner 
ct,  and  I 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


463 


earnestly  recommend  to  you,  to  keep  good  dissipline,  and  to  take 
care  of  the  provissions  and  of  the  security  of  the  house  and 
garrison. 

M  Beauharnois  complained  to  me  of  your  Commanding  a  French 
Canoe  a  shore,  which  was  passing  hy,  I  assured  him  I  wo'd 
enquire  into  it,  and  I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  acquit  yourself  of 
what  he  lays  to  your  charge. 

I  desire  you  will  be  very  vigilant  and  guard  carefully  against 
all  surprizes  of  the  Indians  or  others,  Capt:  Dick  will  convey  this 
to  you  to  whom  you  ought  to  give  an  account  of  your  Garrison 
by  all  opportunity's  as  he  is  the  Commanding  Officer  on  the  Fron- 
tiers. S'  &c 

Capt.  Congrevc.  G.  C 


f  r, 


[Joura.  of  General  Ass.]     '■  "  •  '^ 

Die  Sabatii  May  23.  1741 
Resolvedj  That  there  be  allowed  a  sum  not  exceeding  the  sum 
of  Six  Hundred  Pounds,  to  and  for  erecting  a  sufficient  stone 
Wall,  at  a  proper  Distance,  round  the  Trading  House  at  Oswego^ 
dther  in  a  Triangular  or  Quadrangular  Form,  as  the  Ground  will 
best  adroit  of,  with  a  Bastion  or  Block  House  in  each  Corner,  to 
flank  the  Curtains,  which  are  to  be  single  for  the  Accommodation 
of  Men,  if  need  be. 


MR.  CLARKE  TO  THE  BOARD. 


V'.l 


*      '  [Lond.  Doc.  XXVI.] 

New  York  Aug:  the  20th  1742. 
My  Lords — If  the  loss  of  Oswego  (which  I  much  fear  will  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  French  on  the  first  rupture)  does  not  stagger 
the  best  resolutions  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  at  present  fear  more 
than  they  love  the  French;  that  Fortress,  or  rather  Trading  house, 
for  it  is  no  better,  is  in  a  very  defenceless  condition^  the  Garrison 
consists  but  of  a  Lieutenant,  Serjeant,  Corporal  and  20  men  it  is  and 
has  been  without  Ammunition,  the  Assembly  refusing  to  be  at  the  ex- 
pense, as  well  as  to  make  provision  for  victualling  a  larger  Garrison; 
it  is  true  they  have  given  money  to  build  a  wall  round  the  house| 


:r 

t^' 


If 


ii-^ 


464 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


out  the  Director  of  the  works,  instead  of  laying  the  stones  in  lime 
Btld  sand,  as  by  the  Act  he  was  to  do,  is  laying  them  in  clay;'  it 
is,  as  it  is  managed  a  jobb  calculated  rather  to  put  money  in  the 
Pockets  of  tb  )se  who  have  the  management  of  the  business,  than 
for  any  real  service  to  the  publick  j  tho'  it  is  a  thing  of  the  utmost 
iitaportance,  as  the  loss  of  it  will  certainly  be  followed  by  the  loss 
of  the  furr  trade,  and  very  probably  may  by  a  defection  of  the 
Six  Nations,  the  consequence  whereof  your  LordPP"  know  per- 
fectly well. 


GOV.  CLARKES  REPORT 


OS  THE  STATE  OF  THE  BRITISH  PROVINCES   WITH  RESPECT   TO  THE 
FRENCH  WHO  SURROUND  THEM.       1743. 

[Lond.  Doe.  XXYII.] 

Tho'  it  has  been  my  duty  to  consult  in  a  more  particular  man- 
ner the  welfare  cf  the  Provincej  which  I  have  had  the  honour  to 
Govern  some  years,  yet  I  never  took  myself  to  be  thereby  dis- 
charged from  carrying  my  thoughts  to  things  of  a  more  extegisive 
nature,  especially  to  such  whereon  the  peace  &  happiness  of  the 
^Plantations,  and  the  Trade  of  England,  if  not  the  very  being  of 
His  Majesty's  Dominion  on  this  Continent  depend,  I  have  often 
reflected  on  the  progress  that  our  natural  Enemies  the  French 
have  made  in  their  settlements  on  the  back  of  us.  Chiefly  smce 
the  peace  of  Utrecht,  the  vast  increase  of  their  Indian  Trade,  the 
interruption  of  ours  by  the  power  which  their  communication 
between  Canada  and  Messasippi,  (by  means  of  the  Lake  Cadara- 
ique  or  Ontario)  gives  them  over  all  the  Indian  Nations,  living  on 
that,  and  all  the  other  Lakes,  which  disembogue  into  Cadaraqui, 
4c  from  thence  into  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  &  by  what  means  that 
commimication  may  be  cut  off,  8l  those  Indian  Nations  brought 
to  an  absolute  dependence  on  His  Majesties  Provinces,  who  will 
thereby  be  possesst  of  a  very  great  additional  Trade,  and  (which 

1  "  He  pretended  that  there  was  not  Limestone  to  be  gotten  and  without  giving 
fairaielf  much  trouble  to  search  went  on  his  own  way." — Lond.  Doc.  xxvii.  3. 
The  wall  above  alluded  to,  cost  when  finished  £630.11. llj  Curjr.— Journal  of  N. 
T.  Auemb.  1744. 


in  lime 

in  the 
}s,  than 

utmost 
the  loss 
I  of  the 
ow  per- 


PAnStS  BiXAtIKO  TO  08WEG0. 


465 


TO  TBfi 


ular  man- 
honour  to 
ereby  dis- 
extedsiTe 
less  of  the 
being  of 
lave  often 
LC  French 
liefly  since 
rade,  the 
lunication 
e  Cadara- 
L  living  on 
Jadaraqui, 
icans  that 
is  brought 
I,  -who -will 
ind  (which 

[ithout  gWinf 

|oc.  xxvii-  3. 

fournal  of  K* 


is  principally  to  be  considered)  be  for  ever  secured  from  the 
annoyance  of  the  French,  and  may  without  danger  or  interrup- 
tions, extend  their  Settlements  as  far  back  as  they  please. 

The  French  had  lately  three,  and  have  now  twd  sailing  vessells, 
each  of  about  50  or '60  Tons,  on  the  Lake  Cadaraqui :  On  the 
North  East  end  whereof,  near  the  entrance  into  the  River  of  St. 
Lawrence,  they  have  a  small  stone  Fort  called  Frdntenac,  with  a 
Garrison  of  about  thirty  or  thirty  five  men,  and  on  the  Southwest 
End,  near  the  fall  of  Niagra,  another  with  the  like  garrison,  a 
trading  house  under  the  cover  of  it,  and  are  now  building  there 
one  or  two  more  trading  houses.  In  those  vessells  they  carry  the 
Soldiers  Artillery,  Ammunition  and  Provision  to  the  Forts,  and 
transport  to  &  fro  the  goods  they  sell  to  &  buy  from  the  Indians: 
It  is  through  this  Lake  they  pass  from  Canada  to  Messasippi,  & 
from  thence  back  again  to  Canada :  By  means  only  of  their  Mas- 
tery On  thait  Lake  it  is  that,  they  have  acquired,  and  still  hold 
their  power  over  all  the  Indian  Nations,  from  Canada  to  Mes«a- 
tfppi,  except  only  the  Indians  who  are  next  adjoining  to  our  Pifo- 
Tinces,  and  have  all  along  been  dependent  on  them,  (of  which  thie 
Five  Nations  or  CJantons  are  the  most  considerable)  and  ih  all 
those  they  have  of  late  gotten  too  great  an  influence,  ejsp'eclally 
among  the  five  Nations  whose  youth,  being  of  a  martial  spirit, 
they  intice  (contrary  to  the  Publick  Engagemeuts  of  those  Niaitlbn^) 
to  join  them  in  their  Expeditions  againist  the  Ihdiah  Niitibci^, 
subject  to  His  Majesty,  and  depending  on  the  Goveriitiients  6^ 
Virginia,  the  two  C&rolina's  fcOeoifgia, 'who  have  it  in  their  pdvret 
(by  their  situation,  if  their  strength  Were  equil,  aS  it  would  be, 
were  they  united  and  resolved)  to  intfetrupt  th6  march  oi  the 
French  from  Niagra  to  Messasippi :  this  the  French  know  full 
Well,  and  fearing  that  they  may  sometime  or  other  cohlfederate 
against  them  for  thiit  purpose,  they  seldom  fail  once  a  yeiar,  to 
attack  one  of  those  Nations  while  they  are  disjoined,  thereby  to 
eXterpate,  or  bring  them  over  to  their  Interest,  and  they  have 
gone  but  too  great  a  length  towards  it,  none  of  those  Nations 
daring  now  to  give  them  any  interruption  &  thinking  themselves 
happy  when  they  are  not  annoyed  by  the  French.  V^e  have  a 
trading  House  and  a  Garrison  of  20  men  in  it  at  Oswego,  almost 

80 


i 


m  ■ 


r..| 


466 


FAFEftS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


opposite  to  Foi  t  Frontenac,  which  in  our  present  situation  will 
inevitably  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  French^  on  the  first  opening 
of  a  War,  &  with  it  the  Five  Nations,  the  only  Barrier  against 
the  French  to  all  the  Provinces  from  this  to  Georgia,  for  tho' 
thtjy  now  intice  some  of  their  youth  to  join  them  in  their  hostile 
marches,  yet  the  Body  of  those  Nations  oppose  it  all  they  can, 
&  live  in  a  good  intelligence  with  us,  professing  to  observe  invio- 
lably their  original  Allyance,  (or  Covenant  Chain  as  they  phrase- 
it)  w^hich  has  subsisted  ever  since  we  first  settled  this  Country 
yet  if  Oswego  be  taken,  (as  nothing  can  hinder  it  while  the  French 
are  masters  of  the  Lake)  the  Five  Nations  will,  &  must  of  course, 
submit  to  our  Enemy,  who  will  oblige  them  to  assist  in  all  their 
expeditions :  In  which  Event  every  one  of  our  Provinces  may  be 
so  attacked,  that  the  Planters  will  be  obliged  for  the  security  of 
their  Persons  to  quit  their  settlements,  retire  into  the  Towns, 
wherever  they  are,  or  under  the  cover  of  Forts,  of  which  we  have 
very  few  on  the  whole  Continent,  or,  what  is  worse,  leave  the 
Country  to  seek  a  living  elsewhere,  the  consequences  whereof  to 
England  are  but  too  obvious,  &  this  the  Enemy  will  more  easily 
do,  as  they  have  a  line  of  Forts  from  Canada  to  Messasippi. 

As  a  remedy  for  these  Evils,  which  are  almost  as  great  as  can 
befall  the  Nation,  I  propose  that  a  Regiment  of  eight  hundred 
men  be  sent  from  England  (or  if  half  the  number  of  private  men 
be  sent,  the  other  half  I  believe  may  be  raised  here)  with  an 
Engineer,  Artillery,  and  Ammunition,  6c  posted  in  the  Sineca's 
Country  on  the  Lake  Cadaraqui,  at  a  proper  Harbour  for  build- 
ing of  Vessells  there  being  more  than  one  of  sufficient  depth  of 
Water,  That  the  Harbour  be  fortifyed  and  Barracks  erected  for 
the  men.  That  there  be  then  built  two  or  three  Vessels  of  superior 
force  to  those  of  the  French,  on  board  whereof  a  few  sailors,  & 
a  sufficient  number  of  soldiers  being  put  with  proper  Officers,  we 
may  take,  sink  or  otherwise  destroy  the  French  Vessells,  and 
then  easily  take  their  Forts  on  the  Lake,  &  for  ever  hinder  them 
from  building  more  on  those  shores,  or  any  Vessells  on  the  Lake, 
nor  (if  they  should  build  any  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence)  can  they 
carry  them  against  that  rapid  stream  into  the  Lake.  The  conse- 
quences whereof  will  be  of  the  greatest  moment.  All  our  Colonies 


PAPEB8  BELATIKO  TO  OSWXOO. 


467 


m  will 
pening 
against 
or  tho' 

hostile 
ley  can, 
e  invio- 
y  phrase 
Country 
e  French 
,f  course, 

all  their 
s  may  be 
ecurity  of 
e  Tovnas, 
h  we  have 

leave  the 
whereof  to 

ore  easily 

sippi- 
eat  as  can 
it  hundred 
rivate  men 
j)  with  an 
le  Sineca's 
for  bmld- 
depth  of 
jrected  for 
lof  superior 
sailors,  & 
ifficers,  we 
issells,  and 
inder  them 
the  Lake, 
|e)  can  they 
'he  conse- 
lur  Colonies 


from  this  to  Georgia,  will  be  secure  from  the  incursions  of  the 
French  in  time  of  War.  The  Indians  depending  on  the  Govern- 
ments of  Virginia,  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  are  now  almost 
every  year  attacked  by  the  French,  and  their  Indians  will  live 
unmolested ;  All  the  Indian  Nations  living  on  or  near  the  Lakes, 
and  all  those  over  whom  the  French  at  present  have  a  very  great 
power,  will  no  sooner  hear  of  our  conquests,  than  they  will 
submit  to,  &  trade  alltogether  with  us,  The  Five  Nations  will  no 
longer  be  divided  by  French  Intrigues,  but  will  be  absolutely  at 
our  Devotion,  and  the  Trade  &  Influence  of  our  Enemy  will  be 
confined  to  the  Cold  Country  of  Canada,  which  will  scarce  be 
worth  keeping,  and  to  the  Banks  of  the  River  Messasippi,  Nay, 
no  sooner  will  the  Five  Nations  see  us  masters  on  the  Lake,  than 
they  vfill  assist  us  to  take  the  two  Forts  of  Frontenac,  &  Niagia, 
for  they  are  now  complaisant  to  the  French  only  through  Fear, 
knowing  them  to  be  a  treacherous  &  enterprising  people.  It  was 
I  presume  to  think,  a  very  great  Oversight,  to  suffer  the  French 
to  build  those  two  Forts,  &  I  am  persuaded  if  it  had  been  strongly 
&  rightly  represented  by  the  Governors  of  this  &  the  other  Pro- 
vinces a  stop  would  have  been  put  to  it.  Those  Forts  being  built 
on  the  Lands  of  the  Five  Nations  (whose  native  and  conquered 
countries  encompass  the  Lake  on  the  shore  whereon  they  are 
built)  who  by  the  16^^  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  are 
explicitly  acknowledged  to  be  subject  to  the  dominion  of  Great 
Britain,  I  am  sensible  that  by  the  same  article  it  is  stipulated  that 
both  the  English  &  French,  shall  have  a  free  Intercourse  for 
Trade  with  all  the  Indians  &  the  Indians  with  them,  let  them 
enjoy  it  (when  we  are  Masters  of  the  Lake)  in  the  like  manner 
that  ours  is  now  carried  on,  viz^  By  Canoes  and  small  rowing 
Boats,  but  I  am  pretty  sure  that  when  the  French  yoke  is  taken 
off  their  necks,  the  Indians  will  no  longer  trade  with  them,  for 
the  English  Manufactures  are  much  better,  and  they  prefer  them 
to  French  goods,  but  supposing  that  they  should  still  trade  with 
them,  it  will  be  in  a  much  smaller  proportion  than  they  now  do, 
&  besides  they  cannot  then  march  in  any  numbers  to  disturb  our 
Provinces,  or  the  Indians,  now  &  of  old  depending  on  them.  An 
Event  of  the  highest  importance,  nor  can  Canada  supply  Messa- 


11 


h   ^ 


In 


^ 


l>A;SR8^SLATiirG  TO  qoynfffo. 


fippi,  or  li^^essasippi  Canada,  with  force?  or  merchandize  in  time 
qf  fieed  :  Before  the  French  begun  to  bui|d  the  Fort  Qt  Niagra, 
ivhich  is  »bout  20  years  agp,  they  cajoled  some  few  of  the  young 
felloes  of  tl^e  ^ive  Nsitions,  to  giye  them  permission  to  build  a 
tcadiog  House  there,  but  so  soon  as  it  reached  the  e^rs  of  the  3{i- 
chims  or  Rulers  of  tbosfe  Nations,  they  resented  it,  acquainted  the 
Oovernpr  of  this  Province,  that  the  French  had  begun  to  build, 
&  offered  to  join  any  force  he  should  send  to  demolish  the  vorJcS) 
and  to  drive  the  French  from  thence,  but  this  was  unhappily  ne- 
glected :  inco^raged  by  their  success  there,  they  did,  about  twelve 
years  ago,  eirect  another  ,Fort,  and  much  stronger  (on  the  l^ands 
likewise  of  the  Five  Nations)  at  a  place  called  the  Crown  Point, 
about  ]i60  miles  from  Albany  between  that  ^  Canada.  In  ih^X 
part  gf  the  Country,  ^here  the  Senecas  chiefly  dwell,  &  ythetfi  I 
propose  our  Yes^ells  should  be  built,  &  the  llegiment  q\|a^tered, 
Xhfi  Climate  is  temperate,  &  the  lands  exceeding  Fertile,  ^o  that 
in  ,three  years  time  from  tl^eir  going  thither,  prpyisions  qf  aill  Icinds 
(pw^cient  for  the  Regiment  &  Vessells)  may  be  raised,  Except 
omly  jBeef,  which  will  require  a  year  or  two  more,  in  the  mean 
it^^e  cattle  may  be  drove  thither  from  the  Covmty  of  Albany,  with 
as  much  ease  as  they  are  now  to  the  Garrison  at  Oswego,  &  no 
f  opner  will  the  Regiment  march  towards  it,  th^  Farmers  will  go 
thither  ^nde^  their  cover  to  settle  in  that  Country,  being  sure  both 
4>f  protection,  &.  of  a  market  for  what  they  raise,  The  Fiye  Na- 
,^ons  being  acknowledged  by  the  Treaty  pf  Utrecht  to  be  subject 
to  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain,  &  the  Lake  lying  in  their 
Country,  it  being  ^surrounded  by  their  Lands,  I  humbly  submit 
it,  whether  we  have  not  a  Right,  even  before  a  Rupture  to  assume 
the  Dominion  thereof,  &  to  destroy  the  Forts  the  French  have 
bujlt  in  the  Country  of  those  Cantons,  especially  if  we  have  th/eir 
concurrence,  of  which  &  of  their  assistance  too,  I  make  no  dov^t, 
Yjfh^n  they  see  the  Regiment  among  them. 

When  we  have  thus  vindicated  our  Right  &.  established  our 
Dominion  on  the  Lake,  the  Regiment  may  then  he  employed  in 
^e  reduction  of  the  Fort  at  the  Crown  Point,  wherein,  if  there 
be  need,  we  may  I  believe  have  assistance  from  the  Provinces  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  and  New  Hampshire,  who  have  settlements 


n 


PAVOB  RXXATIN6  T6  OSWCGO. 


4^9 


in  tine 

Hiagrn, 
e  young 
I  bvkild  a 
,f  the  Sa- 
inted the 
to  bvttW, 

ippily  ne- 
mttvelyre 

,:wn  Point, 
.    Jn  iW  ; 
&  -viherye  I 
q\^o^tered, 
lie,  so  tliat 
Qf?vlll«nds 
led,  Ejccept 
a  tbe  mean 

v,ego,  &  no 
ners  vUl  go 
nggureb^th 

le  Five  Na- 
0  be  ?^bject 
.ng  in  tbeir 
[nbly  subsait 
ire  to  assume 
'rencb  ba^e 
re  have  the« 
|kc  no  doujjt, 

Bblisbed  our 
I  employed  in 

tein,  if  there 

>rovincps  of 

settlements 


not  far  from  thence,  and  who  claim  the  lands  adjoining  to  it,  k 
one  of  them  even  that  wheireon  the  Fort  is  built. 

If  this  or  something  else  (of  which  I  own  I  can  think  of  nothing 
80  effectual)  be  not  soon  done  to  put  a  stop  to  the  French  En- 
croachments farewell  to  the  English  Colonies  and  to  that  most 
valuable  Trade  of  the  Nation, 

If  ever  it  be  thought  adviseable  to  attempt  again  to  take  CanadJEi, 
the  dispossessing  the  French  of  their  mastery  on  the  Lake  &  of 
the  Fort  at  the  Crown  point,  will  greatly  facilitate  the  Enterprize, 
but  before  we  begin  that  work,  I  presume  to  think  we  ought  to' 
take  Cape  Breton,  a  Place  well  fortifyed,  &  from  whence  the 
French  can  annoy  our  Fishery  at  Newfoundland,  &,  guard  their 
own  navigation  to  &  from  Canada.     That  place  is  such  a  Thorn 
in  the  sides  of  the  New  England  people,  that  its  very  probable  a 
large  body  of  men  may  be  raised  there  to  assist  in  any  such  de- 
sign, and  if  proper  officers  are  sent  from  England  in  the  summer 
to  exercise  them,  they  may  by  the  ensuing  spring  be  well  disci- ' 
plined,  as  all  their  youth  are  expert  in  the  use  of  fire  arms,  from  ' 
the  unrestrained  liberty  of  Fowling,  which  obtains  in  all  the 
Provinces,  &  I  conceive  the  Spring  is  the  most  proper  season  to 
attack  the  place,  before  the  Men  of  War  &  Fishing  Vessellt 
come  from  France,  for  in  the  Winter  they  have  few  men  except 
the  Garrisons,  &  Boston  being  a  proper  Fort  for  our  Fleet  to 
harbour  in  the  Winter,  we  may  block  up  the  Harbour  of  Breton  ' 
before  the  Ships  from  France  can  come  upon  the  coast. 

NewYork  1743. 


^^  '^      GOV.  CLINTON  TO  THE  N.  Y.  ASSEMBLY.     , 

V  ,  ^     ,,  [Joumalt  of  Gcifi.  Anembly.] 

Die  LnnsB,  Aug.  20, 1744. 
Gentlemenj  From  the  Examination  herewith  laid  before  You, 
it  must  be  inferred,  that  the  Province  has  suffered  Considerable 
Damage  this  summer,  by  the  precipitate  Retreat  of  our  Indian 
Traders  from  Oswego,  upon  Notice  of  Ihe  French  War;  most  of 
them  you  will  find,  left  the  Place  immediately  upon  the  Alarm, 


S'i-: 


■!       1 


PS 


V. 


'r 


470 


PAPKM  BXLATIVO  TO  08WSG0. 


sold  what  they  could  of  their  Goods,  to  those  few  of  their 
Brethren,  that  had  Sense,  Courage  and  Resolution,  to  stay  behind, 
and  brought  the  Remainder  back  with  them.  You  will  judge 
what  a  Baulk  and  Discouragement,  this  Instance  of  Pusilanimity 
has  occasioned  to  those  Number  of  Indians^  of  the  far  Nations, 
who  have  rarely  come  to  Trade  with  us;  but  perhaps  finding  the 
French,  had  no  Goods  to  supply  them  at  Ifiagara,  resolved  to 
proceed  to  Oswego,  where  some  of  them  found  the  placoi  was 
basely  deserted  by  most  of  the  People,  and  no  Goods  to  exchange 
for  their  Furs;  upon  Information  whereof,  many  other  Indian 
Canoes  were  turned  back  before  they  reached  that  Place. 

How  mean  an  Opinion,  roust  the  Savages  entertain  of  us,  when 
they  find  our  People  so  easily  frightened,  as  it  were  with  a 
Shadow,  and  that  the  great  Gains,  which  are  constantly  reaped 
by  this  Advantageous  Traffick,  are  not  sufficient  to  excite  a  Reso- 
lution in  our  Traders,  to  stand  to  the  Defence  of  this  Fortress, 
the  Loss  of  which,  would  determine  that  Trade,  and  it  is  to  be 
feared  the  Indians  too,  in  favour  of  our  natural  Enemies  the 
French;  how  fatal  such  an  Event  would  prove  to  this  Colony  in 
particular,  and  the  British  Interest  upon  the  Continent  in  general, 
may  be  easily  foreseen. 

The  pernicious  Consequences  which  must  inevitably  flow  from 
this  sort  of  Demeanour,  I  persuade  myself,  you  will  think  deserv- 
ing of  your  serious  Attention,  and  that  you  will  put  this  most 
profitable  Branch  of  our  Trade,  into  such  a  Method  for  the 
Future,  as  may  encourage  and  invite  the  most  distant  Nations  to 
come  yearly  to  trade  at  that  Mart ;  when  by  the  Wisdom  and 
Justice  of  the  Legislature,  Matters  are  so  regulated  for  the  future, 
that  the  Indians  may  be  assured,  that  not  only  their  Occasions, 
will  always  be  plentifully  supplied  there  with  Goods,  the  best  of 
their  kind,  but  also  at  the  most  reasonable  Rates ;  touching  which 
last  Article  the  Six  Nations  have  made  frequent  complaints ;  by 
these  Measures,  we  shall  establish  such  a  Credit  amongst  our 
own,  and  the  remotest  Indians,  that  it  will  not  be  in  the  power 
of  the  Fratch  to  rival  us  in  that  Point. 


PAPERS  RELATXiro  TO  08W100. 


471 


r  their 
behind, 
i  judge 
animity 
!7ation8} 
iing  the 
>lved  to 
ice  ■was 
xchange 
•  Indian 

I 

I* 

118,  when 
.  'with  a 
y  reaped 
B  a  Reso- 
Fortress, 
t  is  to  be 
emies  the 
Colony  in 
general, 


[PftrliDoe.  X.] 

Jtpril  4,  1748.  Nanangousy,  Chief  of  the  Iroquois  at  <^he 
Sault  has  returned  from  Choueguen  where  he  has  been  to  spy. 
He  reports  that  outside  Fort  Choueguen  there  is  but  one  Trader's 
house ;  that  there  was  a  great  number  of  Dutch  and  Palatine 
traders  at  the  place  called  Theyaoguin  who  were  preparing  to 
come  and  make  a  considerable  trade  at  Choueguen,  and  that  there 
was  nothing  at  that  fort  to  betoken  any  expedition  on  the  part  of 
the  English  among  the  5  Nations. 


[Cooneil  MlnutM  XZT.] 

Fort  George,  New  York,  23.  AprU  I7BB. 

The  Governor  acquainted  the  Board  that  among  the  other 
measures  concerted  at  Alexandria,  the  Fort  at  Oswego,  as  a  Post 
of  great  Importance,  is  to  be  strengthened  bj  a  detachment  of 
all  the  effective  Men  belonging  to  the  two  independent  Companies 
at  Albany,  and  two  Companies  from  S'  William  Pepperel's  Regim* 
who  are  to  throw  up  Intrenchments  and  make  Such  additional 
Works  as  may  be  thought  wanting  for  its  Security.  That  he 
signified  to  the  General  [Praddock]  that  the  Province  would  not 
he  apprehended,  supply  Provisions  for  so  many  Men,  unless  the 
Expense  might  be  taken  out  of  the  Fund  of  JC5000  granted  for 
Transportation  and  Refreshment  of  the  Kings  Troops,  and  for  other 
extraordinary  Services  Necessary  for  the  Use  and  Security  of  the 
Colony,  in  the  present  Juncture ;  and  that  if  he  was  willing  it 
SIkould  be  taken  out  of  that  Fund,  he  would  advise  with  the 
Council  upon  it,  on  his  Return.  To  which  General  Braddock 
had  agreed.  And  thereupon  the  Governor  desired  the  opinion  of 
the  Board. 

The  Board  were  of  Opinion  His  Honour  might  draw  out  of  that 
Fund  for  Six  Months  Provisions  for  those  Troops  and  for  One 
hundred  Battoes  and  a  sufficient  Number  of  Steersmen,  to  be 
employed  in  transporting  them  and  their  Provisions  &  Stores. 
And  also  for  Pickaxes,  Spades,  Shovells  and  other  necessaries  for 
making  Intrenchments,  if  such  proper  Implements  could  not  be 
supplied  out  of  the  King's  Stores  here. 


I 


r^ 


^ 


ATS^  PAPBMI  AlXATDro  TO  OtW£GO. 


Ml  DE  VAUDREUIL  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[Pari*  Doc.  XT] 

Qmbee,  10  Jul^,  ITM: 

Mf  lord, — I  had  the  honour  tn  inform  you  by  my  letter  of  the 
2d  iiift.  that  the  English  were  deploying  a  large  force  towards 
Cbouagncn  ;  that  they  had  built  some  10  gun  brigs  there  and  two 
deacnptiona  of  galleys;*  that  a  body  of  3000  men  were  alsd 
asRembling  at  Fort  Necessity  about  40  leagues  from  Fort  Daquesne 
and  that  its  vanguard  of  700  men  had  already  arrived  there. 

We  had  confirmation  of  this  news  from  reliable  Indians  of 
different  villages  and  they  gave  us  assurances  sufficiently  con- 
vincing not  to  allow  us  to  doubt  it.  They  even  added,  as  a  matter 
of  certainty  that  4000  men  were  going  to  Choueguen  ;  that  the 
five  nations  were  spread  on  the  wings  of  this  army ;  that  tbs 
English  would  seize  Niagara  and  Fort  Frontenac,  and  moreover 
that  they  had  constructed  600  batteauxat  Orange ;  that  they  were 
still  busy  at  a  great  many  others ;  that  there  were,  likewisey  5000 
men  encamped  outside  Orange  covering  two  leagues  of  Country; 
that  this  army  was  to  march  against  Fort  St.  Frederic  [C^own 
Point]  and  finally  advance  on  our  settlements  on  this  Continent; 
1  am,  My  lord,  about  to  send  some  reinforcements  to  this  last  fort, 
but  this  diversion  will  not  cause  me  to  change  my  design  on  Lake 
Ontario  wluch  I  had  the  honour  to  communicate  to  you.  Ths 
preservation  of  Niagara  is  what  interests  us  the  most;  if  our 
enemies  became  masters  of  it  and  keep  Chouaguen,  thee  Upper 
Countries  would  be  lost  to  us,  and  besides,  we  should  have' no- 
more  communication  with  the  river  Oyo. 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 


^    ■■'■■    H^- 


Montreal  24  Jvij  1799 
However  great  the  evil  [the  backward  state  of  Canada  and  the 
low  state  of  its  finances]  I  must  remedy  it  and  in  carrying  out  my 
views  and  my  zeal  in  this  regard,  I  must  not  lose  sight  of  my 

1  The  firit  English  vessel  on  Lake  Ontario  was  a  little  schooner  40  feet  keel 
with  14  sweeps  or  oars  and  12  swiYels.   She  w«»  launched  oa  28th  June,  UK., 


\ 


PAPSBft  EUaTIMO  TO  OSWXOO. 


473 


ot  the 
;owardi 

ire  also 
oquesne 

re. 

dians  of 
itly  con- 
a  matter 
that  the 
that  ttM 
moreover 
they -were 
riseySOOO 
Country-, 

[C^o^m 
lontinent: 
\  last  fortv 

onlAke 

ou.    Th« 

if  o«r 

i€  ( U|>per 
haTcn© 


Jnly  ITBBT 
la  and  tke 

Ig  out  my 

lit  of  my 

|(0  r«et  keel 
p,  17tf  n  . 


design  against  Chouaguen,  since  on  the  success  of  this  dependn 
the  tranquillity  of  the  Colony. 

The  expedition  against  Chouaguen  which  had  at  all  times  been 
easy,  is  to-day  unfortunately  very  difficult  and  that,  I  cannot  help 
repeating,  because  the  English  experienced  no  opposition  in  tneir 
undertaking  and  preparations.  The  quiet  state  of  the  Colony 
had,  even,  rendered  them  so  haughty  that  having  arrived  at  the' 
degree  of  perfection  they  aspired  to,  they  boldly  raised  the  mask, 
and  vrere  daring  enough,  in  the  beginning  of  June,  to  send  threti 
balls  through  the  King's  Flag  %ing  from  a  battean  of  an  Officer' 
who  was  conducting  a  detachment  to  the  Belle  Riviire. 

They  have  actually  two  and  perhaps  three  flat  bottomed  gun  brigs ' 
with  sweeps,  which  cruise  from  day  to  day,  on  Lake  Ontario. 
Tliey  are  about  to  launch  others  for  similar  purposes.     I  ha<ve 
advices  of  the  20'"  of  this  month  stating  that  those  two'  bavkv* 
have  been  with  several  Batteaux  as  far  as  beyond  Quints  where' 
the  English  landed  and  that  it  is  certain  they  will  go  to  Niagars^ 

Chouaguen  is  no  longer  a  Trading  house  ;  it  is  regularly  foffti' 
fied  and  suitably  furnished  with  pieces  of  artillery.     There  is  a 
second  Fort  equally  provided  with  cannon.     The  Woods  that' 
surrounded  Chouaguen  and  militated  against  its  defence,  no  longer' 
exist.     They  have  rendered  its  approaches  difficult.^ 

They  are  in  strength  there  and  become  stronger  every  moment! 
by  the  troops  that  arrive  from  Orange.  Yet,  M^  lord,  I  act  with* 
confidence,  and  dare  flatter  myself  to  have  Chouaguen  razed. 

The  army  will  be  composed  of  about  4300  men,  2000  of  whbn' 
will  be  regular  troops,  1800  Canadians  and  500  domiciliated' lor^ 
dians.     I  perceive  with  joy  that  the  one  and  the  other  greatly  ex«rt 

1  *'When  it  was  determined  that  the  Army  at  Oawego  shonld  go  into  winter 
quarters,  they  began  a  new  fort  upon  a  hill  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  about  410 
yards  from  the  old  one;  it  is  800  foetin  circumference,  and  will  command  the 
harbour;  it  is  built  of  logs  from  20  to  30  inches  thick ;  the  wall  is  14  feet  high  and 
is  encompassed  by  a  ditch  14  feet  broad  and  ten  deep;  it  is  to  contain  barracks  for 
300  men,  and  to  mount  16  gunS.  On  the  other  side  of  the  river,  west  from  the  olO 
fort,  another  new  fort  is  erecting;  this  is  170  feet  square,  tlie  rampart  is  of  Earth- 
and  Stone,  20  feet  thick  and  12  feet  high,  besides  the  parapet;  this  is  also  eneom*  , 
passed  with  a  ditch  14  feet  broad  and  ten  feet  deep,  and  is  to  contain  barracks  for 
SOU  men.  An  hospital  of  framed  work,  150  feet  by  30,  is  already  built,  which  may 
■erveas  a  barrack  for  200  men;  and  another  barrack  is  preparing  of  150  feat bjF 
9A.**— Account  qfAmtriean  aJtArt  in  1755>  in  GtnUtman?*  JUagodM,  xxri.  6. 


i 


\\ 


^ 


la. 


■l;-.,< 


f 


n 


1} 


174 


FAHM  ULAIt'* 


0«Wii;(}0. 


themselves  to  accomplish  my  wishes.  ThL  army  will  be  furnished 
with  portable  cannon  and  munition^kof  war  and  implements  gene- 
rally requisite  for  a  siege.  Since  the  12^^  instant  the  troops  file 
off  by  brigades  for  Fort  Frontenac.  I  expect  the  remainder  of  the 
army  will  have  left  Montreal  by  the  10<i>  of  next  month;  and  that 
all  my  forces  will  be  collected  at  Fort  Frontenac  by  the  526*^  of 
the  same  month,  unless  the  weather  be  unfavorable. 

I  should  have  been  highly  gratified,  My  Lord,  to  march  at  the 
head  of  the  army,  persuaded  of  the  effect  my  zeal  for  the  Kings 
service  and  my  country  would  have  produced  on  the  Canadian 
soldiers  and  more  particularly  the  Savages.  But  Fort  St.  Frederie 
[Crown  Point]  being  equally  menaced,  my  presence  is  necessary 
at  Montreal. 

Baron  Dieskaw  will  command  this  army.  I  confer  daily  with 
him  and  see  with  pleasure  that  he  ardently  desires  to  accomplish 
my  views. 

As  for  the  five  Nations  I  reckon  not  on  their  aid,  but  I  do  not 
despair  of  their  neutrality.  From  the  hour  of  its  foundation, 
Chouaguen  is  the  rendezvous  .of  the  different  Indian  tribes.  It  u 
from  Chouaguen  proceed  all  the  Beltsand  messages  that  the  English 
scatter  among  the  Far  Nations.  It  was  alway  at  Chouaguen  that 
the  English  held  Councils  with  the  Indians  and  by  means  of 
presents,  principally  of  intoxicating  liquors,  persuaded  them 
to  assassinate  the  French.  In  fine,  Chouaguen  is,  consequently, 
the  direct  cause  of  all  the  troubles  that  have  supervened  in 
the  Colony,  and  of  the  infinitude  of  expences  these  have  entailed 
on  the  King.     From  the  destruction  of  Chouaguen  will  follow: — 

On  the  one  hand  the  complete  attachment  of  all  the  upper 
country  Indians;  on  the  other,  a  considerable  diminution  in  the 
expenditure  incurred  at  present  by  the  King  for  the  Colony. 
Should  the  Five  Nations  take  sides  with  the  English,  they  would 
abandon  them  the  moment  Chouaguen  was  no  more.  The  Indian 
tribes  having  no  longer  a  resource  with  the  English  to  obtain 
intoxicating  liquors,  I  shall  insensibly  destroy  the  trade  in  Brandy 
at  certain  posts,  so  destructive  to  the  prosperity  of  the  service  and 
of  commerce.  These  same  tribes  acknowledging  and  from  that 
moment  unable  to  have  any  other  communication  except  with  the 


i 


'^m.  MMLArino  It,  O.WWO. 


'  request  jou,  Mv  LorJ   .    I  France. 

""™'"'""'"T  Obedient  &,™„ 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 


(Pw.  Doc.  XII.] 

^.-dertek.  be.ieg,„g  it  «nt«  «th  all"''"''''''  "i""-"' 

•W^hh..  cannon  endbX^re         "  '"'*'  *'«'  ««<="  ^ 
»l>o  »re  conrtantly  on  the  alert     V.^""""  <=»■■"'«»  of  600  men 

Chouguen  through  the  reporta'.f       '"'  '^^  "'  ""  ""»«""" 

'k'ough.reconnois^ne.n  edtfr'^  ""'  ■"«««".  «■» 
'wo  «n.„  parti.,  i  .,„.  .^i^""  "■  "^  """  "^  "  «"»  win'te,  b, 

H.  could  no.  burn  the  bark"  Ceatl'  ^      '"""'"' ""^^ing. 
of  the  Fort  and  well  guarded     He  „  7  "'"  "»^"  *«  ««»<» 

*"  '•'""  "■"--■'  «o  ^  soitt^r  :itr  i^" ""  •» 

P^acouacu  Minute.  XXV.] 

•'•''"''-<^'-'B~d..reet:';hS^::.'?^ 


I' 


lli 


II 


H    ■  i 


4im 


PJiraBIS  BiaJkTlMO  Tt>  OSWSGiO. 


aimT«d  two  Indlaita  of  the  Onondaga's  to  give  Notiee  that  OsW6gb 
was  surrounded  four  days  since  by  a  considerable  Number  of 
French  and  Indians  from  Cadaraqui  and  Niagara.  That  they  had 
beard  the  Cannon  of  Oswego  for  half  a  day  after  they  left  their 
Cattle,  and  that  the  General  Rendezvous  of  the  Enemy  was  about 
twelve  Miles  from  Oswego. 

That  upon  the  receipt  of  Col.  Bradstreet's  Letter  he  had  deter- 
mined to  set  off  with  whiait  Militia  he  could  get  together  imme- 
diately, and  to  order  the  rest  to  follow  him  to  the  German  Flats, 
and  in  his  way  to  take  the  two  Mohawk  Castles  with  him.  That 
he  hath  been  informed  of  the  Weak  state  of  the  Forts  Edward 
and  William  Henry  and  that  the  Garrisons  apprehended  an  attack, 
and  had  therefore  ordered  the  Militia  to  March  to  the  Relief  of 
these  Forts  on  Notice  of  the  approach  of  an  Enemy. 

His  Excellency  informed  the  Council  that  he  had  upon  former 
Intelligence  which  he  had  received  of  the  danger  the  Garrisoh  of 
Oswego  was  exposed  to,  wrote  to  the  Commanding  Officetsofthe 
King's  Troops  at  Albany  and  Schenectady,  representing  the  gileal' 
importance  of  that  Post,  and  the  bad  consequences  the  loss  of  if 
must' be  attended  with,  and  therefore  that  he  hop'd  they  would!' 
march  the  Troops  or  such  part  of  them  as  they  should  find  neces^* 
aary  for  the  relief  of  that  place.  -  •  ^  ^  »,f 

The  Council  declared  His  Excellency  had  taken  al)  the  measo^es 
m  his  power  on  this  Occasion. 


.j-^- 


,^;  ,    „      [N.  T.  Meretuy  May  31.  1756.] 

Oswego  Bftiy  17.  1756.' 
I  arrived  here  three  days  ago,  after  a  Tedious  Time  occasioned' 
by  the  large  Train  I  was  with,  consisting  of  200  Whale  Boats, 
and  200  Battoes,  excepting  two  Whale  Boats,  and  two  Battoes 
that  were  lost  at  the  Falls,  twelve  Miles  from  hence,  &  four  Men 
drowned  in  them.  On  my  arrival  I  heard,  that  a  few  days  before, 
a  Party  of  Indians  came  on  some  ship  Carpenters  cutting  Timber 
not  300  yards  from  the  Town  j  &  before  a  Party  could  be  turned 
out.  Killed  and  carried  off  Twelve :  They  were  purijued  by  th6 
Party)  ibut  they  could  not  get  sight  of  them  :    Our  Peoplr  fouhd 


^ 


PAPXB8  SCLATIVO  TO  CNSWS60. 


4Tr 


one  Killed,  which  they  Scalped,  &  threw  his  Body  in  the  River, 
besides  several  Blankets  shot  thro'.  Knives,  Muskets  &c.  by  which 
'tis  thought  some  more  of  the  Enemy  have  been  Killed.  About 
eight  o'clock  this  Day  we  heard  a  firing  up  the  River  which  we 
took  to  be  an  attack  on  one  Lieut  Blair,  who  went  up  this  Morn- 
ing to  the  Reefs,  with  24  Men,  two  miles  off,  for  a  Guard  to  the 
Battoes  at  that  Place ;  upon  which  Numbers  of  People,  with  a 
few  Mohawks  run  from  the  Town  that  Way.  The  Firing  still  con- 
tinued ;  and  soon  after  a  man  came  in  with  an  Indian  Scalp,  and 
brought  Word,  that  Blair's  Party  was  attacked  by  a  Party  of 
French  &  Indians,  himself  and  one  Soldier  Killed  :  Upon  which 
upwards  of  500  Battoe  Men  v  ere  sent  different  Ways  into  the 
Woods.  We  soon  further  heard,  that  a  brave  Mohawk,  who  went 
out  on  the  Alarm,  with  some  Battoe  Men,  was  Killed  by  a  French 
Indian,  after  he  (the  French  Indian)  had  received  a  Wound  in 
the  Thigh,  the  Mohawk  attempting  to  take  him  alive,  and  by  that 
Means  he  lost  his  Life  ;  but  a  Battoe  man  that  stood  next  to  him 
soon  despatched  the  French  Indian,  and  Scalped  him ;  another 
they  found  dead,  which  they  Scalped  also ;  two  more  they  are 
certain  arc  Killed,  as  they  saw  them  drawn  off.  Lieut  Blair, 
though  a  Young  Gentleman  not  more  than  18  or  19,  behaved  like 
a  iMrave  Soldier ;  for  being  wounded  the  first  Fire,  he  begged  his 
Men  to  Tb£e  all,  and  fight  on,  for  he  was  a  dead  Man,  and  that 
they  might  soon  expect  assistance  ;  Soon  after  he  received  ano- 
ther Ball  in  his  Throat,  when  he  immediately  fell.  The  Sergeant, 
with  the  Men,  bravely  maintained  their  Ground,  till  they  were 
relieved  by  Numbers,  on  whose  Approach,  the  Enemy  soon  made 
(^,  and  the  Woods  being  now  green,  our  People  stood  no  chance 
in  following  them.  Another  Soldier  is  mortally  wounded,  one 
slightly,  and  a  Ship  Carpenter,  who  went  out  without  any  Fire 
Arms  some  Time  after  the  Attack,  was  shot  in  the  Leg,  the  Bone 
not  hurt.  Our  People  have  brought  in  scTcral  Blankets,  Knives, 
3mall  Arms  &c.  by  which  we  hope  they  have  had  a  warm  Recep- 
tion. They  had  not  Time  to  Scalp  our  Dead.  Lieut  Blair,  the 
Mohawk  Sl  Soldier  were  interred  this  afternoon,  with  all  tha' 
)S<mors  of  War. 
W^  are  busy  getting  the  Vessels  here  ready  for  the  Lake,  and 


i 


i!  I 


478 


PAPSBS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


hope  to  be  out  in  Eight  Days.  As  yet,  little  is  done  to  the  new 
Ones,  and  will  not,  till  we  are  reinforced,  that  we  may  have  a 
Strong  Guard  to  cover  our  Men  in  the  Woods.  At  the  Falls,  (12 
Miles  from  hence)  a  good  Stockaded  Fort  is  building,  to  defend 
that  Pass.  Plenty  of  fresh  Beef  and  Fish,  the  latter  of  which, 
in.  three  Hawls  of  a  Seine,  filled  a  Battoe,  so  hope  soon  to  have 
a  very  healthy  Garrison. 

[From  the  nune,  14  June  1766.] 
The  Names  of  the  Carpenters  &  Sawyers  that  were  Killed  k 
Missing  at  Oswego,  about  a  Month  since,  are,  Edmond  Banton, 
John  Mitchell,  Henry  Jackson  &  Philip  Philips  of  New  York ; 
the  three  former  Killed  &  Scalped,  &  the  latter  Missing  ;  John 
Jordan,  Samuel  Mash  &  Lewis  Dunham  of  Brunswick,  the  two 
former  Killed,  the  latter  Missing;  Michael  Murray,  Killed; 
James  Grant,  John  English  &  Charles  Carter,  of  Philadelphia, 
the  two  former  Killed^  &  the  latter  Missing ;  James  Flanagan 
missing,  one  Soldier  Killed  and  another  Shot  in  the  Knee. 

[From  the  same,  June  28,  1756.]  "     ' 

By  Several  Letters  received  from  Albany  we  have  the  following 
Intelligence  from  Oswego  viz*  That  on  the  letJ*  Instant,  about  4 
o'clock  in  the  Morning,  a  Party  of  3  or  400  French  &  Indians, 
attacked  the  Forts  Oswego  and  Ontario  and  Kille '  &  Scalped  five 
of  the  Battoe  Guard,  sent  from  Fort  Ontario  on  that  side  of  the 
River :  That  they  took  one  Prisoner,  mortally  wounded  another, 
and  slightly  wounded  a  third,  but  were  repulsed,  and  not  with- 
out considerable  Loss,  as  the  Cannon  play'd  upon  them  for  an 
Hour  and  a  Half;  that  they  went  quite  off  about  Eleven  o'Clock: 
That  *.wo  Whale  Boats  were  sent  to  make  Discoveries  on  the 
French  Shore,  the  same  Day,  tnd  after  rowing  about  11  miles, 
they  saw  a  Smoak,  and  about  100  Yards  farther,  a  man  running 
from  the  Shore  into  the  Woods ;  that  they  immf>diately  fired  a 
Volley  from  the  Boats,  when  the  Smoak  was  put  out,  &  about 
ten  Minutes  after,  upwards  of  1000  French  and  Indians  appeared 
upon  the  Beech,  and  drew  up  in  a  Line  three  deep,  reaching 
almost  a  Mile,  and  gave  the  Boats  a  Volley,  some  of  their  Shot 
droping  within   5   yards   of  them  :    That  they  fired  about  five 


V 


PAPEB8  BELATIN6  TO  OSWEGO. 


479 


new 
ve  a 

,(12 

efend 

hich, 

have 


lled& 
anton, 
York ; 
■  John 
le  two 
tilled; 
elphia, 
anagan 


MinuteSjwhen  the  Boat  gave  them  another  Fire,  three  Huzza's  & 
row'd  off,  and  returned  to  Oswego  about  5  o'Clock :  That  the 
three  Vessels  were  returned  from  a  Cruize  of  about  two  weeks, 
but  have  made  no  Discoveries  :  And  that  another,  and  more  for- 
midable  Attack  was  hourly  Expected. 

Albany  Jane  27.  1786. 

Friday  last  Harkamers  Son  came  down  from  Oswego,  with 
Letters  from  Col.  Merser,  for  General  Shirley :  He  says,  there 
had  been  a  smart  Skirmish  at  Fort  Ontario  ;  that  a  Body  of  about 
a  thousand  French  and  Indians  had  attacked  the  Fort,  but  were 
beat  off  by  Colonel  Schuyler,  and  those  that  were  in  Garrison 
there,  after  an  Engagement  of  two  Hours ;  that  Col.  Schuylei 
lost  26.  Men  and  the  Regulars,  6. 


,;  ;-,,^l/ 


EARLY  NAVAL  OPERATIONS  ON  LAKE  ONTARIO. 

[From  the  same.] 

Hii  Majesty's  Sloop  Oswero; )     , 
Oswego,  July  2d,  1766.     { 

I  bave  been  out  with  Commodore  Bradley  on  two  cruises.  On 
the  first  we  were  out  twelve  days,  endeavoring  to  get  to  Niagva, 
but  the  wind  blowing  constantly  from  the  westward,  were  forced 
to  return,  having  made  no  discovery  but  what  related  to  a  further 
knowledge  of  the  Lake.  Last  Wednesday,  seven  nights,  we  sailed 
on  a  second  cruise,  and  the  Sunday  following,  at  day  dawn,  as 
we  were  steering  a  course  for  Oswego,  (having  promised  Col. 
Mercer  to  return  off  the  harbor  in  four  days,)  we  saw  four  sail  of 
French  vessels,  from  whom  we  were  glad  to  make  all  the  sail  we 
could.  As  I  make  no  doubt  this  affair  will  be  varicusly  repre- 
sented at  New  York,  I  shall  give  an  impartial  account  of  the 
same,  which  is  as  follows  :  At  half  past  two,  A.  M.,  we  saw 
two  sail  standmg  towards  us  from  the  N.  W.,  on  which  we  imme- 
diately made  the  signal  for  the  Ontario  to  chase,  and  got  all  reany 
for  action,  wore  ship,  and  stood  for  them.  At  three  quarters  past 
three,  we  saw  two  more  sail  from  the  same  quarter.  At  this  time, 
one  of  the  two  vessels,  which  proved  to  be  the  Commodore,  fired 
two  guns  to  leeward  and  hoisted  a  French  flag  at  his  foretop  mast 


'Ml  \  .,,*— 


Hi 


^m  i 


460 


PAFEB8  KELATINO  TO  OSWEGO. 


head,  tvhicb  weiook  for  a  signal  for  the  two  sternmost  vessels  to 
make  sail  and  join,  as  he  and  the  next  to  him  directly  hauled  on 
^he  wind,  and  clewed  up  their  main  top  sails.  At  5  o'clock,  being 
then  about  one  and  a  half  miles  from  them,  we  found  they  were 
all  four  schooners,  and  the  two  whose  distance  I  have  just  men- 
tioned, very  large  vessels  with  several  guns  of  a  side.  The  other 
two  appeared  as  large,  but  of  what  force  we  could  not  see,  they 
being  farther  off.  On  which)  Capt.  Lafory  came  on  board  and  a 
council  being  called,  it  was  thought  most  prudent  to  avoid  an 
engagement,  the  enemy  being  far  superior  to  us,  and  the  utmost 
consequence  our  welfare  was  to  Oswego.  Our  force  consisted  : 
first,  the  Oswego,  Com.  Bradley,  with  only  4  pounders,  1  three 
pounder,  and  45  seamen  and  soldiers ;  the  Ontario,  Capt.  Lafory, 
with  4  four  pounders,  1  three  pounder,  and  45  seamen  and  sol- 
diers ;  a  small  schooner  not  bigger  than  a  four  cord  boat,  under 
the  command  of  Mr.  Farmer,  with  6  swivels,  and  13  seamen  and 
soldiers.  At  half  past  five,  wore  and  made  the  best  of  our  way 
to  Oswego.  On  which  the  enemy  gave  chase,  and  had  the  French 
Commodore  beh&ved  at  the  time  as  he  ought,  he  must  have  brought 
us  to  action  very  soon  and  taken  us :  but  he  was  unwilling  to 
attack  without  his  little  fleet  close  together,  and  in  chasing  ^red 
single  shot  at  us ;  to  do  which,  he  was  obliged  to  luff  up  in  the 
wind,  having  no  bow  chase,  by  which  means  he  lost  evcTT  time, 
twice  his  length.  At  7  o'clock,  he  being  little  better  thin  half 
a  mile  o€f,  first  lufied  up  in  the  wind,  then  clapt  his  helm  hard 
a- weather,  wore  round,  and  fired  his  broadside  at  Capt.  Lafory, 
astern  of  us,  and  left  off  chase — none  of  which,  or  those  before, 
did  any  execution.  At  our  first  making  off,  we  found  Mr.  Farmer 
to  drop  astern  very  fast,  on  which  the  Commodore  hailed  the 
Ontario  to  tell  him  to  bear  up  more  large.  The  two  sternmost 
schooneij  gave  chase  to  him,  and  soon  after  saw  him  haul  up  to 
the  northward,  for  what  reason  we  know  not,  and  the  two  vessels 
in  chase  of  him  firing  at  him,  which  guns  by  the  report  they  made 
were  heavy.  We  soon  after  lost  sight  of  him  and  the  chase  and 
at  11  o'clock  heard  firing  again.  At  three  P.  M.  we  got  into 
Oswego, 
llie  new  brigantine  and  sloop  are  to  be  launched  to  morrow  ; 


A 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


.481 


sels  to 

led  on 

,  being 

y  -were 

t  men- 

iC  other 

e,  they 

d  and  a 

,^oid  an 

i  utmost 

insisted : 

,  1  three 

.  Lafory, 

and  8ol-\ 

at,  under 

linen  and 
our  way 
lc  French 
e  brought 

villing  to 
sing  fired 
up  in  the 
very  time, 
th  in  hair 
helm  hard 
)t.  Lafory, 
)se  before, 
Jr.  Farmer 
hailed  the 
sternmost 
laul  up  to 
:wo  vessels 
they  made 
chase  and 
e  got  into 

to  morrow ; 


t 


the  Snow  in  ten  or  twelve  days.  But  we  are  greatly  disappointed 
in  guns  for  them,  for  Col.  Bradstreet  arrived  here  yesterday  with 
600  battoes,  and  with  him  came  only  sixteen  carriage  guns  and 
sixteen  sv/ivels,  whereas  the  Brigantine  only  should  mount  six- 
teen carriage  guns.  However,  we  shall  get  some  small  guns  from 
the  Fort  the  sloop,  and  directly  go  and  look  for  JUioTmeur,  who  I 
am  afraid  will  not  give  us  the  opportimity  of  speaking  with  him, 
as  they  have  been  to  Niagara  and  I  suppose  have  carried  provi- 
sions sufficient  for  the  garrison.  '    ' 

We  are  yet  much  troubled  by  scalping  parties — ^largc  bodies 
lying  within  six  or  seven  miles  of  v,  and  as  our  garrison  is  not 
sufficient  to  dislodge  them,-  they  do  us  much  damage.  We  are 
obliged  to  have  large  parties  to  cover  the  carpenters;  others 
to  clear  the  woods  around  the  garrison—  that  it  would  be  impru- 
dent to  attempt  it  till  we  are  stronger.  For  these  ten  days  past 
we  have  quitted  the  Fort  on  the  hill,  on  the  Oswego  side,  it  not 
being  tt.nable  ;  but  as  some  troops  (about  200)  are  come  up  with 
Cc ' .  Bradstreet,  we  expect  it  to  be  immediately  put  in  a  posture 
of  defencco  Provisions  we  abound  in,  but  now  the  cry  is  Men  ! 
So  believe  we  shall  rest  on  the  defensive  this  summer  and  winter. 
What  is  the  occasion,  time  may  discover  j  and  may  the  enemies 
of  our  country  meet  their  just  deserts  is  my  sincere  wish. 


M.  DE  VAUPREUIL  TO  THE  MIIilSTKR. 

[Paris  Doc.  Xll.] 

Montreal)  5  July,  176C 
My  lord, — English  vess^^ls  have  appeared  several  times  on  Lake 
Ontario ;  our's  occupied  with  the  freight  to  Niagara,  could  not 
chase  them.  Nevertheless,  our  two  barks  returning  from  Niagara 
on  the  26th  of  June  perceived  across  the  Bay  of  Quint^e  some 
coming  towards  them.  We  gave  them  chase,  all  our  sails  set, 
but  the  enemy  immediately  sheered  off.  He  was  pursued  so  close 
that  hfc  was  obliged  to  abandon  his  sloop,  which  was  his  third 
vese  1.  We  left  this  to  our  two  barks  ;  uur  two  Corsairs  continued 
in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  who  seeing  himself  gained  on  cut  his 
31 


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.^.    , ^  ^^^^  cxxc  ^ucmjr  iroui  loramg  the  Kiver,  till  the 

rest  of  his  Men  could  land  on  the  South  side  of  it:     He  had  no 

oll^lTVnT  'T  ^'^'■'' ""'  """"^^  ^*J^'  J«^«"«»»»  Co.,  at  the  entrance 
CouTs  lr7h  H  ^*^7J•"^^'^«•  ""-  '"^^  °PPO-"e  or  north  side  a;e  the  Islands  of 
Couis,  near  the  bay  of  Ke«-J.    They  are  to  be  seen  in  Sauthier's  Map  1777, 177a. 


1) 

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it 


482 

boat  loose  ai 
vain  we  fired 
up  altogether 
fallen  he  gaini 
he  carried.  ] 
overhaul  the 
This  prize  is  { 
6  sailors  and 

On  the  25t; 
the  Islands  of 
Bay  of  Niag^ 
Chouagucn. 
point  quite  cl 
the  River,  we 
Corsair. 

This,My  loi 

Navy  of  Lake 

I  am  with 


: 


ACTION  1 


Jltl^wiilUJUlLiliU 


-V 


On  Monda^ 
On  the  3d,  aba 
side  that  Placa 
Battoes,  he  wl 
about  700  of  t 
Canadians  and 
near  the  Front 
Island  near  thi 

there,  to  keep  oacic  me  j*inemy  irom  loraing  tne  tviver,  tin  tne 
rest  of  his  Men  could  land  on  the  South  side  of  it;     He  had  no 

1  Incorrectly  written  for  Neaonrf,  or  Hungry  Bay,  Jefferson  Co.,  at  the  entrance 
of  which  are  the  Galop  Islands.  On  the  opposite  or  north  side  are  the  Islands  of 
Couis,  near  the  bay  of  Kenti.    They  are  to  be  seen  in  Sauthier's  Map  1777, 1779. 


till  tne  " 
had  no 

lie  entrance 
Islands  of 

iin,  1779.   y^ 


PAPERS  BBLATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


483 


sooner  landed  with  the  Six  Men,  but  he  was  attacked  by  Twenty 
of  the  Enemy,  whom  his  Party  beat  back,  kept  Possession  of 
the  Island  and  were  joined  by  six  more  Battoemen.  They  were 
then  attacked  by  about  40  of  the  Enemy,  who  stood  their  Ground 
Tery  well,  and  wounded  eight  out  of  the  Twelve ;  yet  as  our 
People  never  fired,  without  each  killing  his  Man,  the  Enemy 
gave  Way.  The  Party  on  the  Island  were  then  increased  to 
about  Twenty,  besides  the  Wountled,  and  were  again  attacked  by 
70  of  the  Enemy,  whom  our  Folks  also  beat  back  a  third  time. 
This  Affair  on  the  Island  lasted  near  an  Hour,  and  had  given  the 
Rest  of  our  Battoemen  Time  to  land  on  the  South  side  of  the 
River  and  those  on  the  Island  perceiving  the  Enemy  were  coming 
to  surround  them  with  their  whole  strength,  retired  to  the  South 
side  of  the  River,  and  were  followed  by  the  Enemy.  Our  People 
made  a  feint  Flight  until  the  Chief  of  the  Enemy  had  forded 
the  River,  then  faced  about,  and  push'd  the  Enemy  back  into 
the  River,  where  they  killed  great  numbers  of  them  ;  the  Rest 
took  to  their  Heels  j  and  were  so  closely  pursued,  that  they  left 
all  their  Packs,  Blankets  &  Provisions  behind,  and  many  of 
them  their  Guns.  About  forty  of  our  People  are  killed  &  missing 
&  24  slightly  wounded.  The  number  of  the  Enemy  killed  is  not 
Exactly  known,  as  most  of  them  fell  in  the  River,  but  it  must  be 
at  least  triple  the  Number  of  Ours  Col.  Bradstreet  has  brought 
two  Prisoners  with  him. 

[From  the  same,  July  26,  1756.] 
Since  our  last,  many  letters  are  come  to  Town  from  Albany,  all 
confirming  the  Account  we  had  of  the  Defeat  of  the  French  and 
Indians  by  the  Battoemen  under  the  Command  of  Col.  Bradstreet 
and  all  doing  Honour  to  the  active, brave  and  circumspect  Behaviour 
of  that  Gentleman,  during  the  whole  affair.  They  also  all  agree 
in  this.  That  after  the  Repulse  of  the  Enemy  in  their  three  several 
Attacks  on  the  Island,  it  was  discovered  that  the  Enemy  in  great 
Numbers  were  passing  from  the  North  to  the  South  side  of  the 
River,  at  a  Ford  about  a  mile  above,  on  which  Col.  Bradstreet 
immediately  marched  with  250  men,  to  meet  them.  He  found 
that  the  Enemy  to  the  number  of  about  400  had  possessed  them- 
selves of  a  thick  Pine  Swamp,  on  which  he  attacked  them  in  their 


^ 


'*: 


H    I 


ii  f.  I 


m 


PAI>^/^S  H^ATIIfG  TO  OSWI^GO. 


9wn  way,  behind  Trees,  but  finding  that  to  little  purpose,  while 
the  Eneix^y  remaiDed  covered,  he  prevailed  on  his  Men  to  rush  ii^ 
upon  then'',  which  had  so  good  an  effect  that  the  Enemy  were  soon 
dispossessed  of  the  swamp,  but  still  made  a  running  Fight  ixQU\ 
'li'r^e  to  Tret.  In  this  manner  they  w^re  pushed  backwards  for 
i^^^r  t\yo  Allies,  when  having  the  River  in  their  Re^r,  they  wer^ 
obliged  to  cross,  which  they  did  in  a  Manner  most  terrible  to  them- 
qqlves.  It  was  either  to  drown  or  be  shot:  Destruction  stared  thtsn 
ii\  the  Face  on  all  sides,  and  it  soon  laid  hold  of  them,  for  the 
Battpemen  having  now  a  fair  View  of  them,  took  them  down  fast; 
wi  here  it  wa^  that  tb^  Enemy  sustained  their  greatest  L0S9.  One 
<^  th^  Prisoners  taken  in  this  pursuit,  informed  Colonel  Bradstreet, 
X\^  one  of  our  Indians  had,  during  the  Engagement,  deserted  to 
the  Enemy,  and  inforn^ed  them  of  our  Disposition,  on  which  a 
Party  of  ^be  Eu(piny  was  ordered  to  cross  the  River,  a  little  higher 
up,  apd  to  come  down  upon  our  Flanks  or  Rear*  Col.  Bradstreet 
marched  up  to  the  Place  described  by  the  Prisoner,  and  fell  \n 
with  a  few  of  them  straggling  before  the  Rest;  but  the  whole 
party  soon  took  to  their  Heels,  and  with  the  utmost  Precipitation 
and  CQnfusion,  repassed  the  River,  some  leaving  behind  them  their 
Arms,  others  their  Blankets,  and  many  Indian  Iniplements  of  War. 
The  first  attack  of  the  Enemy  was  made  about  3  O'Clock,  the 
Action  ended  about  6  in  the  Evening.  A  Scouting  Party  was 
then  sent  out  on  the  North  side  of  the  River,  to  sge  if  any  of  the 
Enemy  were  remaining,  but  found  that  they  were  gone  off,  and 
that  in  the  utmost  Haste  and  Confusion,  for  they  had  left  behind 
them  their  Packs,  Blankets,  and  Provisions.  About  half  an  hour 
after  the  Action  ended,  Capt.  Patten,  with  one  Hundred  Grenadiers 
of  the  50*''  Reg*  joined  the  Battoemen.  The  former  being  on 
their  March  from  Onondago  to  Oswego,  about  4  Miles  from  the 
place  of  Action,  heard  the  Fire,  and  made  all  the  Haste  they 
could  to  come  up,  but  they  came  a  little  too  late.  However  with 
this  Reinforcemeut  it  was  determined  to  pursue  the  Enemy  to  their 
Camp  about  12  Miles  off,  if  they  could,  by  the  next  Morning, 
Jiave  200  Men  more  from  the  Garrison  of  Oswego,  and  accordingly 
an  Ex  J  was  dispatched  to  Col.  Mercer  for  that  Purpose,  who 
8en|  the  200  Men  requested;  but  unluckily  a  Storm  of  Rain  came 


\^W': 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWXOO. 


4d6 


f  wbUe 
rusli  ii^ 
re  soon 
it  frpH^ 
irds  for 

to  tlxem- 
fcfl  tht«n 
,  for  tb« 
own  fast  J 
089.  One 
radslreet, 
eserted  to 
1  which  » 

ttle^^g^P"^ 
Bvadstr^pt 

ind  fell  '\n 

the  -whole 

:edpUalion 

\  them  their 

its  of  War. 

Clock,  the 
P^rty  was 

"  any  of  the 

me  off,  and 
left  behind 
lalf  an  hour 
Grenadiers 
er  being  on 
iles  ^rom  the 
Haste  they 
owever  witb 
jemy  to  their 
^xt  Morning, 
accordingly 
'urpose,  A^lio 
[of  Rain  came 


on  80  hard  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  keep  the  Men's  Ammuni- 
tion dry.  It  continued  raining  till  next  day,  and  then  it  was 
judged  too  late  to  attempt  the  Pursuit. 

A  further  Account  of  the  Action  <m  the  Zd  of  July  last. 

..I  [From  the  Mune,  Auf.  2, 1708.1     .  ■ 

You  have  doubtless  before  this  Time,  had  the  agreeable  News 
of  the  Defeat  of  the  French  by  the  Battoemen  on  the  Onondaga 
River. — Capt.  Sradstreet's  Conduct  was  much  to  his  honour,  and 
will  be  very  advantageous  to  the  English  operations  in  the  present 
Campaign. — His  success  against  the  Enemy  shews  us  the  Wisdom, 
of  taking  large  numbers  of  Battoemen  into  the  service — But  for 
this  Expedient,  we  should  have  been  unable  to  keep  the  Passage 
open  to  Oswego;  and  unless  our  Provisions,  stores  &c.  had  been 
sent  to  that  Garrison,  in  large  Squadrons  of  Battocs,  all  other 
attempts  to  support  it,  would  have  been  ineffectualj  for  notwith- 
standing our  Interest  in  the  Six  Nations,  we  have  undoubted  Ac- 
counts, that  1200  of  the  Enemy  have  lain  undiscovered  in  their 
Country,  not  far  from  Oswej;©  ever  since  May  last. 

When  Capt.  Bradstreet  left  Oswego,  he  gave  strict  Orders,  that 
the  several  Divisions  of  the  Battoemen  should  keep  close  together. 
But  such  an  irregular  Body,  could  not  be  easily  kept  to  good 
order,  and  therefore  they  were  at  some  Distance  from  each  other, 
when  the  Enemy  attacked  them. — Our  Success  was  owing  to  Capt. 
Bradstreet's  taking  Possession  of  the  Island,  for  by  this  means  he 
prevented  the  Enemy  from  fording  the  River,  and  gave  the  Battoe- 
men who  were  fired  upon,  Time  to  rally  and  collect  themselves  on 
the  opposite  shore. — When  Capt  Bradstreet  gained  the  Island,  he 
had  not  above  Eight  Men  with  him,  and  these  repulsed  about  ;  0 
of  the  Enemy.  Upon  this  he  was  joined  by  six  more  Battoemen, 
and  was  attacked  a  second  Time  by  a  Party  of  40  French,  whom 
he  also  compelled  to  give  Way. — Capt.  Bradstreet  was  after  that, 
reinforced  by  six  others,  and  a  Party  of  above  70  of  the  Enemy 
then  fell  upon  him,  and  by  pouring  in  cross  Fires,  wounded  12  of 
his  Men;  but  after  some  Time,  the  French  were  forced  to  retire  a 
third  Time.  .'-  '    'I      ■    '-'•''     ' 


■" 


!!■■ 


!  ; 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


1.25 


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2.2 


1^  1^    III 


2.0 


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U    IIIIII.6 


vl 


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PhotDgraphic 

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Corporation 


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<,1>^ 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


m 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


.1  A  large  Body  of  about  400,  being  thien  observed  to  advance 
Uipon  the  North  Side  of  the  River,  about  a  Mile  higher,  Capt. 
Bradstreet  imagined,  that  they  intended  to  ford  the  River,  and 
surround  him.  On  this  he  quitted  the  Island,  and  with  250  Men, 
Marched  up  the  South  side  of  the  River,  to  prevent  it,  but  the 
Enemy  had  not  only  forded  it,  but  taken  Possession  of  a  Fine 
Swamp  on  that  Side,  before  he  came  up.  Doctor  Eirkland,  who 
was  returning  from  Oswego,  in  Company  with  Capt.  Bradstreets 
command,  had  now  gathered  together  200  Battoemen,  with  Design 
to  reinforce  him;  but  Capt.  Bradstreet  sent  him  Orders  to  keep 
his  Post,  to  cover  the  Dattoes  which  were  behind;  and  directed 
that  Capt.  Butler  should  Command  the  farthest  Division  of  Battoes 
down  the  River,  and  post  them  in  the  most  proper  Place  upon  the 
^me  Duty. 

/When  Capt.  Bradstreet  came  id  the  Swamp,  an  Engagement 
began  in  the  Indian  Manner,  which  lasted  above  an  Hour;  Capt. 
Bradstreet  then  animating  his  Men,  entered  the  swamp,  and  forced 
the. Enemy  out  of  it  into  the  River,  where  many  of  them  were 
slsdn.  .  .  .  Another  Party  was  at  that  Time,  attempting  to 
ford  the  River  when  Capt.  Bradstreet  came  up  with  them,  and 
after  he  fell  in  with  them,  the  whole  Body  was  routed. 

Not  long  after  this  last  Action,  a  Company  of  Grenadiers 
belonging  to  General  Shirley's  Regiment,  which  was  upon  the 
March  from  Onondaga  to  Oswego,  joined  our  Battoemen ;  and 
the  next  Morning  200  Men  came  to  them  from  the  Garrison. 
Capt.  Bradstreet  now  proposed,  to  have  gone  in  quest  of  the  main 
Body  of  the  French,  but  was  prevented  by  excessive  Rains. 

We  lost  in  these  Actions  about  20  Men,  and  24  were  wounded. 
What  the  loss  of  the  Enemy  was  is  uncertain.  —  All  conjecture 
that  above  100  were  killed. — This  we  know,  that  above  80  Fire- 
locks were  brought  to  Schenectady:  Seventy-four  Men  more  were- 
found  by  a  Party,  that  afterwards  went  out  from  Oswego  to 
patrole  the  Woods ;  and  many  doubtless  were  lost  in  the  River. 
The  Enemy  fled  in  the  utmost  Disorder ;  for  some  Traders  were 
passing  by  the  Place  of  Action  a  few  Days  after,  were  hailed 
from  the  Shore  by  20  Frenchmen,  who  being  without  Provisions 
and  unable  to  find  their  Camp,  were  stroling  about  the  Woods, 


«•  '^' 


ii^fti 


J>Ll''        ■        I 


■^' 


W-. 


497 

1  begged  to  be 
ing  in  Niimber 
>re  than  one  of 

of  the  French, 
land  secure  our 
pt.  Bradstreet's 
The  former,  in 
twamp ;  and  thie 
I  of  the  Battoe- 
e  Enemy  from 
)  any  Help  from 
him,  was  only 
r  Interest  "with 

Pt  immediately 
bers  &  Dispo- 
I  whole  Dispute 
pe,  and  spread  a 
,his  Battoemen 
gn,  fully  avenge 
ahela. 


I. 


^r  in  the  middle 
f  30  toises  [180 
atre,  are  flanked 
t  is  constructed 
sides,  very  well 
Vom  the  ground. 
)y  8  deep.  The 
the  counterscarp 
^d  way].     Loop 


r 


E' 


WP»|""" 


< 

o  o 

<  <•) 

Z  (0 

«  "^ 

O  3    .. 

^  °   '■* 


,<^^ 


1^^  H    ^  . 


1*! 


i^ 

!• 
■ 


4'  ♦! 


% 


■i; 


U^ 


p. 


'■^-s^ 


^\^^ 


-¥^ 


S       .H  fl 


Jl 


4^  V  v^  ^  ^'"l'" 


•FT 


of, 

JOl 


exc 
wit 


^i 


■A.  large  Bot 
ttppn  the  Nori 
Bradstreet  ima 
surround  him. 
Marched  up  thi 
Enemy  had  nc 
Swamp  on  that 
was  returning 
commandj  had 
to  reinforce  hti 
his  Post,  to  cov 
that  Capt.  Buth 
down  the  River 
same  Duty. 

When  Capt. 
began  In  the  Im 
Bradstreet  then  j 
the.Enemy  out  i 
slab.    .     .    .  j 
ford  the  River  -ti 
after  he  fell  in  \i 
Not   long  afj 
belonging  to  G< 
March  from  One 
the  next  Mornii 
Capt.  Bradstreet 
Body  of  the  Fn 
We  lost  in  t: 
What  the  loss  o 
that  above  100 
locks  were  broug 
found  by  a  Pari 
patrole  the  Wooc 
The  Enemy  fled 
passing  by  the  I 
from  the  Shore  b; 
and  unable  to  fii^ 


't' 


93 


ft 


CO 


o 


< 
e  u 

z  ■; 

J    >■ 

c 


'^  a  cc    ^   =•  o' 


PAPBB8  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


1197 


npon  the  Banks  of  the  River  in  great  Distress^  and  begged  to  be 
tdcen  up  and  carried  to  Oswego. — ^The  Traders  being  in  Number 
but  about  Half  a  Doien,  were  fearful  of  taking  more  than  one  of 
them  in)  and  him  they  delivered  to  the  Garrison. 

This  Repulse  will  doubtless  check  the  Incursions  of  this  French, 
shake  their  Indian  Interest,  strengthen  our  own,  and  secure  our 
Aiture  Convoys  in  their  Passage  to  Oswego.— Capt.  Bradstreet's 
Gallantry  and  Conduct  are  justly  Commended.— The  former,  in 
his  Defence  of  the  Island,  and  the  attack  at  the  Swamp ;  and  thie 
latter  in  his  prudent  Disposition  of  the  Remainder  of  the  Battoe- 
men,  for  securing  his  Rear,  and  preventing  the  Enemy  from 
Surrounding  his  whole  Party. — Nor  did  he  receive  any  Help  from 
our  Indians. — ^The  whole  Number  he  had  with  him,  was  only 
Twelve. — ^Nine  of  these  (such  is  the  State  of  our  Interest  with 
them!)  could  not  be  brought  to  engage. — One  went  immediately 
over  to  the  French,  and  informed  them  of  our  Numbers  &  Dispo- 
sition. An  Oneida  Indian  fought  bravely  thro'  the  whole  Dispute 
but  another  Indian  escaped  to  the  Onondaga  Castle,  and  spread  a 
Report  that  Capt.  Bradstreet  was  killed,  &  all  his  Battoemen 
defeated. — I  hope  we  shall  in  the  ensuing  Campaign,  fully  avenge 
the  Loss  we  sustained  on  the  Banks  of  Monaungahela. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  OSWEGO— 1756. 

[Puis  Doe.  XII.] 

Fort  Ontario  is  situate  at  the  right'  of  the  River  in  the  middle 
of  a  very  high  plateau.  It  consists  of  a  square  of  30  toises  [180 
feet]  a  side,  the  faces  of  which,  broken  in  the  centre,  are  flanked 
by  a  redan  placed  at  the  point  of  the  break.  It  is  constructed 
of  pickets  18  inches  in  diameter,  smooth  on  both  sides,  very  well 
joined  the  one  to  the  other  and  rising  8  @  9  feet  from  the  ground. 
The  ditch  that  encircles  the  fort,  is  18  feet  wide  by  8  deep.  The 
excavated  earth  had  been  thrown  up  en  glacis  on  the  counterscarp 
with  a  very  steep  slope  over  the  berm  [covered  way].     Loop 

.       1  That  U,  the  EMt  Bank 


K 


■•■f 


'ih: 


i 


488 


PAFEBB  nELATINO  TO  OSWBGO. 


holes  and  embrasures  are  formed  in  the  pickets  on  a  level  Mrlth 
the  earth  thrown  up  on  the  berm  and  a  scaiTblding  of  carpenter's 
work  extends  all  around  so  as  to  fire  from  above.  It  has  eight 
guns  and  4  mortars  with  double  grenades. 

The  old  Fort  Chounguen,  situate  on  the  left  [or  west]  bank  of  the 
River^  contests  of  a  house  with  galleries  (machecaulis)  with  loop- 
holes on  the  ground  floor  and  principal  story,  tht;  walls  ot  which 
are  three  feet  thick  and  encompassed  at  a  distance  of  three  toises 
[18  feet,]  by  another  wall  4  feet  thick  and  10  high,  loopholed  and 
flanked  by  two  large  square  towers.  It  has  likewise  a  trench 
encircling,  on  the  land  side,  the  Fort  where  the  enemy  had  placed 
18  pieces  of  cannon  and  16  mortars  and  howitzers. 

Fort  George  is  situate  3CX)  toises  beyond  that  of  Choauguen  on 
a  hill  that  commanded  it.  It  is  of  pickets  and  badly  enough 
entrenched  with  earth  on  two  sides. 


-jfj 


JOURNAL  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  CHOUAGUEN, 

COMMENCXa)  tHE   ll*""  AUGUST  1756,  AND  CONCLUDED  THE   14*'"  AT 
NIGHT  ;   BY  THE  MARQUIS  OF  MONTCALM. 

[Paris  Doo.  XII.) 

On  the  arrival  of  the  French  Troops  in  Canada  in  the  month  of 
May,  every  disposition  having  been  made  for  the  Campaign,  the 
Marquis  of  Vandreuil  Governor  General  of  New  France  detached 
a  body  of  Colonial  Troops  and  Militia  towards  the  St.  John  River 
to  harass  the  English  and  receive  the  remains  of  the  Acadians 
driven  from  their  Settlements,  of  w^hom  those  who  had  not  been 
transplanted  to  the  more  distant  English  Colonies  were  wandering 
in  the  woods.  Another  detachment  of  observation  of  about  500 
men  was  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Lydius.  The  Queen's  batallion 
and  that  of  Languedoc  were  encamped  in  front  of  Fort  Carillon. 
Beam  was  destined  for  Niagara ;  Guyenne  for  Frontcnac,  and 
Sieur  de  Villiers,  Captain  of  a  Colonial  Troop,  hung  on  the  enemy 
and  watched  his  movements  towards  the  river  Chouagucn,  with 


5vel  with 
irpenUr's 

baa  eigW 

ank  o(  the 
with  looi<- 
j  oi  whkh 
hree  toise* 
.pholedand 
se  a  trencti 
had  placed 

loauguen  on 
atdly  enough 


[EN, 

THE  W^  At 


VAPKB8  BCLATIICO  TO  OflWtGO. 


489 


a  corps  of  700  men,  Canadians  and  Indians.  The  defence  of  Fort 
du  Quesne  and  the  Belle  Riviere  (Ohio)  was  confidet)  to  a  some- 
what considerable  party  of  Canadians  and  Savages,  and  Sieur 
Dumas,  Commandant  in  that  Quarter,  had  orders  to  retain  with 
him  all  the  Indians  of  the  Upper  Country  whose  rendejivous  was 
at  Presque  isle,  in  case  his  posts  were  threatened ;  if  not  to  send 
a  patt  of  them  to  Montreal. 

Reinforcements  having  arrived  from  France,  Royal  Rousillon 
was  sent  to  Lake  St  Sacrement  and  La  Sarre  to  Frontcnac  with 
the  two  French  Engineers,  also  arrived  this  year,  to  thfe  order  of 
Sieur  Colonel  Bourlamaque,  to  erect  new  fortifications  at  that 
place,  or  rather  an  entrenched  Camp  which  would  have  placted 
them  beyond  insult.  Chevalier  de  Levis,  Brigadier^  ^as  destined 
to  command  on  Lake  St  Sacrement,  and  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm, 
Field  Marshal,  to  proceed  to  the  quarter  which  may  apparently 
be  most  threatened  by  the  enemy. 

Thus  every  thing  seemed  arranged  for  defence  in  different  parts; 
on  Lake  Ontario,  Lake  St  Sacrement,  and  the  Belle  Riviere. 
Some  parties  only  of  Canadians  and  Indians  succeeded  each  other 
without  intermission  on  the  English  frontiers  exposed  to  their 
ravages,  and  they  laid  waste  more  especially  Pensilvania,  Virginia 
and  Maryland. 

Toward  mid-June  it  clearly  appeared  from  the  report  of  the 
Indians  sent  out  as  scouts  ;  from  the  depositions  of  several  pri- 
soners; from  the  vast  preparations  made  at  Albany  and  Fort  Lydiua, 
that  the  English  had  offensive  intentions  in  the  direction  of  the 
Point  of  Lake  St  Sacrement.  Upon  this  intelligence,  the  Marquis 
de  Montcalm  proposed  a  diversion  towards  Lake  Ontario  for  the 
purpose  of  attracting  a  portion  of  the  enemy's  forces  thither,  and 
consequently  relieving  La  Pointe.  This  diversion  was  to  be  made, 
however,  in  such  a  way  that  the  defensive  could  be  changed  into 
ofiFensive,  according  to  circumstances. 

The  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  had  never  lost  sight  of  the  siege  of 
Chouaguen  a  post  important  by  its  situation  at  the  Mouth  of  the 
River  of  that  name  on  Lake  Ontario,  the  key  of  the  Upper  Coun- 
try by  its  communication  with  the  Five  Nations,  Albany  and  the 
river  Hudson  ;  defended  by  three  forts — Fort  Ontario  on  the  right 


\    ^ :  •; 


■I  I 


m 


490 


PAPERS  &SLATINO  TO  OIWEOO. 


bank  of  the  River,  Forts  George  and  Chouaguen  on  the  left  bank, 
as  well  as  a  species  of  Crown  work,  in  earth,  serving  as  an 
intrenched  Camp,  having  also  a  good  port  and  a  well  sheltered 
harbour.  But  this  siege  so  important  to  the  Colony  did  not  seem 
feasible  this  Campaign,  the  season  being  already  far  advanced, 
the  preparation  which  this  expedition  required  being  very  great, 
the  distance  considerable  and  transportation  not  being  accomplished 
except  with  difficulties  and  endless  delays  across  a  country  having 
no  other  roads  but  rivers,  filled  with  falls  and  rapids,  and  lakes 
rendered  frequently  impassable  to  batteaux  in  consequence  of  the 
violence  of  the  waves. 

Sieur  Bigot,  Intendant  of  Canada,  arrived  at  this  conjuncture 
at  Montreal;  took  upon  himself  the  collection  of  munitions  of  war 
of  all  sorts,  and  of  provisions — the  despatch  of  convoys  and  their 
uninterrupted  supply.  The  diversion  townnls  Chouaguen  was 
then  determined  on  with  the  design  to  besiege  it,  if  the  condition 
of  that  place,  or  the  carelessness  of  the  enemy  permitted. 

Sieur  de  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of  Three  L  ivers  was, 
accordingly  sent  with  a  fresh  body  of  Colonial  troops  and  Indittns 
to  assume  command  of  Sieur  de  Villiers'  Camp,  established  at 
NiaourS  bay  about  15  leagues  from  Chouaguen ;  Sieur  de  Bourla- 
maque  received  orders  to  commence  at  Fort  Frontenac  whatever 
preparations  he  may  deem  necessary ;  Sieur  Decombles,  Engineer, 
to  proceed  with  a  detachment  of  Canadians  and  Savages  to  recon- 
noitre Chouaguen;  and  to  conceal  the  project  from  the  enemy,  the 
Marquis  de  Montcalm  departed  27»'>  June  with  Chevalier  de  Levis 
for  Fort  Carillon.  The  defensive  positions  to  be  adopted  in  this 
quarter ;  the  fortifications  erecting  at  Carillon;  the  movements  of 
the  enemy  at  Fort  Lydius  and  Albany ;  all  these  reasons  justified 
the  Marquis  of  Montcalm's  presence  at  Lake  St  Sacrement.  Tliis 
General  remained  there  only  long  enough  to  make  the  necessary 
arrangements  and  put  the  English  on  the  wrong  scent.  He  placed 
the  defence  of  that  frontier  in  the  hands  of  Chevalier  de  Levis 
with  a  corps  of  3000  men ;  returned  on  15*''  July  to  Montreal 
where  he  arrived  on  the  19*'';  received  there  his  last  Instructions 
and  set  out  again  oh  the  21"*  and  arrived  at  Frontenac  on  the 


.iit|j^:^d^|i:s' 


4i!f  M'iimm^ 


Mf  mSi*«^m^ 


"APEBs  BELATINO  TO  o.WEGO 

•-^■mnd  «.ere  ,w,  day.  b:;^,f '«'"  Con.n.a„d„  of  Artil^.^ 

««  0-y^ne',  ba.Z:    ';  ";'  ™"'^""'^  °^»«  '»  S>rriT«d 

the.econd  division  composeTIf  R       ,  l""  '^^""P"'  «>«'  where 

"-mberof.roop.jes.inedTrCeZr""'''''™*'^''-  ^ 
-»ow..,de  'aS.„e's,GuyeL;.!!?;t'''™r^»™rfy3000n..„ 
"g   0  only  1300  „e^     ,J'"""  »»^  Beam's  batallions  .«,o„m? 
Mmtia„,e„  and  r„di,„,.'"''  '"^""'»'  «>l<liers  of  the  Colony 

Z^'^:tz:r[f:^  v;  ™--'  - »-« »»' 

(Wigwam  Cove)'  wi,hi„  V    T  '*"''''  ^''"'«  «t«:  Ca4.»« 
««  division  hav/ng  ttd*u  J'^r  «'  Chouag^n'"'"'"^ 

ke morning,, he vangua     p'Jet Ldfo  'k"''  "*  '"»  """"^^ 
--»-oa»othe.CoJ.J--Ws^;^^^^^^^ 

'  Supposed  fo  be  a  Dai-fnfii. 
''ice,  and  mentioned  inth    n       celebrated  Irish  BrieadP  f  h      • 

«nd  back  our  bSux  tl  p"  "°''*'''^°"' «>»  *he  30r  "* 'J^^^^^ 

Artillery...  '"*  *°  *^'°''*«''«' ^r  G„yem.e',a;d  W,  ^  •''*' "'''«" '» 

3  Now,  Sandy  Creek  Bay     «  We  '  ^^'*"  '  ^^^^-ent  and  the 


*  ' 


ii 


;'» 


4M 


PAPSEB  RELATING  TO  08WIG0. 


to  cover  the  debarcation  of  the  artillery  and  troops.  The  first 
division  reached  the  same  Cove  nt  midnight.  A  battery  from 
Lake  Ontario  was  forthwith  erected  there  and  the  troops  bivou- 
acked  during  the  night  at  the  head  of  the  batteaux. 

On  the  IV^j  at  break  of  day  the  Canadians  and  Indians  advan- 
ced to  within  a  quarter  of  a  league  of)  and  invested  Fort  Ontario, 
situated,  as  we  have  stated,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Choua- 
guen.  Sieur  Decombles,  sent  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning  to 
make  arrangements  for  this  siege  and  the  attack,  was  killed, 
returning  from  his  reconnoissance,  by  one  of  our  Savages  [a  Nipis- 
sing]  who  escorted  him  and  who  took  him  in  the  dark,  for  an 
Englishman — a  mishap  which  was  rendered  of  the  greatest  conse- 
quence to  us  from  the  circumstance  of  carrying  on  a  siego  in 
America  with  one  Engineer  only  that  remained.  Sieur  Desandro- 
nius  the  surviving  Engineer,  ran  a  road  through  the  woods,  partly 
through  swamps  explored  the  evening  before,  for  the  purpose  of 
conducting  the  artillery  across.  This  road,  commenced  at  11 
o'clock  in  the  morning  was  finished  at  night  and  thoroughly  com- 
pleted next  morning.  The  camp  was  established  at  the  same  time, 
the  right  resting  on  Lake  Ontario  covered  by  the  same  battery 
that  protected  our  batteaux  from  attack  ;  the  left,  on  an  impassa- 
ble swamp. 

The  precaution  of  marching  only  at  night  and  of  entering  rivers 
When  halting  by  which  we  were  concealed,  had  till  then  hid  our 
advance  from  the  enemy.  It  was  announced  to  them  only  that 
same  day  by  the  Indians  who  went  even  to  the  foot  of  the  fort  to 
fire.  Three  armed  barks  which  sailed  at  noon  from  the  River 
Cbouaguen  came  cruising  in  front  of  the  Camp,  discharged  some 
pieces  of  artillery,  but  the  fire  from  our  battery  forced  them  to 
she'tsr  off.   Since  then,  they  cruised  only  at  a  considerable  distance. 

On  the  12'i'  at  day  break  Beam's  Regiment  arrived  with  the 
batteaux  of  artillery  and  provisions.  These  batteaux  were  forth- 
with unloaded  in  presence  of  the  English  barks  which  cruised  in 
front  of  the  Camp.  The  battery  on  the  beach  was  increased— the 
park  of  artillery  and  the  depot  of  provisions  established,  and  Sieur 
Pouchot,  Captain  in  Beam's  Regiment,  who  had  successfully 
begun  a  fortification  at  Niagara,  received  orders  to  act  as  Engineer 


PAPiaS  REI^TING  TO  OSWEGO. 


403 


The  first 
ttery  from 
,op8  bivou- 

ians  advan- 
ort  Ontario, 
Liver  Choua- 
morning  to 
vras  killed, 
ges  [a  Nipis- 
dark,  for  an 
:eatest  conse- 
m  a  siege  in 
'ur  Desandro- 
woods,  partly 
be  purpose  of 
menced  at  11 
orougbly  com- 
tbe  same  time, 
same  battery 
)n  an  impassa- 


during  the  siege.  Arrangements  were  made  to  open  the  trenches 
that  very  night;  Sieur  de  Bourlamnque  superintended  them.  Six 
pickcls  of  workmen,  fifty  men  each,  were  under  orders  for  that 
night ;  two  companies  of  grenadiers  and  three  pickets  to  support 
them. 

Notwithstanding  the  greatest  possible  diligence,  the  work  at 
this  trench  could  not  be  begun  until  midnight.  It  was  rather  a 
parallel  of  about  100  toises' ,  the  front  opened  at  90  toises  from  the 
ditch  of  the  fort  through  ground  embarrassed  by  obstructions  and 
stumps  of  trees.  This  parallel  finished  at  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning  was  completed  by  the  day  labourers  who  cut  the  lines  of 
communication  and  commenced  erecting  batteries.  The  enemy's 
fire  which  had  been  very  brisk  since  the  break  of  day  ceased 
about  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  and  it  was  perceived  that  the 
garrison  evacuated  Fort  Ontario  and  passed  over  to  that  of 
Chouaguen  at  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  They  abandoned  in 
retiring  8  pieces  of  cannon  and  four  mortars.  The  fort  having 
been  immediately  occupied  by  the  grenadiers  of  the  trench,  the 
workmen  were  commanded  to  continue  the  communication  of  the 
parallel  to  the  river  side  where  at  nightfall  was  commenced  a 
large  battery  placed  so  as  to  baiter  Fort  Chouaguen,  the  road  from 
that  fort  to  Fort  George,  and  take  the  entrenched  camp  in  the 
rear.  Twenty  pieces  of  cannon  were  conveyed  during  the  night 
in  men's  arms,  a  labour  which  occupied  the  whole  army,  with 
the  exception  of  the  picquets  and  the  camp  guard. 

On  the  14*'»,  at  day  light,  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm  orderd 
Sieur  de  Rigaud  to  ford  the  river  to  the  other  side  with  the  Cana- 
dians and  Indians,  to  occupy  the  woods  and  harrass  the  commu- 
nication with  Fort  George  where  the  enemy  appeared  making 
considerable  preparations.'  At  six  o'Clock  we  had  nine  pieces 
ready  to  bear,  and  though  the  fire  of  the  besieged,  up  to  that  time 

1.  A  toiM  ia  a  French  meaiure  of  six  feet. 

2.  "  Sieur  Rigaud  executed  this  order  forthwith.  Though  there  was  considerable 
water  in  that  River  and  the  current  was  very  rapid,  he  throw  himself  in  and 
croned  over  with  the  Canadians  and  Indians;  some  swimming,  others  in  the  water 
up  to  the  waist  or  to  the  neck  and  arrived  at  their  destination  without  the  fire  of 
the  enemy  having  been  able  to  stop  a  single  Canadian  or  Savage."— iln(tfA«r 


^w 


f 


.,^" 


1. 1, 


1* 


1; 


494 


PAPERS  EELATINO  TO  OSWEGO. 


was  more  brisk  than  our's,  they  hoisted  the  White  Flag  at  ten 
o'clock  and  sent  two  officers  to  demand  a  Capitulation.  The 
celerity  of  our  operations  in  a  soil  which  they  considered  imprac- 
ticable, the  erection  of  our  batteries  completed  with  so  much 
rapidity,  the  idea  these  works  gate  them  of  the  number  of  the 
French  troops,  the  movement  of  the  corps  detached  from  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  the  dread  of  the  savages,  the  death  of 
Colonel  Mercer,  commandant  of  Chouaguen  who  was  killed  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  Morning,'  doubtless  determined  the  besciged 
to  a  step  which  we  had  not  dared  to  expect  so  soon. 

The  Marquis  de  Montcalm  sent  Sieur  de  Bougainville,  one  of 
his  aids  de  camp  as  a  hostage  and  to  propose  articles  of  Capitu- 
lation which  were  to  the  effect  that  the  garrison  should  render 
themselves  prisoners  of  war  and  that  the  French  troops  should 
forthwith  take  possession  of  the  Forts.  The  articles  having  been 
accepted  by  the  Commandant  Sieur  Littlealles,  commanding  Shir- 
ley's Regiment"  and  sent  to  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm,  Sieur  de 
la  Paur,  Aidemajor  to  Guienne's  Regiment  (acting  Major  General) 
was  sent  to  revise  them;  and  Sieur  de  Bourlamaque  named  Com- 
mander of  Forts*  George  and  Chouaguen  took  possession  of  these 
with  two  companies  of  Grenadiers  and  the  Pickets  from  the 
trenches.  He  wias  entrusted  with  the  destruction  of  said  Forts 
and  the  removal  of  the  artillery,  Munitions  of  war  and  the  provi- 
sions found  there. 

There  were,  on  our  side  only  about  thirty  men  killed  or  wounded; 
on  that  of  the  English  about  150,  including  several  soldiers  who 
wishing  to  escape  across  the  woods  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Indians.  The  number  of  prisoners  was  nearly  1700  men;  to  wit 
Shirley's  and  Pepperel's  regiments,  arrived  from  old  England  and 
who  were  at  the  battle  of  Fontenoy,  a  detachment  of  Schuylers 
regiment,  Militia  of  the  Country,  about  80  officers,  among  whom 
were  two  artillery,  two  engineers  and  12  navy  officers.  We  cap- 
tured also  7  vessels  of  war;  one  of  18  guns,  one  of  14,  one  of  10, 

1.  This  officer  was  gazetted,  7th  Oct.  1754,  Lieut.  Col.  of  Sir  Wm.  Pepperellii 
or  the  2nd  American,  Regt.    He  had  been  previously  on  half  pay. 

2,  John  Littlehales  was  appointed  Major  of  Shirley's  (or  the  Isl  American)  Regt 
also  on  7th  Oct.  1754.    He  had  been  previously  on  half  pay. 


Flag  at  ten 
[ation.  The 
ered  imprac- 
ith  so  much 
imber  of  the 
ed  from  the 
the  death  of 
jras  killed  at 
I  the  besciged 

ttville,  one  of 
les  of  Capitu- 
should  render 
troops  should 
;s  having  been 
imanding  Shir- 
calm,  Sieur  de 
ilajor  General) 
e  named  Com- 
ession  of  these 
:ets  from   the 
of  said  Forts 
and  the  provi- 

jd  or  wounded; 
[l  soldiers  who 
hands  of  the 
1)0  men  J  to  wit 
Id  En[;land  and 
It  of  Schuylers 
I,  among  whom 
kers.     Wecap- 
14,  one  of  10, 

Iwm.  Pepperelli, 
■ay. 
Li  American)  Regt 


>.  --     '■•         « 


r*.\/».  •" 


f 


V  - ' ' 


"I*; 


il 


A\V,.'  ^^ 


.'VSV'N  . 


The  S  ouTH  View  of  Oswi 

General  ShJrley  /"//  Z/./.^T  f/^/'/'/u/Mf////  iCfn//trfjirf/,/Ai^f  Fort 
Fortlr//JA/  N'/H^f  ht  rn//^/  t/tf   EaItl'ort,A>  /'ui/t v/'  Ihtf^f  mid 


v:apie<il)yI)V«ii,jJttafioinSma>»Ifi»tXr  Qto  ^oad  l/^'7 


BW  of  Oswego  on  Lake  Ontari^^^^^^^^.  ; 


ort 

ou 

an*/ 


^..^^  i>.^  ^^  Onondaga  It  ^^^^  ^^^  .  -fW^  W 


^/  ■  ThsRiver  Onondaga, 
ja.ThtlaJkeCnlitfic. 


■^r.  ira-.^  St Vnr. IM  b; ■  .  iv. ;  V  >ii U"'-' P. /  ''j,-35s  i 


ff' 


15' 


*■■  ,t 


f^if 


'h 


l^'^i' 


PAPXB8  KfiLATINO  TO  OSWfiGO. 


i% 


%vie  of  8,  three  mounted  with  patereros,  200  barges  or  batteauz, 
7  .pieces  of  bronze,  48  of  iron,  14  mortars,  6  howitzers,  47  pate- 
reros,  a  quantity  of  bullets,  bombs,  balls,  powder  and  a  considerable 
pile  of  provisions. 

On  the  21**  all  having  been  demolished,  the  pri*ioners,  artillery 
and  supplies  being  removed,  the  army  re-imbarked  and  repaired 
in^three  divisions  to  the  Bay  of  Niaour^  whence  the  several  corps 
proceeded  to  their  respective  destinations.  The  savages  having, 
y^  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm's  permission,  departed  successively 
after  t)ie  siege.  This  general  had  previous  to  the  expedition 
bound  the  Nations  the  one  to  the  other  by  a  Wampum  belt  which 
he  had  presented  them  in  His  Majesty's  name  according  to  ihe 
custom  of  the  Country. 

So  much  munition  of  war  and  provisions  found  at  Chouaguen — 
the  fleet  which  secured  the  command  on  Lake  Ontario  to  the 
English — ^the  additional  reinforcements  they  expected  from  day  to 
day — all  announced  designs  on  their  part  against  our  posts,  Fron- 
tenac  and  Niagara,  the  execution  of  which  was  calculated  on  this 
Autumn,  and  the  danger  of  which  the  Colony,  very  fortunately, 
had  not  to  incur.  * 

[For  another  French  account  of  the  taking  of  Oswego,  see 
Gentieman's  Magazine,  Vol.  xxvi.    508. 


ABTICLES  OF  CAPITULATION 

ti&AHTXa)  TO  THE  ENGLISH  TBOOPS  COMMANDED  BT  JOHN  LITTLEHALE8, 
COMMANDING  SAID  TROOPS  AND  THE  FORTS  CHOUAGUEN,  BT  M.  LE 
MARQUIS  DE  MONTOALM,   FIELD  MAKSHAL   OF  THE  KINGS  ARMIES, 

GENERAL  OF  HIS  TROOPS  IN  «EW  FRANCE. 

\  "  ■  ■■  ■ 

Article  the  first. 

It  has  been  agreed  that  the  English  troops  shall  surrender 
themselves  prisoners  of  War;  that  the  Officers  and  soldiers  shall 
be  allowed  to  preserve  their  effects. 

1- '*  Th«  Abb6  Pieqaet  ....  came  to  Choaagnen  to  plant  a  Cron  there, 
on  whleh  was  affixed,  In  hoe  tigno  vinwiif;  and  along  aide,  a  pole  with  the  Kings 
armt  and  this  Inscription— KanibM  datt  lUia  plenis,"— Additional  aceotrnt. 


n  ;■ 


to     I 


:.:i 


m 


/ 


VAfESiS  HEL.ATINO  TO  O8WBG0. 


f  :■ 


f  \ . 


T 


That  the  said  Forts  shall  be  given  up  at  two  o'Clock  in  the 
afternoon  with  generally  all  the  efifects,  miinitions  of  war,  provi- 
sion9,  Barks,  Rigging  and  other  property  in  general  whatsoever, 
without  any  injury  being  done  thereto  by  their  troops. 

Article  the  second. 

That  all  their  arms  shall  be  deposited  in  a  store  at  the  moment 
one  half  the  troops  are  embarked  to  cross  the  river;  that  a  number 
of  French  troops  are  passed  over  by  the  return  to  take  possession 
qf  the  Fort  and  that  the  remainder  of  the  troops  shall  retire  at 
the  same  time. 

The  Flags  and  Drums  shall  likewise  be  deposited  in  said  Stores 
with  the  Officers'  arms. 

A  new  Inventory  shallJbe  made  of  the  property  m  the  stores 
and  of  the  artillery,  powder,  bullets,  provisions,  barks  and  rigging 
conformably  to  the  returns  made  to  me. 

The  Officers  shall  in  passing,  each  take  away  their  effects  with 
them. 

The  J4*''  at  11  o'Clock  in  the  morning.  . 

(Signed)'     John  Littlehales  Lt  Colonel  and  Commandant. 

The  said  articles  are  granted  in  His  most  Christian  Majesty's 
name  according  to  the  power  which  I  have  from  M.  the  Marquis 
de  Vaudreuil,  bis  Governour  and  Lieutenant  General  in  New 
France.      '^ 

Signed}    Montcalm. 

Return  of  f^0c(sji»(,nii  in  thp  Fort  ^  sent  to  JPron^imac,  the  j^la,ge 

not  include4' 

7  ipast  paBnofi  of  the  calibre  of  19.  14>  ^18 
48  of  iron  of  9.  6.  5.  &  3, 

1  cast  mortar,  9  inches  4  lines. 
13  others  of  Iron  of  6  inches  &  of  3  inches. 

44  patereioa. 

93  thousand  of  powder. 

8  thousand  of  Lead  in  balls  and  shot. 
295Q  bi|ll^ts  of  divers  ca]jbres 

150  Bombs  of  9  inches  and  300  of  six. 
1476  grenadoes. 


:  in  the 
',  provi- 
itsocver, 


I  moment 
a  number 
jossession 
i  retire  at 

»id  Stores 

the  stores 
ind  rigging 

effects  with 


nxandant. 
n  Majesty's 
the  Marquis 
tral  in  New 

loNTCAIiM* 


rAPBRS  RKLATIKO  TO  OSWXOO. 


497 


730  grenadier's  muskets. 
840  Grape  shot  t^ainnf.) 
12  pairs  of  Iron  wheels  for  naval  carriages. 

Vtss^t  Captured  on  Lake  Ontario. 
1  Snow  of  18  guns  j  1  brigantine  of  sixteen  ;  1  sloop  of  ten  j 
one  battoe  of  10;  one  of  eight  &  two  stone  guns;  1  skiff  mounted 
with  8  patereros  &  one  skiff  in  the  stocks,  burnt ;  200  barges  & 
batteaux. 


Provisions  found  in  this  Fort. 

704  barrels  filled  with  biscuit.      7  barrels  of  Salt 
1386  barrels  of  pork  &  beef 
712  barrels  of  flour. 
SOO  sacks  of  ditto. 
11  barrels  of  Rice 


1  garret  full  of  Vegetables 
1  other  piled  with  flour 

32  live  oxen 

15  hogs 


3  boxes  of  silver  &  the  military  chest  containing  18,000''' 
A  quantity  of  liquors  and  wines 


ADDITIONAL  PARTICULARS. 

Our  artillery  thundered  on  their  camp  and  at  the  moment  we 

were  thinking  only  of  our  destruction  we  were  about  to  witness 

the  glorious  termination  of  our  labours.    I  had  seven  men  of  my 

picquet  killed  or  wounded  within  an  hour  and  a  half  and  I  had 

still  the  whole  day  before  me  when  we  heard  the  Rappel  and  saw 

the  White  Flag  hoisted  on  the  turret  of  their  embattled  house. 

Cries  of  Vive  U  Roi  informed  the  French  of  the  fact.    The  loss 

of  their  commander ;  that  of  the  officer  of  artillery ;  the  tears  of 

their  wives ;  the  terror  of  those  who  saw  their  husbands  exposed 

to  the  same  danger ;  induced  them  to  surrender.    We  made  1640 

prisoners,  120  of  whom  were  Women,  five  Standards,'  120  fire 

eaters  (cannon)  and  mx  large  Barks.    Their  Stores  were  provided 

with  every  thing  to  maintain  our  army  during  the  next  Campaign. 

1  Th«  Harquii  de  VattdMull  oauied  to  be  deposited  in  tlie  Churches  of  Montreal, 
Quebeo  and  Three  RiTen«  with  the  vaaul  ceremonies,  the  four  Standards  of  Shir- 
laym  and  PepperePa  regular  troopi  and  that  of  Schuyler's  Regiment  of  Militia.— 
Antthtr  Aeeonnt. 

32 


I 


i^ 


PAPERS  BfiLATING  TO  08WX9O. 


The  loss  of  the  king  of  England  is  estimated  at  20,000^000. 
The  least  superstitious  attribute  our  success  to  frovidence.  They 
could,  in  truth  Sirj  hold  out  much  longer.  We  have  lost,  pot- 
withstanding,  80  men,  and  our  little  army  had  been  swamped  if 
that  valour  so  justly  attributed  to  the  troops  of  Old  England  had 
extended  to  their  Colonies.  Our's  is  now  more  flourishing  than 
ever ;  trade  entirely  re-established ;  lake  Ontario  our's  without 
any  opposition.  We  can  hardly  recover  from  our  a&tonishment. 
The  bulwark  (/e  boulevard)  of  New  England  was  originally  but 
the  house  of  an  individual  whom  the  Iroq,uoi8  had  permitted  to 
build ;  of  this  the  King  took  possession  some  years  afterwards 
for  purposes  of  Trade.  He  increased  it  with  all  the  works  which 
we  demolished.  Their  loss.  Sir,  is  incredible.  The  Canadians 
and  Indians  have  had  a  very  considerable  slice  of  the  cake ;  the 
latter  perpetrated  there  a  multitude  of  horrors  and  assassinated 
more  than  100  persons  included  in  the  capitulation,  without  our 
being  able  to  prevent  them  or  having  the  ri^ht  to  remonstrate  with 
them.  This  species  of  animal  I  look  upon  as  mad  dogs ;  when 
they  are  intoxicated  they  are  uncontrolled. 


,!# 


hi' 


Irr       ^^ 


.  r. 


£;;.  . 


THE  EXAMINATION  OF  MONS«  BEIESTRE 

A  FREKCB  ENSIGN  TAKEN  BEJTORE  THE  HON*^*  EDMUND  ATKYN  ESQ 
HIS  MAJESTYS  AGENT  FOR,  AND  SUPERINTENDANT  OF  INDIAN  AFFAIRS, 
IN  THE  SOUTHERN  DEPARTMENT;  IN  PRESENCE  OF  OOL-  WA8inNG<^ 
TON  AND  GEORGE  OROGHAN  ESQ*  DEP'^  TO  SIR  W*"  JOHNSON. 

[Load.  Doo.  XXXIV.I 

He  says  he  is  a  native  of  Canada  and  served  Mons*'  Vaudreuil^ 

that  he  came  last  from  Fort  Duquesne  with  a  party  of  40  Indians 

and  12  White  men,  3  of  whom  were  officers.     ....    That 

only  100  of  the  Garrison  at  Fort  Duquesne  are  quartered  within 

tiie  Fort  the  rest  lodging  in  barracks  without.    That  the  train  of 

Artillery  taken  from  General  Braddock  was  sent  down  after  his 

defeat  to  Niagara,  and  that  it  was  the  same  train  the  French  had 

used  at  the  taking  of  Oswego. ' 

'  1  nie  lame  day  the  French  inTetted  the  plaee  with  about  OOOOmen  and  32  pleeea 
of  Cannon,  from  12  to  18  pounders  besides  several  large  brass  mortars  and  hoyets 
(iunong  which  turtillery  was  part  of  Oenl.  Braddook's.)— Jbumol  qf  tU  Hkgt  (f 
Otmgo  i  Oditfntaii'*  Mag,  xzvii.  76. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEOO. 


OQ^QOO. 
.  They 
i8t,  not- 
mped  if 
land  had 
ing  than 
■without 
lishment. 
nally  bui 
milled  to 
iterwards 
rks  which 
Canadians 
cake  J  the 
ssassinated 
rithout  our 
istrate  with 
ogs  J  when 


IE 

ATKYN  ESQ 

Ian  AFfAlRS, 
Vr  ASHING^ 
tSOM. 

Vnudreuilj 

40  Indians 

.     .    That 

Itered  within 

1  the  train  of 

^n  after  hia 

I  French  had 

jiandOTptew* 
fur*  and  hoyet* 


[OounoU  MIn.  XXV.] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  NeW 
York  6n  Fryday  the  27'h  day  of  April  1766. 

HiB  Excellency  communicated  to  the  Council  the  Intelligence 
lie  had  received  from  the  R^  Honi>>«  the  Earl  of  lioudon,  by 
jBxpress,  ^f  the  Enemy's  having  laid  siege  to  Oswego,  of  their 
hftving  taken  the  Fort  oh  the  East  side  of  the  River,  and  that  it 
was  apprehended  they  Were  orwovild  soon  be  Masters  of  th6  other 
works  there,  with  all  the  stores  and  Naval  Armament. 

Also  a  Letter  from  his  Lordship  of  the  21**  inst  in  which  his 
Ldrdship  desires  that  his  Excellency  seeing  the  situation  of  Things, 
and  knowing  so  well  the  Consequences  of  such  a  situation  would 
Mnd  him  such  aid  as  he  may  see  necessary  and  may  be  in  his 
t>o^r  to  do 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  ALBANY,  DATED  AUG.  30. 

,  ,  [N.  Y.  Mercury.] 

Last  night  a  Letter  came  to  Town  from  Onide  Carrying  Place, 
where  win  come  an  Indian  from  Osw^o,  who  informed,  that  the 
French  had  carried  every  Thing  from  thence  and  demolished  the 
Place }  that  they  had  carried  away  three  of  four  Officers,  the  Car- 
penters and  Sailors  to  Frontenac,  the  Remainder  they  killed,  cut 
off  their  Heads,  and  posted  them  on  Stakes  along  the  Lake  Side. 

It  is  said  Col.  L- e  scandalously  surrendered  the  Fort,  no  more 

than  1  Meii  killed  in  the  whole,  among  Whom  was  Col.  Mercien 

*Oommodore  B y  also  behaved  soandaldusly,  not  firing  one 

6«n  from  his  Yesisels  on  the  Enemy.  I  cannot  conceive  (if  true) 
vi^y  this  Barbarity  was  Committed,  unless  our  Men  repented  their 
Shameful  Surrender,  or  there  must  have  been  a  Quarrel  between 
the  IVench  and  Indians. 

The  accounts  received  from  Albany  since  our  last,  concerning 
Oswego,  are  more  favourable,  than  those  that  have  been  inserted 

^  its.  ^oke  in  i1»  UkrMry.-'tf  an  Kteemy  ihould  stand  on  the  brink  otjht  hill  M 
(un  pointed  could  reach  him  from  the  Veiiela. 


,>   ' 


'  Vi' 


m. 


If'-      'A'-    :' 

m 

ir}: 


■r^~i ^  i   .\ 


Ik: 


I  re  ', 


600 


PAPERS  RELATIVO  TO  08WSOO. 


heretofore ;  for  we  are  assured  from  good  Authority,  that  some 
white  People  are  returned  to  Albany,  who  were  despatched  to 
Oswego,  in  order  to  reconnoitre  the  Woods,  and,  if  possible,  to 
get  a  View  of  the  Place,  who  report  that  they  lay  two  Nights 
there,  where  every  thing  that  could  be  of  service  to  the  French 
was  carried  away,  and  the  Forts  and  Houses  entirely  demolished, 
that  no  signs  of  Murder  or  Massacre  was  to  be  seen,  and  that  they 
found  only  three  Graves,  which  were  very  handsomely  made  up, 
and  one  in  particular,  which  they  imagined  was  Col.  Mercer's. 

Tis  also  said,  That  a  Negro  Fellow,  who  made  his  Escape,  after 
the  Garrison  of  Oswego  was  taken,  is  lying  sick  at  Onida  Castle, 
and  says,  that  immediately  after  Col.  Mercer  was  killed,  the  Place 
was  given  up  to  the  French,  by  Order  of  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Littlehill;  that  the  Number  of  the  Besiegers  were  but  little 
superior  to  those  of  the  Besieged  ;  and  that  the  Enemy  had  no 
other  Cannon,  than  those  they  got  at  Fort  Ontario. 

A  Letter  from  Oneida  Carrying  Place  dated  August  18  says— 
That  John  Gall  who  belonged  to  one  of  the  Vessels  on  the  Lake, 
and  made  his  Escape  reports.  That  on  the  IV^  instant  the  Row 
Ghilley  went  out  on  a  Cruise,  and  returned  in  10  Minutes,  first 
giving  a  Signal  that  he  had  discovered  the  Enemy :  Upon  which 
the  two  other  Sloops  with  Part  of  the  Regiments  on  board  imme- 
diately went  out,  and  in  about  a  Mile  from  the  Fort  discovered 
the  Enemy's  Camp.  The  12*'>  the  Enemy  engaged  Ontario  Fort, 
with  Small  Arms  only,  the  Fort  returning  the  Fire  very  smartly 
with  their  Cannon  and  Small  Arms,  all  that  Day  and  Night  fol- 
lowing. The  13^^  a  Council  of  War  was  held  at  the  old  Stone 
Fort,  and  two  Shells  and  one  Ball  thrown,  which  was  a  Signal 
for  the  Troops  to  quit  Ontario  Fort  and  join  those  at  the  old  Fort, 
the  opposite  side  of  the  River,  where  Col.  Mercer  was,  which 
they  immediately  did  :  That  at  Night  the  Enemy  hove  up  a 
Fachine  Battery  and  Entrenchment  on  the  Edge  of  the  Bank, 
opposite  the  old  Fort.  The  14*'*  in  the  Morning  the  Enemy  began 
their  Fire  on  the  old  Fort,  which  was  warmly  returned  till  Col. 
Mercer  was  killed  by  a  Cannon  Ball  as  he  was  in  the  Camp  encou- 
raging the  Men  about  11  o'Clock  :  That  the  Fire  continued  very 
hot  about  an  Hour  after,  when  Lieutenant  Cook  with  a  Flag  of 


.  nt5^-jnr;*7  r    'rxr-^ttii^fU   -r-i  \i  \^.ti-iJi  'Ti^ir 


^VT;,i^..,-t^ 


PAPERS  RELATING  1*0  OSWEGO. 


601 


tat  some 
tchcd  to 
isible,  to 

0  Nigbts 
e  French 
moVished, 

1  that  they 
made  up, 

lercer's. 
icape^  aftw 
,ida  Castle, 
I,  the  Place 
at  Colonel 
5  but  little 
emy  had  no 

St  18  says- 
on  the  Lake, 
ant  the  Kov 
yiinutes,  first 
"Upon  "Which 
board  imme- 
rt  discovered 
Ontario  Fort, 
very  smartly 
id  Nigbt  fol- 
ic old  Stone 
vas  a  Signal 
the  old  Fort, 
[r  -was,  vrhich 
ty  hove  up  a 
Lf  the  Bank, 
lEnemy  began 

Irned  till  Col. 
LCampencou- 

[ontinued  very 

Ltb  a  Flag  of 


Truce  was  sent  to  the  Enemy  j  and  upon  their  return  all  the 
Indians  came  in  with  him.  That  Orders  were  immediately  given 
for  every  Man  on  board  the  Vessells  to  lay  down  their  Arms  take 

1  Blanket  and  2  Shirts  and  march  Prisoners  into  the  old  Forty 
That  Shirley's  &  PepperelPs  Regiments  were  ordered  to  march  to 
Fort  Ontario,  to  be  sent  Prisoners  to  Frontenac  (600  Indiani 
being  to  Guard  them)  in  the  Vessels  which  they  took  from  us  in 
our  Harbour,  being  2  Sloops  6  Guns  each,  besides  Swivels,  and 

2  Holes ;  2  Schooners,  one  of  them  with  Swivels ;  and  a  Brig 
lately  built,  with  14  Carriage  Guns,  and  the  same  number  of 
Swivels:  That  Col.  Schuyler  and  his  Regiment  were  earned 
away  Prisoners  also.  That  by  the  best  accounts  he  could  collect 
there  were  but  five  Men  Killed  besides  Col.  Mercer. 


SIR  CHARLES  HARDT  TO  THE  BOARD.  • 

[Lond.  Doo.  XZXni.] 

Fort  George  N.  York  Sep  6th  I7S0. 

My  Lords — I  enclose  for  your  Lordshipps  information  the 
Declaration  sent  me  from  Albany  of  the  Soldiers  who  were  origi- 
nally Deserters  from  the  French,  &  had  taken  on  in  Generals 
Shirley  &  Peperells  Regiments  this  paper  did  not  come  to  me 
from  anypublick  authority,  as  Lord  Loudoun  could  not  then  have 
time  to  copy  papers.  One  of  the  Sailors  that  belonged  to  the 
Ontario  Capf*  Lafory,  I  have  seen  he  gives  this  information  that 
to  the  best  of  his  memory  on  the  morning  of  the  10ti>  of  August  a 
small  Schooner  was  sent  from  Oswego  to  make  discovery,  that 
she  returned  off  of  the  Harbour  again  in  about  two  hours,  inform- . 
ing  them  that  they  had  discovered  a  large  incampment  of  the 
enemy  about  three  miles  to  the  Eastward  of  Oswego,  upon  this 
information  Capt"'  Lafory  &  Deane  sailed  in  two  sloops  to  attempt 
cannonading  the  Camp,  before  they  could  reach  the  shore  where 
the  enemy  lay  they  were  fired  upon  with  Cannon  very  briskly, 
that  four  shot  struck  the  Ontario,  three  of  them  stuck  in  her  side, 
which  they  cut  out  found  them  to  be  Balls  of  twelve  pound  weight 
with  the  Kings  broad  arrow  on  them,  that  they  did  not  think  it 


608 


PAPm  ftCLATlMO  TO  OIWEQO. 


I    u 


( 


ftdviseable  to  make  any  further  attempt,  but  returned  to  Oswego, 
Jb  sail'd  again  the  next  morning  as  [andT]  observed  the  encainp- 
Bent  as  before.  By  this  time  the  enemy  had  marched  Bodys  of 
iktit  Forces  &  attacked  Fort  Ontario  with  Musquetry  which  they 
continued  for  two  days,  when  the  English  Garrison  abandoned  it, 
first  spiking  their  small  Cannon,  threw  their  Powder  into  a  well, 
9t  retired  mto  the  old  Fort,  soon  after  the  enemy  dre  a  up  their 
C^umon  to  Fort  Ontario  in  number  8  or  9  and  cannonaded  the  old 
IV>rt,  which  continued  for  34  hours  when  Lieut  Col  Littlehales, 
who  succeeded  to  the  command  upon  Lieut  Coll  Mercers  being 
killed  sent  out  an  Officer  &  Drum  with  a  white  Flag;,  soon  after 
the  surrender  took  place,  &  the  French  possession  of  the  Fort, 
that  the  Garrison  were  made  prisoners  of  War  ^  well  used,  that 
the  vessels  which  were  all  in  Port,  was  soon  after  taken  possession 
of  by  the  French,  during  the  siege  was  killed  Lieut  Coll.  Mercer 
Capt"  Hind  of  the  Train  of  Artillery  and  ei^ht  or  nine  private 
men,  &  one  Engineer  wounded,  he  further  says  that  the  Enemy's 
force  was  reported  to  be  three  thousand  Regulars  &  a  great  num- 
ber of  Indians,  These  two  accounts  tho'  not  materially  different 
are  greatly  so  from  an  account  sent  me  from  Gen;  Willi's  Camp. 
Aji  Onandaga  Sachem  came  to  them  the  25^^  in  the  evening  with 
•tfings  of  Wampum  and  declared.  That  two  of  their  young  men 
tiiat  h^d  been  sent  to  Oswego  returned  to  their  Castle  &  reported 
liiat  Oswiego  was  not  taken  till  six,  days  before,  that  the  enemy 
ha^  put  the  whole  ta  the  sword,  eiiEcept  150,  sailors  carpenters 
9^  artificers  include^)  That  they  had  demolished  the  Works  & 
CTiicuated  the  place  carrying  away  the  shipping  Guns  ammunition 
&C),  i%at  they  had  laid  the  Dead  in  Bai^ki^  with  their  heads  in  the 
Water,  &  scattered  a  gre^t  quantity  of  Provisions  about  the  Place. 
'tbfi^t  they  told  the  Indians  upon  their  leaving  the  plac«)  You  see 
we , do  not  want  to  seize  yoiir  Lsnds,|  only  to  drive  the  English 
ftyray  whom  we  are  n^uch  obliged  to  for  supplying  us  with  Artil- 
lery &  Tools  which  we  were  in  wapt  of  to  tajb:e  their  Forts,  the 
Sac]biem  added  that  those,  that  gave  us  the,  former  accounts  weis 
d^fl^rters,who»  went  away  before  the  a^^  w^s  decided, 

These  are  all  the  particulars  I  can,  furnish  your  Lord^P*  witb» 
wjjth  respect  IQ  the  loss  of  Oswego* 


hy'  I 


wm.  tttiTiKc  TO  o.,rwo. 


dos^ 


'*•  following ,cc„„,,^.,/'j7*-« «..«.,  17M.  i^a.rt^ 

fc"b.«r  Of  0,w.g„ *  ^LtZ'.l'";  ""i"'  *"■' ""'  ^'^ 
from  For.  ft.u,i.,  ,fce  ««  7«  ,1  r"""""""  "««' «  "ita 

«  the  Bullets  one  of  them  «»    •  T  ^P  *  ^^fougbt  in  !»» 

■»».».oretl,.„  «„ckrf.j  with  .*T  ,'*^'"*°"«'"».»Wch 

op««l  Trench™  within  Pi  J^ot "  ZT^  ^^  ""  '"'"J- 
la'*  betw«n  one  &  two  i»  .i,.  «  '^"'•'  *  <»>  Wday  tlu 
oc«si,iina   of  arm  ""*  ""«™oon,tlK  wk„l.    '  '^."" 

n.^   J    .        ^''''  "«■  of  PeDnen.ll.  .  OamsoB 

B»tfo"l  of  that  Heginent  haveine^I!      oomB,.„,,«,  ^     papt. 

•»t.u*  of  twoSix\„nderr/.frf„T''B''  "'.'"<'»»»»  '^ 
a»"  Fort  ft  «„fc.,k,j  aboarf  mJ   B     ''"'''"-«'»"*»e'l 

oM  I^  0"«go,  without  tffeZtr  ""'  «<*  '«•  «» 
^tkey  remained  in  Port  Z^^i^uT  ""'  ''■•*>ir  «1» 

««  'W  neither  waaid  a2n,^r     1  "'^in.^t,  wou«lerf, 
""Ted  in  the  old  Pojt  Wo  I  •  !  o""*  '^  "™  »«*  they 
»*•  with  his  n«n  wen.  n^.!j  7   ^'  "  '*"'*»«  Coll  SchurW 
"•^•K^, this PoetWheenCrt^fo!      "^^  «* •"  Po^ 

a»«  tftwoon  incutting  dowL  1  n''^''°''"'™'^«'»P%«I' 
»«ta.gftsein«,  That  onaTnJat^."  '""J'""  *'»''  »»d 
F«»ch  opened  a  IVacineCjl^Tr*  "'^  "«  ""  «»' 
«»«.t.,f  Port  OhTa^T^/d      J"'™"  f  Omnon  b.f„„ 

«™,  &  played  upon  the  old  Port  Onregoi ' 


7 
■ 

i 
1 

r 

i 

\m 


P.^N 


,  I'l 


504 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWSOO. 


across  the  mouth  of  the  Harbor,  that  the  Garrison  on  their  side 
continued  to  fire  above  4  hours  with  12  Guns  and  4  Mortarsi 
whereof  one  of  the  latter  burst,  that  between  8  &  9  o  clock  that 
morning  Coll.  Mercer  was  killed  at  the  Battery  upon  which  the 
command  devolving  upon  Lieut  Coll.  Littlehales,  he  sent  for  Coll 
S  jhuyler  &  the  detachment  from  the  Redoubt  who  on  their  march- 
ing to  the  old  Oswego  Fort  had  two  men  killed  upon  Coll  Schuy- 
ler's arrival  a  council  of  War  consisting  of  the  Field  OflBcers  & 
Cajitains  was  called  and  presently  thereafter  orders  was  given  to 
cease  firing  upon  which  Lieut^  Montcreif  of  Shirleys  and  an  officer 
of  Pepperels  with  a  Sergeant  &  Drum  went  out  of  the  Works 
with  a  White  Flagg  in  order  to  cross  over  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Harbour,  upon  which  this  Declarant  said  to  Coll  Littlehales  that 
if  you  are  to  give  up  the  Fort  you  must  suffer  me  who  am  a 
deserter  from  the  French  to  make  the  Best  of  my  way,  because 
they  will  have  no  mercy  upon  me,  the  Colonel  replyed  that  he 
expected  to  march  out  with  the  Honors  of  Warr,  &  consequently 
he  the  Declarant  would  be  safe,  not  trusting  to  this,  he  with  seven 
more  who  had  formerly  deserted  from  the  French  had  leave  to 
make  their  escape,  but  before  they  got  quite  clear  they  saw  the 
French  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  Harbour  getting  into  Boats, 
and  amongst  them  some  cloathed  in  Red  faced  with  Green  which 
he  immagines  belongs  to  the  Irish  Brigade,  that  about  20  of  the 
Garrison  of  old  Fort  Oswego  were  killed  and  wounded,  and  that 
no  officer  was  killed  except  Lieut.  Coll.  Mercer,  nor  any  wounded 
but  Lieut  de  la  Cour  of  the  Artillery.  That  the  Enemys  battery 
was  raised  so  high  that  their  shott  plunged  in  amongst  them  and 
the  only  cover  they  had  towards  the  side  of  the  Lake  upon  which 
the  Enemys  Battery  chifly  pointed,  were  from  Barrels  of  Pork 
placed  by  way  of  parapet,  with  embrasures  through.  That  one 
Saturday  morning  the  14*'»  a  Party  of  the  French  forded  the  River 
about  Cannon  shot  from  the  old  Fort  who  remained  in  the  Woods 
without  coming  near  the  works.  That  there  was  no  sortie  made 
from  any  of  the  Forts  and  that  all  the  vessels  were  in  the  Port 
when  the  Place  was  given  up.  That  from  the  report  of  the  Se»- 
men  who  saw  the  French  Camp  they  judged  them  to  be  about 
4000  regulars,  besides  Canadians  &  Indians.    That  the  Garrison 


French  declare  thai  Lr,  ^lTTLi°  '"  '"  '*''"''"  ^om  tU 
«emy  appeared,  they  Cli   ""''^  ^  <Iue  to  them  whe"  Z 
-.  of  Peppe.e,s  J„  J^Vs^t^r  ?"""'•     '^'•^  '- 
they  have  received  „„  pay  f„  o  !"  t      ""^  *'  '^'"'l'  d^Iar. 
'  -  was  „„,y  uo  „e„'/t  fo  duT^Vr »  '''■«  '-'  win" 
of  the  mdependent  company^  ^"  ^^     '""\"'g™™ts  with  20 
ba   and  only  received  hal/ l^^l  "'.'r'^'^^-^'^me; 
had  resolved  to  quit  the  p wl  S  ""''  ««"  "™  "  that  id 
arrived.-      ;'■  '^        """""»  ^Wy  had  speedily 


'-?     K     'fj^ 


«< 


,'  S 


',li.r 


tfron  N.  r.  M«rcury.j 


Inclosed  you  have  a  List  of  Several  r 
other  Artificers  that  were  taken  ^r^'  ^T"""'  bailors  and 
here;  some  of  them  were  ZZT  ™'S°'  ^"^  »'«  »ow 

-re  sent  here  from  C^Jl'^To^rj^  ^'""^'  -"  o"- 
Roj-al  Anne,  and  some  in  the  Hn!n!  ,    ^      "'  ""  """"l  th. 

■re  to  be  sent  home  by  the  fi  st  ol    '  ^'•°''  •''^'"''  »^ 

Joseph  GM,„„,  ^.,,.^«-;^-tumty. 

Spenser,  Thomas  Ly„eaI,Da„ieSlnT^  Cosdrop,  Samuel 
Spngs,  Alexander  Ogelby  Phn  D  7  ,' '''""''  "^w^"".  Joshua 
«rd  Clannon,  Josept  P^o  'M  ,'  "^l"'""  «°"'™™.  Ed' 
John  Lum,  Samuel  Folilrs        ^"''  '  ^"^"^  ^'»" 

.-*-  Meloney,  C^  st^l^ltr ^ r\^-»"' 
'  For  another  ^„  ;•  »  ''"'''^^'    '^an^Qel 

^'"^razine,  vol.  xx^frs'Tw  '  *'^ '""''-'"  ^^  Oswego   se.  r    „ 


cm. 


?AF9H»  BBMlTINO  to  OSWXOO. 


^;l 


W--;l 


■?■■; 


Moot,  Neal  Walkinson,  Thos  Hogiii)  Benj.  Bachoonj  James  Cave- 
aagh)  John  Wood,  Dan.  Carpenter,  Benj.  Summer,  Jonas  Wright, 
Sam.  Miles,  Samuel  Noe,  William  Devenport,  Thomas  Godard, 
Pater  Wright,  Brier  Ooddard,  John  Tarlox,  James  Wilson,  Rich- 
wd  Brincroff,  Robert  Watts,  Arthur  Donaldson,  Joseph  January, 
Feter  Goodman,  William  Hunter,  William  Mullett,  Matthew 
Thompson,  Will.  Taylor,  Jacob  Fedrick,  Matthew  Bay  ley,  Robert 
Hart,  D^vid  Williams,  Diiniel  Noroway,  William  Kemp,  Severn 
Afidsrsor)  James  Gibson, 

[From  same.  Oct.  24 17671] 
In  the  packet  came  Passeng^er  also,  a  seaman  named  Edward 
Mariner  who  was  taken  at  Oswego.  He,  in  Company  with  M' 
John  Walters,  of  this  Place,  Robert  Isburn  &  son,  of  Philadel- 
phia; Capt  Rusco,  Lieutenants  Bickers  and  Prince,  with  Ensign 
Ogden,  of  the  New  Jersey  Provincial  Forces,  and  about  299  more, 
sailed  fromQueibeck  the  18**>  of  July  last,  in  a  Cartel,  and  arrived 

at  Plymouth,  in  28  days  afters He  informs  nn 

that  the  brave  Colonel  Peter  Schuyler  was  in  good  Health,  and 
the  great  Support  of  many  English  Prisoners,  without  whose 
assistance  several  of  them  would  have  been  reduced  to  the  greatest 
extremities..  Captain  [Jasper]  Farmer  [of  the  Artillery]  Son  of 
M*^  Jasper  Farmer,  of  this  City,  Merchant,  was  likewise  at  Que- 
beek,  when  our  Informant  came  away,  with  several  others  whose 
names  he  could  not  recollect ;  and  as  Provisions  were  very  scarce 
when  he  left  that,  'twas  said  the  remainder  of  the  Prisoners  were 
tt  be  sent  to  Old  France  in  the  Fall. 

.KoTB.— Further  particulars  of  the  operations  before  Oswego 
may  be  found  in  the  London  Magasrine  for  the  years  1756—1759. 


'm 


,>ci?';. 


■v»^s  ">tl ;  '•i^  U 


e\\    :.^:-.ii^»'    -*   .?•    J. 


1,  i 


es  Cave- 
Wright, 
Godard, 
3n,Ricb- 
January, 
Matthew 
y,  Robert 
p,  Severn 


XVIII. 


d  Edward 
r  vnth  M' 
;  Philadel- 
ith  Ensign 
;  299  more, 
and  arrived 
informs  u* 
lealth,  and 
lOut  whose 
the  greatest 
;ry]  Son  of 
rise  at  Que- 
thers  whose 
very  scarce 
loners  were 


^re  Oswego 
?56— 1759. 


PAPERS 


wmjoanroTam 


(Dnriba  Cojtnttq  anb  Mt^atak  ^ollq. 


1756,  1757. 


^r.'S' 


f 


KY. 


I       .       , 

jmorning,  the 
^nant  of  th« 

j  weakened  by 

[ice  they  left 

i  provisions.* 

[rying  place, 

who  Wert 

de  Lery 

IS  knocked 

Ired  to  con- 

f  should  use 

illhonaguin, 
laiukd  by 
quantity  of 
Constructed 
iside  to  a 
[that  it  had 
•||el  Johnson 
^m  by  the 
ifs  Fort  was 
^vening  for 
l^ng  with  9 
the  head  of 

I'lo  explore  the 
itid  Southwick, 
I  xru  about  two 

I 

(Ogdenlburgh) 
hs  known  only 
Id  Bull.  M»m. 
•  Qnebee,  1838* 


I 

i 


I    ! 


'i 


w>.- 


•a 


^v  FrrWim 


\ 


J7ie^Mr^hawkRiver&^^  Wot 

Skewim/ 
The  IielaUv€  Tositw 

Mm  Mull  Jf^rt  Mi 

and 
The  G^rifian  I'Ya 


Hantfrlhidii*  JUl*iinr 


\t 


m^w- 


River^'  Wood Creeh 
"iv€  Tos'itwris  of 
and 


12»4gG  780        lUMUeo 

J___l I  I  I l_ I I I l_ 


m 


W' 


I*'!:;' 


M-i 


( 


'ill 


IL^ 


II 


'.  i 


if;intfrDiuIu«  AltnLir 


77/ 


'//■ 


J^cr 


ifv-*." 


A 


77/, 


JV 


.<,.-*-■ 


CAPTURE  OF  FORT  BULL/  BY  W.  DE  LERY. 

[ParU  Doe.  XII.] 

On  the  27  March  1756  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
detachments  commanded  by  M.  de  Lery,  Lieutenant  of  th« 

Colonial  troops,  commenced  their  march,  very  much  weakened  by 
the  fatigue  they  experienced  during  fifteen  days  since  they  left 
Montreal,  for  they  were  two  days  entirely  out  of  provisions." 
At  half  past  five  they  arrived  at  the  road  to  the  Carrying  place, 
and  the  scouts  in  advance  brought  in  two  Englishmen  who  were 
coming  from  the  fort  nearest  to  Chouaguin,  whom  M.  de  Lery 
caused  to  be  informed  that  he  should  have  their  brains  knocked 
out  by  the  Indians  if  he  perceived  that  they  endeavored  to  con- 
ceal the  truth,  and  if  they  communicated  it  to  him,  he  should  use 
all  his  efforts  to  extricate  them  from  their  hands. 

These  prisoners  stated  that  the  Fort,  this  side  of  Chouaguin, 
was  called  Bull,  having  a  garrison  of  60  soldiers,  commanded  by 
a  lieutenant,  that  there  was  in  this  fort  a  considerable  quantity  of 
munitions  of  war  and  provisions ;  that  the  fort  was  constructed 
of  heavy  pickets,  15  to  18  feet  above  ground,  doubled  inside  to  a 
man's  height,  and  was  nearly  of  the  shape  of  a  star ;  that  it  had 
no  cannon,  but  a  number  of  grenadoes  which  Colonel  Johnson 
had  sent  on  intelligence  being  communicated  to  him  by  the 
Indians  of  our  march ;  that  the  Commandant  of  this  Fort  was 
called  Bull  j  that  15  batteaux  were  to  leave  in  the  evening  for 
Chouaguin;  that  at  the  moment  sleighs  were  arriving  with  9 
batteaux  loads  j  that  the  fort  on  the  Corlear  side,  at  the  head  of 

1  Thii  Fort  is  referred  to  in  a  Report  of  a  Committee  appointed  to  explore  tlM 

Western  Waters  in  the  State  of  New-Yorlt. Albany,  Barber  and  Southwick, 

1792.  It  is  laid  down  in  Sauthier's  Map,  as  fort  Bute.  Its  situation  was  about  two 
miles  west  of  Rome.    See  Outline  Map  annexed. 

2  He  left  on  the  17th  March  on  the  ice,  passed  by  La  PresentaUon  (Ogdensburgh) 
and  proceeded  across  the  country  and  along  the  mountains,  by  paths  known  only 
to  the  savages  to  within  a  short  distance  of  one  of  those  Forts  called  Bull.  Mem. 
murUioff.Ou  Canada  dtp.  1749  jusq.  1760.    published  by  Hist.  Soc.  Quebec,  1838. 


'S  t 

m 


Li  .'', 


1 

•   V 

1 

* 

-f 

\ 

f  '( 


%■ 


•^       I 


¥ 


ill  I 


ft  .i  .:    iV 


610 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA 


the  Carrying  Place  was  of  much  larger  pickets  and  well  planked, 
having  four  pieces  of  Cannon  and  a  garrison  of  150  men,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Williams,  whose  name  the  fort  bore ;  that  they 
did  not  know  if  there  were  any  provisions  in  the  fort  not  having 
been  in  it.  ^ 

At  10  o'clock  the  savages  captured  10  men  who  were  conduct- 
ing the  sleighs  loaded  with  provisions.  These  confirmed  what 
the  prisoners  had  stated  and  added  that  100  men  arrived  at  8 
o'clock  on  the  preceding  evening,  who  were  said  to  be  followed 
by  a  large  force. 

Monsieur  de  Lery  whilst  occupying  himself  in  distributing 
among  his  detachment  the  provisions  found  in  the  sleigh^,  was  in- 
formed that  a  Negro  who  accompanied  the  loads  had  escr.ped  taking 
the  road  to  Fort  Williams;  whereupon  not  doubting  but  they 
would  have  intimation  of  him  at  that  fort,  he  acquainted  M.  de 
Montigny,  his  second,  of  his  determination  to  attack  Fort  Bull, 
the  prisoners  having  assured  him  that  the  greater  part  of  the  pro- 
visions and  stores  were  there.  Each  officer  received  immediate 
orders  to  form  his  brigade  and  M  de  Ler)  toH  the  savages  that 
he  was  about  to  attack  the  Bull,  but  they  represented  to  him  that 
now  they  had  provisions  to  carry  the  detachment  to  La  Presenta- 
tion— English  meat  that  the  Master  of  Life  had  bestowed  on 
them,  without  costing  a  man — ^to  risk  another  affair  would  he 
be  to  go  contrary  to  His  will ;  if  he  desired  absolutely  to  perish 
he  was  master  of  his  frenchmen,  llie  Commander  replied  that 
he  did  not  wish  to  expose  them  and  asked  them  only  for  two  In- 
dians to  guide  his  expedition  which  they  with  difficulty  granted. 
Some  twenty  determined  afterwards  to  follow  him  being  encour- 
aged by  some  drams  of  brandy.  The  Algonquins,  Nepissings 
and  those  Iroquois  who  were  unwilling  to  follow  him,  accepted 

1  The  neeeisity  of  fortifying  tliii  Pan  wu  pointed  out>  for  the  first  time,  in 
Oct.  yidOf  by  a  Dumber -of  Indian  Traders  who  petitioned  the  Assembly  to  erect 
a  fort  at  "  the  Ganryinff  Place  at  the  upper  end  of  the  Mohawk  River.'*  Wbea 
Fort  Williams  was  erected  has  not  been  ascertained.  There  was  a  Fort  WUUam 
in  the  Mohawk  Country  as  early  as  1745-4.  but  whether  it  be  identical  with  Fort 
WUttmm  is  nndetemdned.  Hie  latter  stood  until  1756,  when  it  was  destroyed  by 
Oen'I  Webb  on  his  fiuboas  flight  from  Wood  creek  immediately  after  the  fidl  of 
Oswego.  It  was  succeeded  in  17fi8  by  Fort  Stanwix  and  finally  by  the  present 
«tty  of  Bone,  Oaelda  Co. 


^ 


COUNTRY  AMD  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


611 


the  proposition  made  by  M  de  Lery  to  guard  the  road  and  the  12 
prisoners.  They  assured  the  Commander  that  he  may  make  the 
attack ;  they  would  take  possession  of  the  road  and  watch  the 
movements  of  the  English  at  Fort  Williams. 

The  detachment  having  commenced  their  march  along  the  high 
road,  the  soldiers  having  their  bayonets  fixed,  M  de  Lery  gave 
orders,  when  within  15  acres  of  the  fort,  to  move  strait  forward 
without  firing  a  shot,  and  seize  the  guard  on  entering  the  fort. 
He  was  still  6  acres  off  when  he  heard  the  whoop  of  the  savages^ 
notwithstanding  the  prohibition  he  had  issued.  He  instantly 
ordered  an  advance  double  quick  in  order  to  carry  the  gate  of  the 
Fort,  but  the  enemy  had  time  to  close  it.  Six  Indians  only 
followed  the  French :  the  others  pursued  six  Englishmen  who 
unable  to  reach  the  fort  threw  themselves  into  the  bush. 

M.  de  Lery  set  some  men  to  cut  down  the  gate,  and  caused  the 
Commandant  to  be  summoned  to  surrender,  promising  quarter  to 
:bim  and  all  his  garrison  ;  to  which  he  only  answered  by  a  fire  of 
musketry  and  by  throwing  a  quantity  of  grenades.  Our  soldiers 
fluid  Canadians  who  ran  full  speed  the  moment  the  Indians  whooped, 
got  possession  of  the  portholes ;  through  these  they  fired  on  such 
of  the  English  as  they  could  get  a  sight  of.  Great  efforts  were 
made  to  batter  down  the  gate  which  was  finally  cut  in  pieces  i^ 
about  an  hour.  Then  the  whole  detachment  with  a  cry  of  Vivt 
ie  Roi  rushed  into  the  Fort  and  put  every  one  to  the  sword  they 
could  lay  hands  on.  One  woman  and  a  few  soldien  only  were 
fortunate  enough  to  escape  the  fury  of  our  troops.  Some  pretend 
that  only  one  prisoner  was  made  during  this  action.'  'I 

The  Commandant  and  Officers  repaired  to  the  stores  and  caused 
their  men  to  use  diligence  in  throwing  the  barrels  of  powder  into 
the  river,  but  one  of  the  Magazines  having  caught  fire  and  M. 
de  Lery  considering  that  he  could  not  extinguish  it  without  incur- 
ring the  risk  of  having  the  people  blown  up  who  should  be 


1  <<  Except  five  p«nona  th«y  put  eveiy  soul  they  found  to  the  sword."  A  faith- 
ful Narrative  offht  dangert,  t^fering»  and  deUvtraneei  of  tUHmt  EatOturnt  and  Mft 
captivity  among  the  Indianu  in  North  Amtriea.  Annual  Reg.  Vol.  I.  Anno,  17fi8i> 
This  East  burn  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  French  oo  tbk  occasion  and  removed  t9 
a  town  called  "  Oswegotchy."  .>   .'•.■.■}  i;'j 


1'^^  jr  ^,   '  "1 


612 


PAPERS  RCLATINO  TO  THE  ONEIDA 


employed  there,  gave  orders  to  retire  as  quick  as  possible.  There 
vras  hardly  time  to  do  this  when  the  fire  communicated  to  the 
powder  which  blew  up  at  three  points.  The  explosion  was  so 
violent  that  a  soldier  of  Guyenne  and  an  Iroquois  of  the  Saiilt 
were  wounded  by  the  debris  of  the  fort  though  they  were  already 
at  a  distance.  The  Indian  especially  is  in  danger  of  losing  his 
life  by  the  wound.' 

A  detachment  was,  however,  sent  to  look  after  the  bagage  that 
remained  on  the  road  and  shortly  after  an  Indian  came  to  notify 
M  de  Lery  that  the  English  were  making  a  sortie.  This  caused 
him  to  rally  his  forces  and  placing  himself  on  the  bank  of  the 
creek  he  had  the  bombs,  grenades,  bullets  and  all  the  ammunition 
that  could  be  found,  thrown  notwithstanding  into  the  water. 
He  had  the  15  batteaux  staved  in,  and  then  set  out  to  meet  the 
sortie  of  which  he  had  been  informed.  But  he  learned  on  the  road 
that  the  Indians  had  repulsed  it  after  having  killed  17  men.  This 
sortie  was  from  Fort  Williams  on  the  intelligence  carried  thither 
by  the  Negro.  The  Indians  who,  unwilling  to  attack  Fort  Bull, 
took  charge  of  the  road,  acquitted  themselves  so  well  that  this 
detachment  quickly  retreated  with  a  loss  of  17  men.  The  Indians 
coming  some  hours  after  to  congratulate  M  de  Lery  on  his  fortu- 
nate success  failed  not  to  make  the  most  of  their  advantage. 

A  Chief  asked  him  if  he  proposed  attacking  the  other  fort ; 
which  was  nothing  more  than  a  boast  on  his  part.  M  de  Lery 
replied  he  would  proceed  forthwith  if  the  Indians  would  follow 
him.  This  reply  drove  this  Chief  off  and  all  those  of  his  party 
prepared  to  follow.  Our  troops  did  the  same  and  encamped  in 
the  wood  three  quarters  of  a  league  from  the  fort.  The  fort  Bull 
prisoners  were  examined  and  we  learned  that  Colonel  Johnson 
having  been  informed  of  our  march  had  sent  notice  to  all  the 
posts,  regarding  it,  however,  as  impossible  in  consequence  of  the 
rigor  of  the  season.  Fort  Bull  is  situate  near  a  small  creek  that 
falls  into  that  of  Chouaguin  about  four  miles  from  the  fort.   Fort 

1  He  was  scarcely  four  arpent  offwhen  the  fire  communicating  to  the  rest  of  the 
powder  blew  up  the  fort.  The  buildings  were  carried  away  and  whatever  remain- 
ed was  in  an  instant  in  a  blaze.  The  shock  was  so  violent  and  the  commotion  to 
great,  that  his  troop,  seized  with  terror^  fell  on  their  knees.  JIfsm.  Sur  tu  c^. 
dtt  Canada. 


\ 


COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


613 


rhere 

0  the 
ras  80 

SaiiU 
Iready 
ng  his 

ge  that 

notify 
caused 

of  the 
lunition 

•water, 
teet  the 
the  road 
a.   This 

1  thither 
ort  Bull, 
that  this 

Indians 
ds  fortu- 
ne, 
ler  fort; 

de  Lery 
Id  follow 
his  party 
amped  in 
!  fort  Bull 
I  Johnson 
to  all  the 
ince  of  the 
creek  that 
fort.  Fort 

he  restof  tba 
;eTerremain- 
iommotion  ■> 
».  Sur  lu  v9' 


WillianQS  is  near  the  River  Mohawk  which  falls  into  that  of  Cor- 
lar.  Tlic  Carrying  place  from  one  Fort  to  the  other  is  about  four 
miles  long  over  a  pretty  level  country  though  swampy  in  somt 
places. 

M  de  Lory's  detachment  was  15  officers,  2  Cadets,  10  soldiers 
of  the  Queen's  Regiment,  17  of  Guyenne's,  22  of  Beam's,  27  of 
the  Colony  ;  in  all  93  soldiers  :  166  Canadians,  33  Iroquois  from 
the  Lake  of  Two  Mountains,  33  from  La  Presentation,  18  from 
Sault  St.  Louis,  3  from  St.  Bigin,  3  Abenakis  of  Missiskoui,  2 
Algonquins,  and  11  Nipissings.  Total  362  men,  265  of  whom 
attacked  the  fort.  A  soldier  of  the  Colony  and  an  Indian  from 
La  Presentation  were  killed.  A  soldier  of  the  Queen's,  2  Cana- 
dians and  2  Iroquois  were  wounded. 

It  is  estimated  that  more  than  40  thousand  weight  of  powder 
was  burned  or  thrown  into  the  creek  with  a  number  of  Bombs, 
grenades,  and  balls  of  different  calibre.  A  great  deal  of  salted 
provisions,  bread,  butter,  chocolate,  sugar  and  other  p'^ovisions 
were  likewise  thrown  into  the  water.  The  stores  were  filled  with 
clothes  and  other  effects  which  were  pillaged  ;  the  remainder 
burnt.  This  day  cost  the  English  90  men  of  whom  30  are  prison- 
ers.    Our  detachment  killed  or  captured  30  horses. ' 

1  After  this  exploit  they  retired  to  the  woods  and  formed  their  main  body 
nrliieh  consisted  of  4(X)  French  and  3U0  Indians  commanded  by  one  of  the  principal 
gentlemen  of  Quebec  ;  as  soon  as  they  got  together,  they  threw  themselves  on 
their  knees  and  returned  thanks  to  God  for  their  Victory  ;  an  example  says  ICast- 
burn  well  worthy  of  imitation.  Ttiey  continued  their  march  through  the  woods 
about  four  miles,  and  then  it  being  darlt,  and  several  Indians  being  drunk,  they 
encamped.  .  .  .  They  encamped  and  rested  much  in  the  same  manner  the 
night  following;  tui4  the  next  morning,  Sunday  the  28th,  they  rose  very  early  and 
retreated  hastily  towards  Canada,  for  fear  of  General  Johnson  who  as  they  were 
informed  was  on  his  march  against  them.  .  .  .  After  a  march  of  seven  days 
they  arrived  at  Lake  Ontario  where  they  were  met  by  some  French  batteaus  with 
a  large  supply  of  provisions,  of  which  they  had  been  so  much  in  want  that  they 
had  subsisted  during  some  part  of  their  march  upon  horse  flesh,  and  had  even 
devoured  a  porcupine  without  any  other  dressing  than  sufficed  just  to  scorch  off 
the  hair  and  quills.  Easiburn,  after  a  tedious  voyage  with  part  of  this  company, 
arrived  at  Oswegotcyy  an  Indian  town.— £o»tbMrfl'«  Narrative. 

Those  who  may  not  have  access  to  the  Vol.  of  the  Annual  Reg.  containing  this 
Nar.  will  find  it  reprinted  in  Loudon's  Coll.  of  Ind.  Narratives,  Carlisle,  Pa.,  1811, 
Vol  ii|  Incidents  of  Border  Life,  Chambersburgh,  Pa.,  1839;  also  in  Drake's 
Tragedies  of  the  Wilderness,  Boston,  1841. 


!t  ! 


88 


514 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA 


[N.  Y.  Mercury,  April  5, 1756.] 

By  an  Express  that  arrived  here  on  Friday  last,  from  Albany, 
we  are  told  that  a  Number  of  French  &  Indians  had  attacked 
Lieutenant  Bull,  and  30  men,  that  were  posted  at  the  upper  End 
of  the  Great  Carrying  Place  ;  that  he,  &  some  of  his  People  were 
killed,  and  a  small  store  and  Provisions  in  it  burnt ;  &  that  they 
were  in  Pain  for  some  of  their  Battoes,  which  they  feared  were 
cut  off  by  the  enemy.  ,.. 
^ ,  >     .•:.>(  [From  the  same,  April  12.]  -  •    '         i 

What  we  have  been  able  to  collect  from  some  Letters  and 
Verbal  Information  is  as  follows,  viz*.  '  ;•  •?  . 

That  about  the  18*  March  [O.  S.]  a  large  Body  of  French  & 
Indians  attacked,  and  cut  off  16  of  our  Battoes,  near  the  Carrying 
Place,  &  either  killed  or  captivated  the  greatest  Part  of  the  People; 
that  as  soon  as  the  Officer  that  commanded  about  35  men  that 
were  posted  there,  heard  the  firing,  he  detached  a  party  to  their 
Assistance,  and  as  they  did  not  return  agreeable  to  his  Expectation, 
he  sent  another  Detachment,  which  so  weakened  the  Garrison, 
that  a  Number  of  the  Enemy  that  lay  in  Ambush,  rushed  in,  put 
them  all  to  the  sword,  blew  up  the  Powder,  &  destroyed  the 
Garrison,  whilst  the  rest  of  the  Enemy  were  engaged  with  our 
people,  whom  they  killed  or  carried  off,  as  only  one  was  arrived 
at  Fort  Williams,  the  20th  of  March,  as  will  appear  by  the 
following  Letter.  .  i 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Fort  Williams^  dated  the  20*  March  1756. 

These  may  serve  to  inform  you,  that  we  arrived  here  safe 
Yesterday  about  Eleven  o'Clock.  The  People  that  were  trans- 
porting Lansing's  Provisions,  were  attacked  between  this  and  the 
Marsh,  by  a  Body  of  French  and  Indians,  and  are  all,  but  one 
that  got  in  here,  either  killed  or  taken  Prisoners ;  their  names 
you  have  underneath.  The  Fort  at  Wood  Creek  is  burnt  down, 
and  none  of  Lansing's  Men,  or  the  Red  Coats  are  as  yet  come  in. 
Just  now  the  Commissary  arrived  from  Oswego,  and  informs  us, 
that  the  20  Battoes  sent  there  by  Capt  W^illiams,  ^ere  safe  arrived 


COUNTKY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


516 


vli'lV 


I  Albany, 
attackeil 
)per  End 
ople  were 
that  they 
ared  were 


.i 


etters  an 


French  & 
e  Carrying 
he  People; 
5  men  that 
rty  to  their 
xpectation, 
!  Garrison, 
hed  in,  put 
itroyed  the 
I  with  our 
vas  arrived 
ear  by  the 

tarch  1756. 

1  here  safe 
were  trans- 
this  and  the 
ill,  but  one 
;heir  names 
urnt  down, 
et  come  in. 
informs  us, 
safe  arrived 


to  their  great  Joy ;  and  that  the  People  in  Garrison  were  pretty 
hearty.  All  Lansing's  Provisions  are  destroyed,  as  well  as  the 
Powder  that  was  in  the  Garrison,  the  People  laid  in  Heaps  and 
burnt.  John  Davids,  Henry  Dawson,  James  Tock,  George  Rober- 
son,  John  Tuyle,  John  Griefey,  John  Pain,  and  Closs  Marseillis, 
went  down  Wood  Creek  last  Wednesday,  whether  they  are  taken 
or  not,  we  cannot  tell.  We  believe  John  Davis  got  safe  to  Oswego, 
as  the  Commissary  met  him  on  the  other  Side  of  the  Lake.  Philip 
Lansing  and  John  Van  Alle,  are  safe  here  yet,  with  the  rest  of 
of  their  Men.  Just  now  70  of  our  Indians  are  came  in,  and 
acquaints  us,  that  by  the  Tracts  of  the  Enemy,  they  imagined 
there  was  at  least  500  of  them.  The  Names  of  the  Persons, 
Residents  in  and  about  Albany,  and  supposed  to  be  killed,  are  as 
follow,  viz\  John,  Jacob,  and  Andries  Kidnee,  John  Vanderhey- 
<len.  Jacobus  Sickles,  Wolker  Dawson,  Anthony  Brandt,  Peter 
Giffins,  Cornelius  Sprong,  three  Servants  &  five  Negroes.       . . ,  , 


FRENCH  DESCENT  ON  THE  GERMAN  FIATTS. 

[Paris  Doc.  XIII.] 


:.l 


Summary  of  M.  de,  Belletre's  Expedition^  the  28*  J^ovemher^  1757. 

M.  de  Belletre  with  his  detachment  of  about  300  men.  Marines, 
Canadians  and  Indians,  arrived  notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles 
of  the  season  and  the  greatest  scarcity  of  provisions,  at  the  river 
a  la  Famine  [Black  river,]  where  he  met  seven  or  eight  Non- 
tagu^s  who  on  a  message  reported  to  them  in  the  General's  name, 
expressed  delight  in  uniting  with  him. 

He  continued  his  route  and  after  inexpressible  fatigues  and 
suffering  reached  the  vicinity  of  the  Oneida  Castle  whither  he 
sent  four  influential  Indians  as  bearers  of  the  General's  Word. 

He  continued  his  march  as  far  as  the  River  Corlaer  and  had  the 
satisfaction  of  examining  five  English  forts  abandoned  by  com- 
mand for  that  erected  since  the  reduction  of  Chouaguen,  on  the 
«ite  of  Old  Fort  Bull. 

The  Indians,  informed  that  there  was  a  garrison  of  350  men  in 


516 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  TUB  ONEIDA 


a  Fort  named  Kouari  situate  on  the  said  river  about  a  quarter  of  a 
league  from  the  Village  of  ihe  Palatines'  did  not  fail  to  exhibit 
fear,  but  M.  de  Belletre  having  told  them  that  their  Father  did 
not  despatch  a  picked  detachment,  so  well  selected,  except  to  make 
a  blow  of  some  interest,  they  recovered  their  courage  and  evinceJ 
a  lively  ardor,  except  some  young  Warriors  and  aged  men  who 
gave  in,  already  fatigued  by  a  weary  march. 

The  four  Savages  sent  to  the  Oneidas  returned  with  the  six 
warriors  of  that  tribe  Avho  joined  our  detachment,  and  told  M.  de 
Belletre  that  they  had  no  other  will  than  that  of  their  Father. 

On  the  11th  November  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  M.  de 
Belletre,  preceded  as  was  his  custom  by  the  scouts  crossed  the 
River  Corlaer  [Mohawk]  with  his  detachment,  partly  swimming, 
partly  in  the  water  up  to  the  neck.  He  encamped  at  night  fall 
in  the  woods  a  league  and  a  half  from  the  first  of  the  five  forts 
that  covered  the  Palatine  Settlements.        .  m     ■       "        ■'  - 

The  12th  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  he  gave  his  detach- 
ment the  order  of  March  and  attack  so  as  to  surround  the  said 
five  forts  and  the  entire  Palatine  V^iliage,  consisting  of  sixty 
houses. 

Though  M.  de  Belletre  knew  that  the  English  got  notice  the 
day  preceding,  yet  that  the  courage  of  the  Indians  may  not 
receive  the  least  check  and  to  show  them  he  would  not  rashly 
expose  them,  he  liberated  an  Indian  of  the  Five  Nations  whom 
he  had  until  th«n  detained  under  suspicion.  But  this  Savage 
could  not  injure  M.  de  Belletre  because  he  commenced  at  the 
same  time  to  attack  the  five  forts  and  the  Palatines'  houses. 

At  sight  of  the  first  fort  he  decided  to  take  it  by  assault.  The 
enemy  kept  up  the  most  active  fire  of  musketry  but  the  intre- 
pidity with  which  M.  de  Belletre,  with  all  the  Officers  and  Cana- 
dians of  his  detachment  advanced,  coupled  with  the  war  whoop 
of  the  Indians,  terrified  the  English  to  the  degree  that  the  Mayor 

1  This  fort,  to  which  so  much  reference  is  made  in  a  subsequent  paper  describ- 
ing the  Yalley  of  the  Mohawk,  was  situate  on  the  South  side  of  the  Mohawk 
River,  nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  West  Canada  Greek,  in  what  is  now  the 
Town  of  German  Flatts.  It  is  alluded  to  by  Lt.  Gov.  Delancey  (see  post  p.  518) 
as  "  Fort  Hareniger,"  and  is  now  known  as  Fort  HtrMmvr.  The  settlement  de 
•troyed  by  the  French  was  on  the  opposite,  or  North  side  of  the  Mohawk. 


COUNTKY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLET. 


617 


liter  of  a 

0  exhibit 
ather  did 
t  to  make 

1  evinced 
Bften  who 


■.X:  , 


th  the  six 
old  M.  de 
Father, 
oon  M.  de 
rossed  the 
swimming, 
:  night  fall 
e  five  forts 

his  detach- 
ad  the  said 
ig  of  sixty 

t  notice  the 
s  may  not 

not  rashly 

itions  whom 

|this  Savage 

inced  at  the 

houses. 
Issault.    The 

it  the  intre- 

•s  and  Cana- 
■war  whoop 

it  the  Mayor 

I  paper  describ- 
of  the  Mohawk 
Jwhat  is  now  the 
Isee  post  p.  618) 
le  settlement  de 
lohawk. 


of  the  Village  of  the  Palatines,  who  commanded  the  said  Fort, 
cpened  the  doors  and  asked  for  quarter. 

M.  de  Bclletre  lost  no  time  in  repairing  to  the  second,  the 
third,  the  fourth  and  fifth  which  were  not  less  intimidated  than 
the  first  by  his  intrepidity  and  the  cries  of  the  Indians.  They  all 
surrendered  at  discretion,  and  were  entirely  burnt. 

During  this  time  a  party  of  Canadians  and  Indians  ravaged  and 
burnt  the  said  60  houses  of  the  Palatines,  their  barns  and  other  out 
buildings  as  well  as  the  Water  Mill. 

In  all  these  expeditions  about  40  English  perished—  killed  or 
drowned.  The  number  of  prisoners  is  nearly  150  men,  women 
and  children,  among  whom  is  the  Mayor  of  the  Village,  the  Sur- 
geon and  some  Militia  Officers.  We  had  not  a  man  killed  j  but 
M.  de  Lorimier,  officer,  was  wounded  in  the  right  side  by  a  ball, 
and  three  or  four  Savages  slightly.  -      <:.    ^ 

The  damage  inflicted  on  the  enemy  is  estimated  according  to 
the  representations  of  the  English  themselves,  To  wit 

In  grain  of  ull  sorts,  a  much  larger  quantity  than  the  Island  of 
Montreal  has  produced  in  years  of  abundance. 

The  same  of  hogs. 

3000  horned  cattle, 

3000  sheep, 

All  these  articles  were  to  have  been  sent  in  a  few  days  to  Corlaer 
(Schenectady.) 

1500  horses,  300  of  which  were  taken  by  the  Indians  and  the 
greater  number  consumed  for  the  support  of  the  detachment. 

The  property  in  furniture,  wearing  apparel,  merchandize  and 
liquor  might  form  a  capital  of  1,500,000  livres.  The  Mayor  of 
the  Village  alone  has  lost  400,000. 

The  French  and  Indians  have  acquired  as  rich  a  booty  as  they 
could  carry  otF.  They  have  in  specie  more  than  100,000  livres. 
One  Indian  alone  has  as  much  as  30,000.  There  was  likewise 
plundered  a  quantity  of  Wampum,  silver-bracelets  &c,  scarlet 
cloth  and  other  Merchandize  which  may  form  a  capital  of  80,000 
more. 

All  this  damage  could  not  be  done  short  of  48  hours.  M  de 
Belletre  made  provision  to  be  always  able  to  resist  the  enemy,  who 


M 


§18 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THt  ONEIDA 


as  has  been  observed,  were  to  the  number  of  350  men  in  the  said 
Fort  Kouari,  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  field  of  battle. 

In  fact,  on  the  13">  at  7  o'Clock  in  the  morning,  50  English- 
men accompanied  by  some  Mohawks  left  the  said  Fort,  but  as  soon 
as  they  were  perceived  our  Frenchmen  and  Indians  went  to  meet 
them  double  quick,  and  forced  them  to  swim  across  the  river  after 
receiving  several  discharges  of  Musketry.  The  number  that 
perished  cannot  be  estimated.  At  noon  the  same  day,  M  de 
Belletre  gave  orders  to  his  detachment  to  commence  their  return 
march. 

On  the  15^^  he  sent  an  Oneida,  who  is  much  attached  to  the 
General,  with  some  Chiefs  from  the  Sault  and  St.  Francis  to  bear 
a  message  to  the  Oneidas  by  which  he  communicated  to  them  the  \ 
success  he  experienced ;  invited  them  to  persevere  in  their  good 
Sentiments  and  not  to  fear  the  English.  Our  Oneida  delegate 
rejoined  M  Belletre  at  the  River  Au  Sable  [Sandy  Creek,  Jeffer. 
Co.]  and  told  him  that  the  Five  Nations  had  sent  three  Belts  to 
the  Oneida  Villages  of  which  they  wished  him  to  take  charge  as  a 
present  to  the  General.  By  these  they  demand  assistance  to 
resist  the  English  being  about  to  experience  their  resentment 
inasmuch  as  they  refused  to  allow  four  of  their  Chiefs  to  enter 
Fort  Kouari  having  fired  several  shots  at  them  This  had  obliged 
the  Oneidas  to  withdraw  their  women  and  children  from  the  Lake 
side,  hoping  their  Father  will  protect  them. 


J..>,'  rif 


'\aCt 


W.  m  LANCY  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 


.iff 


.-",1!;  V    *«i 


,f        [Lond.  Doo.  ZXXIY.]       >   •«      !•., 
y^'!''   -'■;  '    n-.-  ;;  ■!  -ff  ;/;:  i,  .'m  -r-u'  New Tork 6.  January,  16S8. 

It  may  be  proper  to  acquaint  your  Lordships  that  we  had  the 
misfortune  on  the  12*^  November  to  loose  a  valuable  settlement 
on  the  North  side  of  the  Mohawks  river  opposite  to  Fort  Hareniger, 
called  the  German  Flatts,  the  loss  is  estimated  at  twenty  thousand 
pounds  this  money,  it  is  as  fertile  a  piece  of  ground  as  any  perhaps 
in  the  world  the  settlers  were  generally  rich,  and  had  good  build- 
ings on  their  lands,  some  of  the  inhabitants  were  slain,  about  one 


I    I 


COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


519 


he  idA^ 
battle. 
Inglish- 
as  soon 
to  meet 
rer  after 
jer  that 
',  M  de 
ir  return 

d  to  the 
s  to  bear 
them  the 
leir  good 

delegate 
k,  Jeffer. 
J  Belts  to 
large  as  a 
stance  to 
esentment 

to  enter 
ad  obliged 
1  the  Lake 

ii,'--'  • 

mary,  1668. 
re  had  the 

settlement 
Hareniger, 
;y  thousand 
iny  perhaps 

■ood  build- 
about  one 


hundred  carried  into  captivity,  their  houses  and  barns  with  the 
crops  destroyed  by  Fire.  This  was  done  by  a  party  of  about  three 
hundred  Canadians  &  Indians;  the  people  there  thought  themselves 
in  great  security  and  though  advertised  of  the  approach  of  the 
enemy,  they  neglected  the  advices  they  received  and  so  fell  an 
easy  prey. 


•^V  '  MR.  DAINE  TO  THE  MINISTER.  >^^'^ 

I,,    .  [Paris  Doc.  XIV.] 

Quebec,  19  May  1758. 
Annexed  are  two  little  Relations  or  Summaries  of  what  has 
occurred  of  most  interest  since  the  departure  of  the  fjhips  last  year. 
The  damage  inflicted  on  the  English  in  horned  cattle,  sheep  and 
horses  has  been  greatly  exaggerated  in  the  Relation  of  M.  de 
Bellestre's  expedition  of  the  28th  November  1757.  It  must  be 
diminished  at  least  a  good  half.  It  is  still  more  exaggerated  in 
regard  to  furniture,  wearing  apparel,  merchandize  and  liquors 
which  are  carried  up  to  fifteen  hundred  thousand  livres,  as  well  as 
the  loss  of  the  Palatine's  village  in  Indian  corn. 


M.  DE  VAUDREUIL  TO  THE  MINISTER. 


"  [Paris  Doc.  XY.] 

Montreal,  28  June  1758. 

M.  de  Bellestre's  success  last  autumn  in  destroying  the  village 
of  the  Palatines  and  carrying  the  forts  that  covered  it  would  have 
been  actually,  My  lord,  a  great  aid  to  the  Colony,  had  it  been 
possible  to  remove  the  considerable  portion  of  provisions  of  all 
sorts  found  in  that  village.  I  had  pajrticularly  provided  for  this 
by  the  orders  I  gave  that  officer.  But  circumstances  were  not 
sufficiently  favorable  to  execute  them.       '  '  ■"-  ■•  tl  >^"  )  •'  ha", 

I't.  M.  de  Bellestre  being  much  exposed  to  be  pursued  and 
perhaps  cut  ofif  by  a  force  infinitely  superior  to  his  own  was  under 
the  absolute  necessity  of  using  the  greatest  activity  in  his  opera- 
tions, success  depending  essentially  thereon.   He  was  consequently 


im,  f 


hi'- 


hr.  ■ 


'V 

'm 

^Pi 


6^0 


PAPERS  HELATIKG  TO  THE  ONEIDA 


unable  to  restrain  the  attack  of  his  detachment.  This  was  made 
by  one  party  with  all  possible  vigor  whilst  others  were  busy  firing 
the  houses,  barns  etca.  . 

2.  The  500  houses,  lost  by  the  enemy  in  this  affair,  were  not 
exactly  captured.  The  greater  part  were  killed  or  wounded,  and 
M.  de  Belletre  brought  with  him  but  a  very  small  number  which 
was  a  great  resource  to  him  to  support  his  detachment  on  his 
return. 

3^.  Had  he  ttU  those  horses  and  all  the  provisions  at  his 
disposal  he  could  not  absolutely  have  profited  by  them,  either 
because  it  was  prudent  for  him  to  hasten  his  retreat,  or  because 
the  transportation  of  the  provisions  had  been  utterly  impossible, 
both  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  the  roads  and  rivers  to  be 
passed  and  the  impossibility  of  feeding  the  horses.  \ 


nv-  5 


,   ;/  A  SUMMARY  NARRATIVE 

OF  THE  CONDUdt  OF  "itHfe  ONElDA  INDIAITS  (lItVING  AT  THE  UP^til 
town)  previous  to  THE  ATTACK  OF  THE  FRENCH  AND  THEIR 
INDIANS  UPON  THE  NORTH  SIDE  OF  THE  GERMAN  FLATS,  IN  THE 
PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK,  IN  Kt)VEMB£R,   1757. ' 

A  few  days  aft6r  this  Massacre  and  desolation  had  been  perpe- 
trated. Sir  William  Johnson  despatched  Geo.  Croghan,  Esq ; 
Deputy-agent,  with  M'  Montour,  the  Indian  interpreter,  to  the 
German  Flats,  where  he  understood  several  of  the  Oneida  and 
Tuscarora  Indians  were  assembled,  in  order  to  call  upon  those 
Indians  to  Explain  themselves  why  they  had  not  given  more 
timely  notice  to  the  Germans  of  the  designs  and  approach  of  the 
Enemy;  it  having  been  reported,  that  no  intelligence  had  been 
^ven  by  the  Indians,  until  the  same  morning  the  attack  was  made; 
and  as  these  Indians  might  naturally  be  supposed,  from  their  situa- 
tion and  other  circumstances,  to  have  had  earlier  knowledge  of 
thfe  Enemy's  design  and  march.  " 

1  Lyman  C.  Draper,  Esq.,  of  Phila.>  has  had  the  politeness  to  communicate  this 
•«  Narrative." 


COt'NTllY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


521 


s  made 
;y  filing 

"■ere  not 
led,  and 
zx  -which 
t  on  his 

IS  at  his 
B,  either 
'  because 
ipossible, 

ers  to  be 

\ 


HE  UPtfiR 
I^KD  THEIR 
IS,  IN  THE 


)een  perpe- 
;han,  Esq ; 
iter,  to  the 
Oneida  and 
upon  those 
ffiven  moriB 

ach  of  the 
ce  had  been 
£  was  made; 
their  situa- 

owledge  of 


1 


tmmunicate  this 


Before  M'  Croglmn  could  get  up  to  the  German-Flats,  the  afore- 
said Indians  were  on  their  road  homewards,  but  he  was  informed 
the  Chief  Sachem  of  the  Upper  Oneida  Town,  with  a  Tuscarora 
Sachem  and  another  Oneida  Indian,  were  still  about  four  miles 
from  Fort  Ilarkeman  :  upon  which  he  sent  a  messenger  to  ac  quaint 
them,  that  he  was  at  the  said  fort. 

The  aforesaid  Indians  returned,  and  on  the  30*''  of  November 
at  Fort  Ilarkeman,  Conaghquiesorij  the  Chief  Oneida  Sachem, 
made  the  following  speech  to  M""  Croghan,  having  first  calle<l  in 
one  Rudolph  Shumaker,  Hanjost  Harkman,  and  several  other  Ger- 
mans, who  understood  the  Indian  language,  and  desired  them  to 
sit  down  and  hear  what  he  was  going  to  say.        <  j 

Conaghquieson  then  proceeded  and  said : 

*  Brother^ 

*  I  can't  help  telling  you  that  we  were  very  much  surprised 
to  hear  that  our  brethren  the  English  suspect,  and  charge  us  with 
not  giving  them  timely  notice  of  the  designs  of  the  French,  as  it 
is  well  known  we  have  not  neglected  to  give  them  every  piece  of 
intelligence  that  came  to  our  knowledge. 

*  Brother^ 

*  About  fifteen  days  before  the  affair  happened,  we  sent  the 
Germans  word,  that  some  Swegatchi  Indians  told  us,  the  French 
were  determined  to  destroy  the  German-Flats,  and  desired  them 
to  be  on  their  guard.  About  six  days  after  that,  we  had  a  further 
account  from  Swegatchi,  that  the  French  were  preparing  to 
march. 

'  I  then  came  down  to  the  German  Flats,  and  in  a  meeting  with 
the  Germans,  told  them  what  we  had  heard,  and  desired  them  to 
collect  themselves  together  in  a  body,  at  their  fort,*  and  secure 
their  women,  children,  and  effects,  and  make  the  best  defence 
they  could  j  and  the  same  time  told  them  to  write  what  I  had  said 
to  our  brother  Warraghiyagey  (meaning  Sir  William  Johnsonf ) 
but  they  paid  not  the  least  regard  to  what  I  told  them ;  and 

*  A  stockaded  Work  roumt  tho  church,  and  a  block-house,  with  a  ditch,  and  a 
parapet  pallissadoed,  thrown  up  by  Sir  William  Johnson,  a  year  ago,  upon  an 
Alarm  then  given. 

t  They  never  aent  this  intelligence  to  Sir  William. 


M 


522 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA 


m:'' 


;l  'i 


laughed  at  me,  slapping  their  hands  on  their  buttocks,  saying  they 
did  not  value  the  Enemy:  Upon  which  I  returned  home,  and  sent 
one  of  our  people  to  the  Lake,  (meaning  the  Oneida  Lake)  to  find 
out  whether  the  Enemy  were  coming  or  not ;  after  he  had  staid 
there  two  days,  the  Enemy  arrived  at  the  Carrying-Place,  and 
sent  word  to  the  Castle  at  the  Lake,  that  they  were  there  ;  and 
told  them  what  they  were  going  to  do  ;  but  charged  them  not  to 
let  us  at  the  Upper  Castle  know  any  thing  of  their  design.  As 
soon  as  the  man  I  sent  there  heard  this,  he  came  on  to  us  with  the 
account  that  night  j  and  as  soon  as  we  received  it,  we  sent  a  belt 
of  Wampum  to  confirm  the  truth  thereof,  to  the  Flats,  which 
came  here  the  day  before  the  Enemy  made  their  attack  ;  but  the 
people  would  not  give  credit  to  the  account  even  then,  or  they 
might  have  saved  their  lives.*  This  is  the  truth,  and  those  Ger- 
mans here  present  know  it  to  be  so.'  ,,  .  ^  <;  =  •.  )  ^ 
The  aforesaid  Germans  did  acknowledge  it  to  be  so ;  and  that 
they  had  such  intelligence.                        •   .     » 

George  Croghan. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  ALBAjNY, 


■ii'\ 


■rh 


DATED  THE  13t'>  INSTANT,  BEING  A  RELATION  OF  THE  MURDER  COM- 
MITTED AT  THE  GERMAN  FLATTS,  NEAR  FORT  HERCHAMER,  BY  80 
INDIANS,  AND  4  FRENCHMEN. 

[N.  Y.  Mercury,  May  22,  1758.]      "    «*'-"»    -=""^" 

About  12  o'clock,  on  Monday  the  30th  of  April  last  an  Oneida 
Indian  acquainted  Captain  Herchamer  that  a  Party  of  80  Indians 
and  four  Frenchmen,  were  nigh  his  Fort,  and  would  certainly 
come  down  and  attack  the  settlements  that  Day,  and  advised  Capt 
Harchamer  to  go  into  the  Fort  and  take  as  many  of  the  Inhabit- 
ants with  him,  as  he  could  collect.  About  3  o'Clock,  most  Part 
of  the  Inhabitants,  having  Notice  from  Capt  Herchamer,  left  their 
Houses,  and  assembled  at  the  Fort;  four  Families,  that  fled  from 

*  The  Indians  who  brought  this  belt  of  Wampum  finding  the  Germans  still 

^'     tncredulous,  the  next  morning,  just  before  the  attacic  began,  laid  hold  on  the 

German  Minister,  and  in  a  manner  forced  him  over  to  the  other  side  of  the  river; 

by  which  means  he  and  some  who  followed  him  escaped  the  flate  of  their  brethren. 


COUMTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


523 


ig  they 
nd  sent 
)  to  find 
id  staid 
ice,  and 
re  ;  and 
1  not  to 
gn.     As 
with  the 
int  a  belt 
ts,  which 
;  but  the 
,  or  they 
hose  Get- 

[  and  that 

ROGHAN. 

DEliEE  COM- 
MEE,   BY  80 

t  an  Oneida 
80  Indians 
Id  certainly 
dvised  Capt 
the  Inhabit- 
k,  most  Part 
ler,  left  their 
lat  fled  from 

,e  Germans  still 
lid  hold  on  the 
,ide  of  the  river; 
)ftheirbrethren. 


Henderson's  Purchase,  in  the  spring  for  fear  of  the  Enemy,  could 
not  get  in,  and  had  in  their  Houses  two  Indian  Traders,  of  the 
name  of  Clock,  and  six  Waggoners  that  were  carrying  Capt. 
Gage's  Baggage  to  the  Fort.  At  4  o'Clock,  all  of  a  sudden,  the 
Houses  were  attai  ked;  and  the  Waggoners  being  surprized,  run 
up  stairs,  the  better  to  defend  themselves.  The  Indians  immedi- 
ately rushed  into  the  House,  and  killed  and  scalped  all  that  were 
below;  some  of  the  Indians  attempted  the  stairs,  but  they  were 
knocked  down  by  the  Waggoners  j  they  then  fired  up  thro'  the 
Loft,  and  soon  were  joined  by  more  Indians,  who  fired  many  shot 
quite  thro'  the  House,  and  proposed  to  set  it  on  fire,  which  inti- 
midated John  Ehel,  a  Waggoner,  to  such  a  Degree,  that  he  leap'd 
out  at  a  window,  thinking  to  make  his  Escape,  but  was  soon 
killed ;  the  other  five  defended  themselves  with  great  Intrepedity, 
having  killed  one  Indian,  until  they  were  relieved  by  a  Party  of 
Rangers,  who  came  to  their  assistance,  and  after  exchanging  a  few 
Shot,  the  Indians  fled,  seeing  our  People  have  the  advantage  of  a 
Log  Fence.  .  .  .  Capt.  Herchamer  says  he  saw  four  or  five 
of  the  Indians  drop,  but  were  carried  off. — ^In  the  above  affair,  33 
of  the  Inhabitants  were  killed,  &  Lieut.  Hair,  of  the  Rangers, 
received  a  slight  Wound  in  the  Breast.  .  .  .  Next  day  some 
Oneidas  came  down  to  Trade,  and  met  the  Enemy  going  off,  who 
told  them  they  had  6  of  their  Company  killed,  and  9  Wounded. — 
Next  Morning  a  Woman  came  into  the  Fort  that  had  been  scalped, 
besides  having  her  Nose  almost  cut  off,  with  a  Wound  in  her 
Breast,  and  another  in  her  side.  She  is  likely  to  recover,  related 
all  that  happened  till  she  was  scalped,  and  says  there  was  Onon- 
dado  Indians  amongst  them. 


I 


•'  '         irt 


it/:      .     1'    •   .    ■    .    -     ; 


I        ! 


\i 


Mm  1' 


tti 


i  ii  1 
■h  • ' 


624 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  TllE  ONEIDA 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  COUNTRY  BETWEEN  OSWEGO  AND 

ALBANY— 1757. 


'f . 


[Paris  Doo.  XIII.l 


irrNERARY  from  the  Mouth  of  the  river  Chouegen  (Oswcfo)  in  Lake  Ontario 
to  Lake  Oneida,  then  up  V ilcrick  (Wood  creek)  to  the  Summit  level  which 
is  the  source  of  the  river  of  the  Mohawks,  or  dea  AgiUct,  by  which  we  can 
descend  toCorlar  or  ChenectcUi  whence  Albany  or  Orange  can  be  reached. 

The  entrance  of  the  River  Chouegen  is  easy  ;  the  harbour  is 
formed  of  a  cove.  The  English  had  a  fort  on  each  side  of  this 
River  by  which  this  entrance  was  defended. 

From  Chouegen  to  the  Great  fall  is  an  ascent  of  four  leagues. 
In  this  space  the  navigation  is  intricate)  the  river  rapid  and  en- 
cumbered by  large  rocks.  Good  pilots^  familiar  with  the  shoals, 
are  requisite  to  be  able  to  pass  through  it.  Batteaus  must  be  un- 
loadetl  at  the  Great  fall  where  a  portage  occurs  of  about  40  to  50 
paces.  The  batteaus  are  dragged  along  the  ground.*  It  is  esti- 
mated to  be  about  four  leagues  from  the  Fall  to  the  mouth  of  the 
River  of  the  Five  Nations,  [river  Seneca]  which  mouth  is  called 
the  Three  Rivers;'  its  navigation  is  good.  About  a  quarter  of  a 
league  before  coming  to  the  Three  Rivers  there  is,  however,  a 
current  where  precaution  is  requisite. 

From  the  Three  Rivers  to  Lake  Oneida  is  computed  at  8  leagues ; 
the  navigation  is  good  ;  the  river  is  about  60  paces  wide  j  it  is  at 
all  times  passable  with  loaded  vessels.  This  river  is  the  outlet  of 
Lake  Oneida.     There  is  neither  fall  nor  rapid  at  its  entrance. 

*  Nofe  in  the  Oiiginal.— From  Chouegen  to  Fort  Bull  is  estimated  to  be  about  36 
leagues.  The  ordinary  batteau  load  is  only  14  to  150()  weight.  It  takes  five  days 
to  ascend  the  River  from  Chouegen  to  Fort  Bull  and  three  and  half  from  Fort 
Bull  to  Chouegen.  The  river  of  the  Five  Nations  [Seneca  Riv.]  rises  in  little 
lakes  near  which,  about  six  leagues  fi'om  its  entrance  into  the  River  Chouegen, 
the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations  reside.  That  river  divides  into  two  branches. 
That  from  the  Right  rises  in  the  Lake  of  the  Senecas  and  Cayuga* ;  that  from  the 
left  beyond  the  Lake  of  the  OnonontagucS. 

1  Tlic  Junction  of  the  rivers  Oneida  and  Seneca  with  the  Oswego  is  still  known 
as  the  Three  Rivers,  and  the  Point  of  land,  as  the  Three  River's  Point.  It  is 
sometimes  confounded  with  the  Three  Rivers  in  Canada,  as  appears  by  a  note  in 
Stone's  Life  of  Brant,  i,  216. 


COUNTRY  ANO  MCHAwK  VALLEY. 


C25 


0  AND 


,ke  Ontario 
evel  which 
ilch  we  can 
be  reached. 

larbour  is 
dc  of  this 

ir  leagues. 

id  and  en- 

the  shoals, 

lUst  be  un- 

ut  40  to  50 

i    Itisesti- 

outh  of  the 

ith  is  called 
uarter  of  a 
however,  a 

8  leagues ; 
de;  it  is  at 
he  outlet  of 
ntrance. 

to  bo  about  36 
takc3  Ave  days 
half  from  Fort 
.]  rises  in  little 
ivcr  Chouegen, 
,  two  branches, 
i;  that  from  the 

ro  is  still  known 
•r's  Point.  It  is 
jars  by  a  note  in 


Lake  OneiJii  is  twelve  Itagias  long  by  ubout  cne  league  wiile. 
Its  navigation  is  beautiful  and  piacticable  at  all  times,  unless  theie 
be  a  strong  contrary  wind.  It  is  best  on  the  right  of  the  lake 
-which  is  the  north  side. 

From  Lake  Oneida  we  enter  the  River  Vilcrick,*  which  empties 
into  that  Lake,  &  ascend  nine  leagues  to  Fort  Bull.  This  river  is 
full  of  sinuosities,  narrow  and  sometimes  embarrassed  with  trees 
fallen  from  both  banks.  lis  navigation  is  difficult  when  the  water 
is  low.  It  is,  however,  passable  at  all  times  with  an  ordinary 
batteau  load  of  14  to  1500  weight.  "When  the  waters  of  this 
stream  are  low,  an  ordinary  baiteau  load  cannot  go  by  the  river 
further  than  within  a  league  of  Fort  Bull.  It  becomes  necessary 
then  to  unload  z  'd  make  a  Carrying  place  of  the  remainder  by  a 
road  constructed  to  the  Fort,  or  to  send  back  the  batteaux  for  the 
other  half  load.  i 

Fort  Bull  which  was  burnt  in  1756  by  a  detachment  under  the 
orders  of  M.  de  Lery,  was  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  this  River 
ne>.r  its  source  on  the  height  of  land. 

From  Fort  Bull  to  Fort  Williams  is  estimated  to  be  one  league 
and  a  quarter  J  This  is  the  Carrying  place  across  the  height  of 
land.  The  English  had  constructed  a  road  there  over  which  all 
the  carriages  passed.  They  were  obliged  to  bridge  a  portion  of 
it,  extending  from  Fort  Bull  to  a  small  stream  near  which  a  fort 
had  been  begun  though  not  finished  ;  it  was  to  be  intermediate  be- 
tween the  two  Forts,  having  been  located  precisely  on  the  Summit 
level.  , 

Fort  Williams  was  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River 
Mohawk  or  des  ^gniesj  near  the  rise  of  that  river  on  the  height 
of  land.  It  was  abandoned  and  destroyed  by  the  English  after 
the  capture  of  Chouegen. 

Leaving  Chouegen  there  is  a  road  over  which  the  English  used 
to  drive  cattle  &  horses.  This  road  follows  the  border  of  the 
left  bank  of  the  River  Chouegen.     The  Five  Nations  river  is 

*  Ai>te  in  the  Original.— The  River  of  the  Killed  Fish  [now  Fish  Creek]  flows 
also  into  this  Lake  ;  the  English  used  it  formerly ;  they  abandoned  it  because 
there  was  a  Portage,  and  have  preferred  Vilcrick  which  they  have  cleared. 

1  B'or  locations  of  these  Forts,  see  ante  pp.  509,  510  ;  also  Outline  iSdap. 


Mi  .  • 


\H 


u 


626 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  TIIK  ONEIDA 


passed  at  a  full  near  its  entrance  into  the  River  Chouogen,  after 
which  the  road  proceeds  along  the  edge  of  the  right  bank 
of  the  Five  Nations'  river  to  the  Village  of  the  Onnontagues 
whence  it  proceeds  across  the  country  to  the  village  (^f  the 
Caskaroriiis  [Tuscaroras?]  and  the  Oneidus*  whence  we  can  go  to 
Foits  Bull  and  Williams ;  also  to  fort  Kouary  without  being 
obliged  to  pass  the  said  two  forts.  The  path  or  road  taken  by 
M  de  Belhctre  in  his  expedition  against  the  village  of  the 
Palatines  may  be  also  used.  He  went  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Famine  River  [now  Sackelts  Harbor  J  ten  leagues  below  Chouegenj 
a  cended  this  river  for  the  distance  of  four  leagues,  and  leaving 
it  on  the  left  followed  the  path  leading  to  Oneida  Lake  on  his 
right,  and  came  to  the  Summit  level   at  Fort  Williams. 

The  Country  through  which  he  passed  is  fine  j  there  being  but 
few  mountains.  The  soil  is  soft  only  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
season.  He  forded  three  rivers  the  waters  of  which  were  very 
high  during  the  four  days  that  he  was  going  from  the  River  Famine 
to  Fort  Williams,  a  distance  estimated  at  24  to  30  leagues. 

From  Fort  Williams  the  Mohawk  river  is  navigable.  Battcaux 
carry  the  same  load  as  in  the  river  Vilcrick  to  the  portage  at 
the  Little  Falls,  which  is  about  two  leagues  below  the  village  of 
the  Palatines  and  Fort  Kouari. 

From  Fort  Williams  to  Fort  Kouari j '  situated  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Mohawk  river,  is  estimated  to  be  12  leagues.  The  road 
follows  the  right  bank  of  the  river  which  is  the  south  side. 

Leaving  Fort  Williams  there  is  a  road  that  unites  with  that  by 
which  horses  and  cattle  pass  from  Fort  Kouari  and  Chouagen. 
This  road  is  bad  for  about  four  leagues  after  leaving  Fort  Williams. 
The  Country  is  marshy.  Carriages  {les  trains)  travel  it  in  winter 
and  during  the  summer,  and  it  can  be  easily  passed  on  horseback 

*  JVofe  in  the  Original. — The  road  goes  to  the  great  Oneida  Village,  about  two 
leagues  from  the  Lake.  A  picket  Fort  with  four  bastions,  had  been  constructed 
in  this  Village  by  the  English.  It  was  destroyed  by  the  Oneidas  in  observance 
of  their  promise  given  at  a  council  held  between  them  &  the  Marquis  de  Vaudrcuil. 
Each  of  its  sides  might  have  been  one  hundred  paces.  There  is  a  second  Oneida 
Village,  called  the  little  village,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  Lake.  There  is  no 
fort  in  the  latter. 

1  For  location  of  Fort  Kouari  see  ante  p.  516.  -  :   : 


COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


527 


L'n,  hfter 
ht  bank 
ontagues 
e   of  the 
can  go  to 
)ut  being 
taken  by 
re   of  the 
Lth  of  the 
:houegen; 
id  leaving 
ke  on  his 
ams. 

J  being  but 
)art  of  the 
were  very 
ver  Famine 

giies. 
Batteaux 

portage  at 
e  vilbge  of 

^e  right  bank 
The  road 
side. 

ith  that  by 

Chouagen. 

rt  Williams. 

it  in  winter 

)n  horseback 

lage,  about  two 
een  constructed 
8  in  observance 
lis  de  Vaudreuil. 
a  second  Oneida 
:e.    There  is  no 


W 


at  all  times,  though  in  some  places  there  is  a  great  ileal  of  miul. 
After  these  fuur  leagues,  eaitscan  easily  go  as  far  as  Fort  Kouari. 
Having  truvele('  three  leagues  on  this  road  wiach  is  five  leagues 
from  Fort  Kouari,  we  come  to  the  forks  of  two  roads  one  of 
which,  to  the  left,  leads  to  the  Palatines'  village  by  fording  the 
Mohawk  river. 

Continuing  along  the  high  road,  which  is  un  the  right  bank 
of  the  River  Mohawk,  to  go  to  Fort  Kouari,  a  creek  is  met  that 
must  be  forded.  Here  was  a  grist-mill  that  has  been  burnt.  One 
league  before  reaching  Fort  Kouari  another  small  stream  is 
encountered  over  which  there  is  a  bridge.  This  stream  is  forda- 
ble  almost  at  all  seasons.  There  was,  also,  a  saw -mill  on  this 
creek  which  has  been  burnt. 

Fort  Kouari  is  situate  on  the  right  side  of  the  Mohawk  river, 
on  a  small  hill  on  the  edge  of  that  river's  bank.  It  is  a  large 
three  story  stone  house  with  port  holes  {cn'Tielee)  at  each  story, 
and  likewise  in  the  basement  for  the  purpose  of  cross  firing. 
There  are  some  small  pieces  above.  The  house  is  covered  with 
plank  and  shingles.  It  was  built  as  a  store  and  depot  for  Chou- 
eguen.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  ditch  at  a  distance  of  about  30  feet. 
This  ditch  is  six  feet  deep  and  seven  wide.  The  crown  of  the 
ditch  inside  is  planted  with  palisades  in  an  oblique  form  j  they 
are  well  jointed  the  one  to  the  other.  Behind  these  there  is  a 
parapet  of  earth  so  as  to  be  able  to  fire  over  the  palisades.  The 
four  angles  of  this  parapet  which  is  at  the  back  of  the  ditch, 
form  as  it  were  four  little  bastions  that  reciprocally  flank  each 
other.  On  the  West  side,  there  is  a  house  apart  from  the  large 
one.  It  backs  against  the  parapet  of  the  palisades  and  serves  as 
a  barrack  and  guard  house.  There  are  two  doors  to  the  large 
building  j  the  one  at  the  North  is  a  small  swing  door.  It  is  used 
only  in  going  to  the  river  for  water.  At  this  side  of  the  house 
there  is  no  ditch  ;  only  palisades  fixed  in  boards  set  against  the 
brow  of  the  right  bank  of  the  river  to  support  the  earth.  The 
large  door  of  the  house  is  on  the  South  side  j  it  is  folding  but  not 
ironed.  To  go  outside  the  palisades  and  ditch  through  this  large 
door,  you  must  leave  the  house  to  the  left  and  turn  to  the  Eastward 
where  there  is  a  passage.    The  ditch  has  not  been  excavated.    The 


I/:  I 
f 


528 


PAPERS  RELAX I>G  TO  THE  ONEIDA 


earth  serves  as  a  bridge  and  road.  There  are  palisades  to  the 
right  and  left,  on  both  sides  of  the  way  the  whole  width  of  the 
ditch.  Outside  the  ditch  there  is  a  folding  gale.  There  is  no 
other  barrier  nor  chevaux-de-frise  in  front.  The  nearest  house 
outside  the  fort  is  about  150  paces.  Opposite  this  fort  in  the 
river  is  a  small  cultivated  island  which  can  be  reached  at  low 
water  by  fording.  ■  ''    '        ^:,^    '    ■     ,         •  ;    i  ^  -^r 

From  Fort  Kouari  to  that  of  Cannatchocary  is  four  leagues. 
Some  twenty  houses  are  located  at  a  distance  one  from  another, 
within  the  space  of  one  league  of  this  road,  which  is  through  a 
flat  country.  After  making  this  league  we  go  up  a  mountain  that 
occupies  two  hours  to  ascend  and  descend.  The  country  through- 
out the  whole  of  this  space  is  covered  with  wood.  After  descend- 
ing, two  houses  somewhat  distant  one  from  the  other  are  in  the 
league  which  is  still  to  be  travelled  to  get  to  Cannatchocari. 

The  Inhabitants  of  this  Country  are  Palatines  or  Germans. 
They  form  a  Company  with  some  who  dwell  above  the  Fall'  on 
the  other  side  of  the  River  which  is  the  left  bank.  This  company 
consists  of  about  80  men.  The  road  from  the  one  to  the  other  of 
these  two  Forts  is  good  for  all  sorts  of  carriages. 

Fort  Cannatchocari  is  situated  at  the  side  of  the  Mohawk  river 
on  the  right  bank.  It  is  a  square  of  four  bastions  of  upright 
pickets  joined  together  with  lintels.  They  are  fifteen  feet  high, 
about  one  foot  square  with  port  holes  inserted  from  distance  to 
distance  with  a  stage  all  round  to  fire  from. 

This  Fort  is  one  hundred  paces  on  each  side.  It  is  not  sur- 
rounded by  a  ditch.  There  are  some  small  pieces  of  cannon  at 
each  of  its  bastions,  and  a  house  at  each  curtain  to  serve  as  a 
store  and  barrack.  Five  or  six  families  of  Mohawk  Indians  reside 
outside  the  fort.  '  '*       '      ■'■'-' 

From  Fort  Cannatchocari  to  Fort  Hunter  is  about  12  leagues  ; 
the  road  is  pretty  good  j  carriages  pass  over  it ;  it  continues  along 
the  banks  of  the  Mohawk  river.  About  a  hundred  houses,  at  a 
greater  or  less  distance  from  one  another  are  found  within  this 
length  of  road.     There  are  some  situated  also  about  half  a  league 

1  Little  FallB. 


COXTNTET  AND  MOBAWK  TALLET. 


6S9 


iS  to  tlie 
ith  of  the 
ere  is  no 
est  house 
fort  in  the 
ed  at  low 

ir  leagues, 
m  another, 
5  through  a 
ountain  that 
try  through- 
fter  descend- 
r  are  in  the 
ihocari. 
or  Germans, 
the  Fall*  on 
Chis  company 
the  other  of 

[ohawk  river 
IS  of  upright 
^en  feet  high, 
distance  to 

lit  is  not  sur- 
of  cannon  at 
to  serve  as  a 
Indians  reside 

it  12  leagues ; 
Continues  along 
Id  houses,  at  a 
lind  within  this 

it  half  a  league 


in  the  interior.    The  inhabitants  of  this  section  are  Germans  who 
compose  a  company  of  about  100  men  each. 

Fort  Hunter  is  situated  on  the  borders  of  the  Mohawk  river, 
and  is  of  the  same  form  as  that  of  Cannatchocari,  with  the  excep- 
tion that  it  is  twice  as  large.  There  is  likewise  a  house  at  each 
curtain.  The  cannon  at  each  bastion  are  from  7  to  9  pounders. 
The  pickets  of  this  Fort  are  higher  than  those  of  Cannatchocari. 
There  is  a  church  or  temple  in  the  middle  of  the  Fort ;  in  the 
interior  of  the  fort  are  also  some  thirty  cabins  of  Mohawk  Indians, 
which  is  the  most  considerable  village.  This  fort,  like  that  of 
Cannatchocari,  has  no  ditch  ;  there's  only  a  large  swing  door  at 
the  entrance. 

Leaving  Fort  Hunter  a  creek*  is  passed  at  the  mouth  of 
which  that  fort  is  located.  It  can  be  forded,  and  crossed  in 
batteaux  in  summer  and  on  the  ice  in  winter.  There  are  some 
houses  outside  under  the  protection  of  the  Fort  in  which  the  coun- 
try people  seek  shelter  when  they  fear  or  learn  that  an  Indian  or 
French  war  party  is  in  the  field. 

From  Fort  Hunter  to  Chenectedi  or  Corlar  is  seven  leagues. 
The  public  carriage  way  continues  along  the  right  bank  of  the 
Mohawk  river.  About  20  to  30  houses  are  found  within  this 
distance  separated  the  one  from  the  other  from  about  a  quarter 
to  half  a  league.  The  Inhabitants  of  this  section  are  Dutch. 
They  form  a  company  with  some  other  inhabitants  of  the  left  bank 
of  the  Mohawk  river,  about  100  men  strong. 

Chenectedi  or  Corlar,  situ;:ted  on  the  bank  of  the  Mohawk 
river,  is  a  village  of  about  300  houses.  It  is  surrounded  by  upright 
pickets,  flanked  from  distance  to  distance.  Entering  this  village 
by  the  gate  on  the  Fort  Hunter  side,  there  is  a  fort  to  the  right 
which  forms  a  species  of  citadel  in  the  interior  of  the  village 
itself.  It  is  a  square,  flanked  with  four  bastions  or  demi-bastions, 
and  is  constructed  half  of  masonry  and  half  of  timbers  piled  one 
over  the  other  above  the  masonry.  It  is  capable  of  holding  2  or 
300  men.  There  are  some  pieces  of  cannon  as  a  battery  on  the 
rampart.  It  is  not  encircled  by  a  ditch.  The  entrance  is  through 
a  large  swing  gate  raised  like  a  drawbridge.  By  penetrating  the 
,  I  Schoharie  Creek. 

34 


530 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA 


village  in  attacking  it  at  another  point,  the  fire  from  the  fort  can 
be  avoided.  w  >  .  j ;.  ■ 

The  greatest  portion  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Chenectedi  are 
Dutch. 

From  Chenectedi  to  Albany  or  Orange  is  estimated  to  he  6  or 
7  leagues.*  The  road  is  excellent  for  all  sorts  of  carriages ;  the 
soil  sandy  and  the  country  covered  with  open  timber.  There  are 
only  a  few  hills.  A  league  and  half  from  Chenectedi,  there  is  a 
house  on  the  road  which  is  a  tavern.  A  league  and  half  farther 
on,  that  is  to  say  half  way,  another  house  is  met  which  is  also  a 
tavern.  ■    '  ^     - 1  •    ■-'  1  ■  ■*.!■■ 

Orange  is  situate  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  Orange,  other-, 
wise  called  Hudson.  It  is  not  fortified  on  the  forest  side  except 
by  an  enclosure  of  walls,  or  pickets,  without  a  ditch,  which  is 
flanked  at  certain  distances ;  the  river  defends  the  entrance  on 
the  other  side.  It  is  calculated  to  be  smaller  than  the  enclosure 
of  the  town  of  Montreal.  In  the  interior  of  Orange  there  is  a  fort, 
a  sort  of  citadel,  capable  of  containing  300  men  \  here  are  some 
cannon. 

This  is  all  that  relates  to  the  Right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river. 
Let  us  pass  to  the  left  bank,  which  is  the  North  side  of  that  river, 
departing  likewise  from  near  its  source  at  Fort  Williams,  [Rome.] 

Leaving  Fort  Williams  by  the  left  bank  of  the  river  Mohawk, 
the  village  of  the  Palatines  is  estimated  to  be  12  leagues.  The 
Mohawk  river  is  fordable  near  Fort  Williams  whence  a  path 
leads  to  the  interior,  half  a  league  from  the  shore,  parallel  with 
the  river  whose  borders  are  so  marshy  that  nothing  but  hay  can 
be  had  there. 

This  path  leads  over  hills  and  small  mountains  and  can  be 
traveled  only  afoot  or  on  horseback.  Eight  leagues  must  be 
traversed  by  this  path  before  reaching  the  forks  of  the  high  road 
that  comes  from  the  other  side,  or  right  bank  of  the  river.  After 
1  aving  traveled  this  high  road  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  a  small  creek 
is  found,  called  Rassedot.  ^     It  can  be  forded.    There  were  two 

•  Note  in  th$  Orlg.— The  total  distance  from  Chouegen  to  Orange  is  78  a  79 
leagues. 

1  This  Creek  is  on  the  Eass  farm  in  the  Town  of  Schuyler,  Herkimer  Co.  It 
was  called  by  the  Indians,  Razetoth  Creek. 


OOUNTBT  Am)  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


531 


'ort  can 

;edi  are 

»  5c  6  or 
Tes;  the 
Ihere  are 
here  is  a 
f  farther 
is  also  a 

re,  other- ^ 
ie  except 

■which  is 
trance  on 

enclosure 
re  is  a  fort, 
;  are  some 

awk  river. 

hat  river, 

,  [Rome.] 

Mohawk, 

|rues.    The 

nee  a  path 

rallel  with 

ut  hay  can 

md  can  be 
js  must  be 

high  road 
^er.  After 
Ismail  creek 

•were  two 

|ige  is  78  a  79 
timer  Co.    It 


houses  on  the  left  bank  of  this  creek  which  were  burnt,  and  noth- 
ing remains  of  them  but  the  ruins.  Having  passed  this  creek, 
the  high  road  is  followed  for  a  distance  of  four  leagues  to  the 
village  of  the  Palatines.    All  sorts  of  vehicles  travel  this  road. 

The  Palatine  Village*  was  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Mohawk  river,  not  directly  opposite  Fort  Eouari  but  about  half 
a  quarter  of  a  league  above  it.  You  go  from  this  village  to  the 
fort  by  batteau ;  the  river  can  even  be  forded  in  several  places.    . 

The  Palatine  Village  which  consisted  of  thirty  houses  has 
been  entirely  destroyed  and  burnt  by  a  detachment  under  M.  de 
Belhetre's  orders.  The  inhabitants  of  this  village  formed  a  com- 
pany of  100  men  bearing  arms.  They  reckoned  there  300  persons, 
men,  women  and  children,  102  of  whom  were  made  prisoners  and 
he  remainder  fled  to  Fort  Kouari,  except  a  few  who  were  killed 
whilst  fording  the  river.  '" 

From  the  Palatine  Village  to  the  Little  Falls,  still  continuing 
along  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  is  estimated  about  three  leagues. 
In  this  distance  there  had  been  eight  houses  which  have  been 
abandoned.  The  inhabiteuats  of  these  houses  compose  a  company 
with  those  of  Fort  Eouari  at  the  opposite  side  of  the  river. 

The  portage  at  the  Little  Falls  is  a  quarter  of  a  league,  and  is 
passed  with  carts.  There  is  a  road  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  but 
that  on  the  left  bank  is  preferable,  being  better. 

From  the  portage  at  the  Little  Falls,  continuing  along  the  left 
bank  of  the  river,  there  is  only  a  foot  path  which  is  traveled  with 
difficulty  on  horseback.  Three  leagues  must  be  made  over  this 
this  path  to  arrive  at  the  Canada  creek  where  we  meet  the  high 
road  that  passes  from  the  termination  of  the  Little  Falls  por- 
tage, along  the  right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river,  where  there  is  a 
ford  above  Fort  Cannatchocari,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Canada 
Creek.  There  is  also  a  ferry  boat  at  this  place  to  put  carts  across 
when  the  river  is  high. 

After  fording  Canada  Creek,  we  continue  along  the  left  bank  of 
the  Mohawk  river  and  high  road  which  is  passable  for  carts  for  12 

*  Note  in  Orig.— It  requires  a  day  to  descend  tlie  river  with  batteaux  from  Fort 
Bull  to  the  Palatine  Village  and  three  to  return;  and  to  go  down  from  the  Pala- 
tine village  to  Corlar  requires  [a  day?]  and  a  day  and  a  half  to  return. 


532 


PAVERS  KBLATTSQ  TO  TBE  ONKTOA 


leagues  to  Col.  JoI»fison's  mansion.  In  the  -whole  of  this  distance 
the  soil  is  very  good.  About  600  houses  are  erected,  at  a  distance 
one  from  the  other.  The  greatest  number  of  those  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  are  built  of  stone.  Those  at  a  greater  distance  from  the 
river  in  the  interior  are  about  half  a  league  off;  they  are  new 
Settlements,  built  of  wood. 

There  is  not  a  fort  in  the  -whole  of  this  distance  of  12  leagues; 
There  is  but  one  farmer's  house  built  of  stone  that  is  soiLewhat 
fortified  and  surrounded  with  pickets.  It  is  situate  on  the  bank 
of  the  river  three  leagues  from  -where  the  Canada  Creek  empties 
into  the  Mohawk  river. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  Country  are  Germans.  They  form  four 
companies  of  100  men  each. 

Col.  Johnson's  mansicm  is  situate  on  the  border  of  the  left  bank 
of  the  River  Mohavirk ;  it  is  three  stories  high;  built  of  stone,  with 
port  holes  {creneie^s)  and  a  parapet  and  flanked  with  four  bastions 
on  which  are  some  small  guns.  In  the  same  yard,  on  both  sides 
of  the  Mansion,  there  are  two  small  houses;  that  on  the  right  of 
the  entrance  in  a  Store,  and  that  on  the  left  is  designed  for  work- 
men, negroes  and  other  domestics.  The  yard  gate  is  a  heavy  swing 
gate  well  ironed ;  it  is  on  the  Mohawk  river  side ;  from  this  gate 
to  the  river  there  is  about  200  paces  of  level  ground.  The  high 
road  passes  there.  A  small  rivulet  coming  from  the  north  empties 
itself  into  the  Mohawk  river,  about  200  paces  below  the  enclo- 
sure of  the  yard. '  On  this  stream  there  is  a  Mill  about  50  paces 
distance  from  the  house ;  below  the  Mill  is  the  miller's  house  where 
grain  and  flour  are  stored,  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  creek  100 
paces  from  the  mill,  is  a  barn  in  which  cattle  and  fodder  are  kept. 
One  hundred  and  fifty  paces  from  Colonel  Johnson's  Mansion  at 
the  North  side,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  little  creek,  is  a  little  hill 
on  which  is  a  small  house  with  port  holes  where  is  ordinarily  kept 
a  guard  of  honour  of  some  twenty  men,  which  serves  also  as  an 
advanced  post. 

From  Colonel  Johnson's  house  to  Chcnectedi  is  counted  seven 

1.  Thig  Creek  (I  am  informed  by  Fisher  Pntman,  Esq.  P.  M.  of  Tribes  Hill,) goes 
now  by  the  name  of  Old  Fort  Creek.  Its  original  Indian  name,  he  adds,  was 
Kayadarosseros. 


COUNT&T  AKD  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


533 


distante 
,  distance 

1  bank  of 
from  the 
are  new 

2  leagues; 
sonuewhat 
I  the  bank 
ck  empties 

y  form  four 

he  left  bank 
f  stone,  with 
four  bastions 
m  both  sides 
the  right  of 
ed  for  work- 
heavy  swing 
rom  this  gate 
i.    The  high 
north  empties 
,w  the  enclo- 
,out  50  paces 
s  house  where 
|the  creek  100 
idder  are  kept. 
.'s  Mansion  at 
is  a  little  hill 
)rdinarilykept 

eves  also  as  an 
counted  seven 

le,  he  adds,  wW 


leagues;  the  road  is  good;  all  sorts  of  vehicles  pass  over  it. 
About  twenty  houses  are  found  from  point  to  point  on  this  road. 
The  Mohawk  river  can  be  forded  during  summer,  a  league  and 
a  quarter  west  of  Chenectedi.  Opposite  Chenectedi  the  traverse 
is  usually  in  a  ferry  boat  and  batteaux. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  Country  are  Dutchmen.  They  form  a 
Company  of  about  100  men  with  those  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river  below  Fort  Hunter. 

Going  from  Chenectedi  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk  river  where 
it  discharges  into  that  of  Orange,  there  is  a  Great  Fall  (Cohoes) 
which  prevents  the  passage  of  batteaus,  so  that  every  thing  on  the 
river  going  from  Chenectedi  to  Orange,  passes  over  the  high  road 
that  leads  there  direct. 

From  Orange  to  New  York  is  counted  50  to  60  leagues.  Barks 
from  New  York  ascend  to  Orange.  There  is  also  a  high  road  from 
one  to  the  other  of  these  towns,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  The 
country  is  thickly  inhabited  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The  inhabit- 
ants of  Orange  are,  also,  mostly  Dutch  like  those  of  Chenectedi. 
From  Orange  to  Boston  is  considered  about  60  leagues.  The 
road  thither  is  across  the  country.  From  Boston  to  New  York  is 
reckoned  the  same  distance  following  the  road  along  the  seaside. 
New  York,  situate  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Orange  River,  near  its 
mouth  at  the  sea,  is  located  on  a  tongue  of  land  forming  a  penin- 
sula. It  is  fortified  only  on  the  land  side.  Opposite  New  York 
is  a  large  Island  (Long  Island)  very  well  inhabited  and  very 
wealthy.  All  sorts  of  vessels  of  war  and  Merchantmen  anchor 
between  the  town  and  that  Island. 

NoTA.  In  the  whole  Country  of  the  River  Corlar  there  are 
nine  Companies  of  Militia  under  the  Command  of  Colonel  John- 
son ;  eight  only  remain,  that  of  the  Village  of  the  Palatines  being 
no  longer  in  existence,  the  greater  portion  having  been  defeated 
by  M.  de  Belhetre's  detachment.  Colonel  Johnson  assembles 
these  companies  when  he  has  news  of  any  expedition  which  may 
concern  the  Mohawk  river. 

In  the  latter  part  of  April  1757,  on  receiving  intelligence  by 
the  savages  that  there  was  a  strong  detachment  ascending  the  river 
St.  Lawrence  and  entering  Lake  Ontario,  he  assembled  these  Com- 


,1.     ! 


5U 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA,  ETC. 


panics  and  went  to  the  Village  of  the  Palatines  where  he  was 
joined  by  another  body  of  11  @  1200  men  sent  him  by  the  com- 
mandant of  Orange;  this  formed  in  all  a  force  of  2000  men.  He 
entrenched  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Palatine  Village  where  he 
remained  in  Camp  fifteen  days,  and  did  not  retire  until  he  received 
intelligence  that  the  French  detachment  seen  on  the  River  St  Law- 
rence had  passed  by  and  taken  the  route  to  the  Belle  Rividre 
(Ohio.) 

This  was  the  detachment  of  500  men  that  had  been  sent  last 
year  to  reinforce  Belle  Riviere,  and  had  left  Montreal  in  the  latter 
days  of  the  month  of  April. 


)''■■  ■.-■ 


.:':•■'■''>   '. 

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XIX. 


PAPERS 


BKULTIira  TO  tai 


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LAKE  CHAMFLAm. 


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THE  BOARD  OP  TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS  TO  LT. 
GOV.  GOLDEN.  13  JULY  1764. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXXVII.] 

Monsieur  Michel  Chartier  de  Lotbini^re,  heretofore  an  officer 
in  the  French  King's  Service  in  Canada  has  presented  to  us  a 
Memorial  desiring  the  confirmation  of  two  Concessions  in  America, 
the  one  called  D'Alainville,  four  leagues  and  upwards  in  front, 
part  upon  Lake  Qeorge  &  part  upon  Crown  Point  River,  and 
extending  in  depth  five  leagues  to  the  West,  granted  by  the  Mar- 
quis de  Vaudreuil  in  1758 ;  the  other  situated  opposite  to  Crown 
Point,  having  the  same  extent  in  Front  &  extending  in  depth  five 
leagues  to  the  East,  purchased  of  Mons^^  Hocquart  in  1762,  to 
whom  it  is  alleged  to  have  been  granted  in  1743  and  1745. 

As  this  Gentleman's  case  appears  to  us  to  require  particular 
consideration,  we  have  wrote  to  the  Governor  of  Quebec  for 
authentick  copies  of  these  grants  from  the  Records,  in  order  that 
we  maybe  enabled  to  make  a  representation  to  His  Majesty  there- 
upon, and  in  the  meanwhile  we  think  proper  to  direct  that  no 
grants  whatever  be  made  under  the  authority  of  the  Government 
of  New  York  of  any  part  of  the  lands  comprehended  within  the 
limits  of  these  Concessions.  So  we  bid  you  heartily  farewell,  and 
a»  Sir 

Your  very  loving  friends 

HlLLSBOKOUGH 

Geo.  Rice 
Whitehall,  July  13.  Bamber  Gascotnz 

1764  J.  Dyson. 


?:| 


M 


te 


"a 


M'  ■ ; 


638  FRENCH  8EIONI0BIE8 


EXPLANATIONS 

ON  MY  TWO  SEIGNIORIES  OF  ALLAINVILLE  AND  HOCQUART  AT  THE 
HEAD  OF  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  AND  DETAIL  OF  MY  PROCEEDINGS  AS 
WELL  IN  LONDON  AS  IN  THIS  COUNTRY  ON  THE  SUBJECT,  BY  M.  DE 
LOTBINIERE.      MONTREAL  20  SEPT.  1771.       ,. 

[From  MSS.  in  Sec.  of  State's  Off.  Alby.] 

The  situation  of  Aininville  is  designated  so  clearly  in  my  affida- 
vit annexed  in  perfect  conformity  to  the  Deed  granted  to  me,  that 
it  appears  useless  to  add  any  thing  thereto. 

Though  that  of  Hocquart  is  indicated  in  the  two  Deeds  of  Con- 
cession of  which  I  annex  copies,  yet  to  obviate  doubts  which  may 
arise  on  the  subject,  I  shall  give  the  details  which  have  been  fupr- 
nished  me  of  that  Seigniory.  Its  front  commences  on  the  south 
side  about  fifteen  or  eighteen  arpem  above  a  tract  bordering  on 
the  Lake,  in  front  {en  face)  of  Fort  Crown-point,  from  two  to 
three  hundred  arpens  square  in  superficies  reserved  by  the  original 
proprietor  to  himself  as  an  Inalienable  Domain,  which  is  sepa- 
rated from  the  lands  conceded  to  divers  Censitaries  (Tenants) 
by  a  marsh  formed  by  a  stream  that  empties  there.  This  front 
extends  thence  four  leagues*  on  a  direct  line  drawn  towards  the 
North  at  each  extremity  of  which  ought  to  be  run  two  perpendic- 
ulars of  a.  length  sufficient  to  give  the  totality  of  the  Seigniory  five 
leagues  in  depth.  Moreover  it  must  be  observed  that  in  my 
quality  of  first  Grantee  in  that  quarter,  I  must  be  satisfied  accord- 
ing to  my  titles  before  any  other  presenting  his  claims  can  clahn 
the  smallest  trifle.  :    . 

,  As  to  the  validity  of  my  titles  at  the  time  of  the  Reduction  of 
the  country,  let  but  a  single  glance  be  directed  to  these  two 
Seigniories ;  the  frequent  clearances  to  be  seen  there  which  cannot 
have  yet  disappeared ;  the  various  settlements  the  wrecks  of  which 
at  least  cannot  have  been  s^ept  away  by  the  misfortunes  insepa- 
rable from  a  period  of  War  j  these  will  prove  incontestably  that 

•  Note  in  Orig.oThe  league  of  Canada  is  84  arfni  t  the  arfntt  30  toiiei  i  the 
Mn  9  feet  royal  of  Paris. 


ON  LAKG  CHAM1»LAIV. 


63^ 


j^X  THE 

;NG8  A8 


ay  affida* 
I  me,  that 

Is  of  Con- 
ybicbmay 

J  been  fW" 
j  tbe  south 
•rdering  on 
•om  t\vo  to 
tbe  original 

icb  is  sepa- 

^Tenants) 

Tbis  front 
towards  tbe 
0  perpendic- 
leignioryfive 

tbat  in  roy 
isfied  accord- 
ma  can  claim 

Reduction  of 
to  tbese  two 
v^bicb  cannot 

'lecks  of  which 

Irtunes  i^sepa- 
|,ntestab\y  that 


nothing  can  oppose  their  entire  effect.     Nothing,  then,  remains 
but  to  detail  my  proceedings  in  regard  to  Ihem. 

Shortly  after  my  arrival  in  London  in  June  1763,  after  having 
presented  myself  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  department,  to 
the  Lords  and  others  to  whom  I  vras  recommended,  I  was  told 
that  the  Provinces  were  making  great  exertions  to  deprive  us,  if 
they  could,  of  our  properties  on  Lake  Champlain  and  neighbour- 
hood, and  that  the  Ministry  much  importuned  by  them  appeared 
to  be  undecided.  I  explained  j  they  endeavored  to  reassure  me 
but  not  with  that  positive  answer  1  should  desire.  Not  wishing 
to  expose  myself  to  any  difficulty  with  any  one,  I  decided  to  wait 
patiently.  Meanwhile,  the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  the  President  of 
the  Board  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  offered  to  present  me  to  the 
King.  I  observed  to  him  that  in  my  quality  as  immediate  Va.ssal 
of  the  King  for  all  the  Fiefs  which  1  held,  depending  from  His 
Majesty,  it  appeared  to  me  that  I  ought  to  begin  by  rendering 
him  my  Fealty  &  Homage  and  I  prayed  him  to  have  me  received 
at  once.  He  replied,  that  could  not  be  as  yet,  some  previous 
arrangement  being  necessary.  I  since  offered  myself  j  I  was 
always  put  off  under  the  same  pretext. 

At  the  moment  so  to  speak,  when  his  Lordship  was  promising 
me  entire  satisfaction  regarding  the  object  of  my  sojourn,  he  sud- 
denly resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  My  lord  Hills-borough.  I 
renewed  all  my  original  proceedings  with  the  new  President  who 
appeared  to  listen  to  me  with  complaisance  and  feel  perfectly  the 
Equity  of  my  case  but  would  decide  nothing,  doubtless  until  he 
saw  every  thing  established  elsewhere  in  a  perfect  equilibrium. 
Being  advised  not  to  content  myself  with  talking  but  to  hand  in 
a  Memorial  which  could  fix  the  attention  of  the  Office  on  the 
subject  of  my  demand,  I  presented,  in  March  1764  the  one  below, 
(Letter  A.)  Every  day  I  visited  all  the  Lords  of  this  office  who 
individually  gave  me  to  hope  a  prompt  conclusion  but  who  when 
assembled  decided  nothing.  Finally,  seeing  each  of  them  prepared 
to  retire  to  the  country,  I  represented  with  all  the  force  I  was  mas- 
ter of  to  Milord  the  Earl  of  Hills-borough  the  injustice  I  had 
already  sustained  by  so  long  a  sojourn,  and  if  he  left  London 
without  my  being  informed  of  my  lot,  I  was  irremediably  ruined^ 


I 


640 


FBfiNCU  8KIQNI0BII8 


■If-  ,1 


not  only  by  the  heavy  loans  I  was  obliged  to  contract,  but  by 
perceiving  myself  arrested  in  all  my  affairs  which  it  was  moreover 
of  the  last  importance  to  me  to  prosecute.  He  then  told  me,  for 
the  first  time,  that  he  had  over  three  months  ago  addressed  several 
questions  to  the  King's  Attorney  General,  without  the  decision  of 
which  nothing  could  be  determined  for  me.  I  req\iested  that  he 
would  allow  me  to  use  his  name  to  urge  an  answer,  and  he  per- 
mitted me.  I  forthwith  prepared  the  Memorial  to  be  seen  below, 
(under  Letter  B.)  which  I  presented  next  morning  to  the  said 
Attorney  Gener»l,  and  in  the  evening  I  addressed  him  the  note 
copy  of  which  is  under  Letter  C.  I  was  informed  ten  or  twelve 
days  after,  that  his  answer  had  reached  the  Bureau.  On  the  first 
day  of  July  I  was  sent  for  to  the  office  when  Milord  the  Earl  of 
Hills-borough  informed  me,  in  presence  of  all  the  Lords  assem- 
bled and  on  their  part :  "  That  I  might  return  home  as  soon  as  I 
pleased  without  entertaining  the  least  uneasiness  regarding  my 
two  Seigniories  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Government  of  Quebec. 
By  means  of  the  orders  they  should  transmit  to  the  Governour 
of  New  York  to  which  Province  His  Majesty  had  been  pleased 
quite  recently  to  annex  those  parts  not  settled  by  His  Proclama- 
tion of  the  7^b  October  last,  they  should  instruct  him  not  to 
concede  any  land  either  in  my  Seigniories  or  their  vicinity,  until 
their  situation  was  perfectly  understood  ;  that  I  may  be  assured 
that  in  whatever  part  of  the  King's  obedience  any  of  my  property 
may  be  situate,  I  should  possess  and  enjoy  them  equally  as  those 
included  within  the  limits  of  the  Government  of  Quebec" — and 
terminated  with  the  most  gracious  compliments  for  Mde.  de 
Lotbiniere  and  the  rest  of  my  family.  These  orders  have  been 
addressed  and  arrived  at  the  time  in  the  Province :  The  letter 
which  Lieutenant  Governour  Cadwallader  Golden  did  me  the 
honour  to  write  me  on  the  IV^  of  September  1766,  proves  it 
beyond  dispute. 

Since  my  arrival  in  this  Country  I  have  done  every  thing  in  my 
power,  as  well  with  the  said  Sieur  Golden  as  with  Sir  Henry 
Moore,  to  whom  I  presented  on  Lake  Champlain  my  original 
titles.  I  constantly  endeavored  to  interest  in  my  behalf  all  those 
with  whom  I  was  acquainted,  residents  of  the  said  Province,  who 


OIT  LAKE  CTIAMPLAIN. 


Ml 


ut  by 

reover 

ae,  for 

several 

Bion  of 

that  he 

he  per- 

i  below, 

the  said 

the  note 

,r  twelve 

i  the  first 

J  Earl  of 

ds  assem' 

soon  as  * 

irding  my 

f  Quebec. 

Jovernour 

en  pleased 

Proclama- 

\ta  not  to 

nity,  until 
be  assured 

ly  property 
ly  as  those 
ebec"— and 
or  Mde.  de 
have  been 
The  letter 
did  me  the 
i5,  proves  it 

thing  in  my 

.  Sir  Henry 

my  original 

half  all  those 

Province,  who 


have  been  so  good  as  to  act,  from  time  to  time,  near  the  said 
Government.  I  experienred  the  same  attention  here  and  in 
London,  since  my  departure,  so  that  it  is  impossible  to  conceive 
in  me  any,  even  the  smallest,  neglect  as  ri-gards  these  two  Seign- 
iories, which  at  present  are  the  sole  certain  portion  of  my  exist- 
ence, abridged  in  all  the  rest  by  a  forced  prosecution  of  ray 
proceedings  in  their  regard,  and  unable  to  enjoy  them  since  the 
peace.  Montreal,  the  20th  September,  One  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred and  seventy  one. 


MEMOIR  OF  TWO  SEIGNIORIES  AT  THE  HEAD  OF  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 

To  the  Right  Hon'''  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Tracy  and 
Plantations^  the  following  Memorial  of  Michel  Ch'i  t  er  de 
Lotbiniere  ^c. 

Sheweth,  That  he  is  proprietor  of  two  Fief'  an(  Seigniories 
which  are  held  from  the  King;  the  one  under  the  name  of  Alain- 
ville  four  leagues  and  over  in  front,  partly  on  Lake  St  Sacrament 
(now  lake  George)  and  partly  on  the  River  St  Frederic  (Crown 
point  River)  with  a  depth  of  five  leagues  towards  the  West  which 
was  granted  to  him  the  15">  November  1758  by  the  Marquis  of 
Vaudreuil  the  then  Governor  General  in  Canada,  (copy  of  said 
Concession  annexed)  on  which  he  had  made  divers  establishments 
that  have  been  successively  ruined  by  the  English  armies. 

The  other  of  a  nearly  equal  front  r^^posite  St  Frederic  (Crown 
point)  extending  Northwardly  along  f!.e  River  and  Lake  by  a 
depth  five  leagues  East,  which  he  acquired  7  April  last  from  Sieur 
Hocquart  Councillor  of  Slate  and  Intendant  of  the  Naval  forces 
at  Brest  to  whom  the  aforesai '  was  granted  by  two  Patents  of 
Concession  the  20  April  1743,  and  1  April  1745,  of  which  the 
major  part  of  the  settlements  have  been,  in  like  mannerj  destroyed 
in  the  last  war. ' 

I.  The  first  of  these  Seigrniories  atos  in  the  present  Conniy  of  Essex,  N.  Y.; 
the  other,  on  the  opposite  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  embraced  the  present  towns 
of  Panton,  Addison  and  Bridport,  in  Addison  Co.,  Vt.,  and  ivill  be  found  laid 
down  in  the  English  Map  of  Lake  Champlain  annexed. 


► 


■<H 


642 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES 


J'     .1- 


:ii 


II  >e 


The  Memorialist  being  assured  that  the  said  two  Fiefs  are  not 
included  within  the  new  Government  of  Quebec  formed  from  a 
part  of  Canada,  and  not  being  unable  to  discover  from  the  Kings 
Proclamation  of  the  1^^  October  last,  which  establishes  the  boun- 
daries of  said  New  Government,  nor  elsewhere,  to  what  other  part 
the  two  Seigniories  in  question,  at  present  belong,  he  prays  Your 
Lordships  to  instruct  the  government  to  which  they  are  at  present 
annexed,  to  have  him  acknowledged  there  as  Proprietor  of  said 
Estates  j  to  cause  him  to  enjoy  the  same,  without  delay,  in  the 
same  manner  that  he  or  his  predecessors  have  or  ought  to  enjoy 
them,  in  order  that  he  may  be  in  a  position  to  replace  the  inhabi- 
tants there  who  were  already  located  there ;  that  he  may  as  soon 
as  possible  make  there  the  settlements  he  proposes  and  improve 
said  Seigniories  in  the  most  useful  manner,  and  according  as  he 
may  judge  most  proper.  \ 

London,  6  May,  1764. 

'  To  Sir  Fletcher  Korton^  King's  Attorney  General. 

The  affair  in  question  at  present  which  alone  detains  me  here 
over  a  year  in  consequence  of  difficulties  which  I  perceived  to 
arise  on  my  arrival  in  this  country  that  I  could  not  even  suspect 
before ;  by  which  the  Attorney  General  is  at  this  moment  inter- 
rupted, is  already  decided  in  a  very  clear  manner  both  by  the 
general  Capitulation  granted  to  Canada  on  the  S*''  September  1760, 
and  by  the  Treaty  of  Peace  which  followed  it. 

The  first  formally  states  that  all  those  who  have  property  in 
that  Country  shall  be  maintained  as  heretofore  in  the  possession 
of  such  property  as  well  as  of  their  rights,  privileges  and  prero- 
gatives. The  Treaty  of  Peace  since  concluded  confirms  in  regard 
to  the  King's  New  Subjects  in  that  quarter  what  had  been  granted 
by  the  Capitulation,  and  permits  all  others,  within  the  space  of 
eighteen  months  from  the  day  of  the  Ratification  of  the  Treaty, 
freely  to  sell  what  they  possess  in  the  said  Country.  The  ques- 
tion then  resolves  itself,  as  far  as  I  am  concerned,  to  enquiring.  If 
I  am  to  be  considered  a  subject  of  the  King  and  if  in  that  capa- 


ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


643 


ire  not 
from  ?• 
s  Kings 
e  boun- 
hev  part 
lys  Your 
t  present 
f  of  said 
y,  in  the 
,  to  enjoy 
he  inbabi- 
ay  as  soon 
id  improve 
ding  as  Vie 


Ains  me  here 

[perceived  to 
even  suspect 
loment  inter- 
botb  by  the 
Ltember  1^60, 

le  property  in 
Itbe  possession 
res  and  prero- 
Ifirms  in  regard 
been  granted 
[n  tbe  space  of 
]of  tbe  Treaty, 
Iv      The  qnes- 

V'         •  •   «  Tf 

Jo  enquiring? " 

lif  in  that  capa- 


city, I  am  to  possess  what  already  belonged  to  me  and  what  I  have 
since  acquired. 

Without  requiring  to  enumerate  the  proofs  I  have  given  of  a 
special  attachment  to  my  new  Country,  the  sole  fact  of  having 
acquired  new  possessions  in  that  Country  ceded  to  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain,  instead  of  endeavoring  to  sell  those  I  already  had  - 
there,  manifests  the  dispositions  I  entertained  to  attach  myself 
and  mine  for  ever  to  it,  and  consequently  I  cannot  but  be  com- 
prehended under  the  denomination  of  King's  Subjects  granted  to 
those  of  Canada  by  the  Treaty. 

After  having  spent  eleven  consecutive  months  in  fruitless  expen- 
ses and  proceedings  I  finally  succeeded  in  appearing  four  weeks 
ago  before  a  meeting  of  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Plantations, 
when  Milord  Hillsborough,  President  of  that  department,  put 
divers  questions  and  objections  to  me. 

That  on  which  he  appeared  to  me  most  to  dwell  was  that  the 
two  Seigniories  in  question  being  situated  on  Lake  Champlain,  to 
which  His  Britannic  Majesty  had  formed  pretensions,  he  did  not 
consider  that  the  Title  I  derived  from  His  Most  Christian  Majesty 
ought  to  insure  me  their  property.     My  answer  was,  that  without 
seeking  to  discover  whether  these  pretensions  were  founded  or 
not  (a  question  which  it  did  not  become  me  to  agitate,)  I  presumed 
to  assure  him,  at  least,  that  they  were  recent,  much  more  so  than 
the  titles  which  insured  me  the  property  of  these  estates ;  that, 
moreover,  I  did  not  imagine  that  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  who 
iias  had  uninterrupted  possession  of  the  Country  up  to  the  moment 
of  the  conquest  in  1759,  ought  at  any  time  allow  himself  to  be 
stopped  by  a  single  pretension,  in  the  desire  he  had  to  grant  a  part 
of  it,  as  long  as  it  was  in  his  power,  to  those  of  his  subjects  whom 
he  desired  to  reward.     In  fine,  supposing  everything  in  the  posi- 
tion predicated, 'twas  certain  that  I  was  possessor  of  these  Estate? 
in  good  faith ;  that  they  cost  me  much  money  and  trouble  j  that 
no  individual  could  come  forward  of  right,  to  question  my  pro- 
perty in  them ;  that  the  King  alone  opposes  to  me  pretensions 
which  can  tend  only  to  establish  his  right  of  Sovereignty  over  that 
portion  before  the  entire  cession  of  the  Country,  and  not  to  despoil 


.1 


i| 


1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

! 

p 

is 

}: 

y 

,          , 

1 
I' 

1 

j 

544 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES 


■     ; 

1 

"''I 

■  .  '1! 

1       «:l 

'" 

1       1  ' 

1           -1 

':  till' 

■ 

mil 

1 

one  of  His  subjects  in  whose  favour  every  thing  speaks  at  this 
moment,  and  to  whom  justice  cannot  be  refused. 

If  this  chapter  of  pretensions  is  examined  in  its  entire  breadth 
where  will  it  not  lead  to  1  And  if  the  argument  that  is  derived 
from  it  be  considered  invincible,  who  can  assure  himself  of  an  inch 
of  land  in  any  country  what  loever  as  soon  as  it  is  conquered  ? 
And  if  treaties  which  assure  the  subject  the  property  of  his  Estates, 
cannot  serve  as  a  barrier,  on  what  is  he  to  stand,  and  what  here- 
after is  to  be  done  to  preserve  them  1 

The  Attorney  General,  who  perceives  all  the  consequences  of 
such  a  principle ;  who  feels  how  essential  and  just  it  is  to  pre- 
serve to  every  one  his  right,  is  requested  to  give  the  Lords  Com- 
missioners of  Plantations  to  understand  that  however  laudable 
may  be  their  zeal  for  the  maintainance  of  the  rights  of  the  Crown, 
it  is  carried  too  far  when  it  unnecessarily  tends  to  the  ruin  of  a 
private  Individual.  However,  if  they  consider  for  reasons  they 
doubtless  foresee,  that  His  Majesty  cannot  depart  from  the  ori- 
ginal pretensions  He  has  formed  to  the  country,  and  that  my 
Titles  received  may  affect  them,  I  am  too  much  attached  to  His 
Majesty's  Interests  to  object  to  any  new  Titles  He  shall  please  to 
grant  me  Gratis  for  the  whole  of  the  same  objects,  and  which 
reintegrate  me  in  all  my  rights.  I  would  supplicate  him  merely 
to  observe  my  present  situation  which  does  not  admit  of  my  remain- 
ing any  longer  in  London,  and  to  order  that  I  be  despatched  with 
the  greatest  possible  promptness.    This  IS*''  June  1764. 


GRANT  IN  FAVOUR  OF  M.  HOCQUART  OF  A  TRACT  OF 
LAND  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.    1743. 

Tms  DAY,  twentieth  of  April  One  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
forty  three,  the  King  being  at  Versailles,  desirous  to  treat  Sieur 
Hocquart  Intendant  of  New  France  graciously  and  to  bestow  on 
him  a  mark  of  the  satisfaction  he  entertains  of  his  services,  His 
Majesty  has  granted  to  him  by  tenure  of  Fief  and  Seigniory,  a 
tract  about  one  league  in  front  by  five  leagues  in  depth,  situat«  in 
the  said  Colony  on  Lake  Champlain  opposite  Fore  St.  Frederic, 


ON  LAKE  CHAMPtAIK. 


646 


:s  at  this 

e  breadth 
is  derived 
of  an  inch 
onquered  1 
lis  Estates, 
what  here- 

iquences  of 
t  is  to  pre- 
Lords  Com- 
rer  laudable 
t  the  Crown, 
le  ruin  of  a 
reasons  they 
rom  the  ori- 
and  that  my 
iched  to  His 
hall  please  to 
ts,  and  which 
him  merely 
ofmyremain- 
;spatched  with 
|l764. 


TRACT  OF 
143. 

^n  hundred  and 
to  treat  SieuT 
Id  to  bestow  on 
\s  services,  His 
(id  Seigniory,  a 
Idftpth,  situate  ill 
\xi  St.  Frederic, 


bounded  on  the  West  by  said  Lake,  east  by  unconceded  lands. 
North  by  a  line  drawn  East  and  West,  and  South  by  a  line  parallel 
to  this,  wnich  two  lines  form  the  division  of  lands  to  be  conceded 
at  a  quit  rent  {en  censives)  in  His  Majesty's  name  &  for  His  pro- 
fit, for  the  perpetual  enjoyment  by  the  said  Sieur  Hocquart  his 
heirs  &  assigns  of  said  Tract  by  tenure  of  fief  &  Siegniory,  with 
High,  Middle  and  Low  Justice,  and  Right  of  Hunting,  Fishing 
and  Trading  with  Indians  throughout  the  extent  of  said  Seigniory 
without  being  obliged  by  reason  of  this,  to  pay  to  His  Majesty 
nor  to  his  Successors,  Kings,  any  duty  money  as  an  indemnity 
whereof,  whatever  sum  it  may  amount  to.  His  Majesty  hath  made 
him  a  grant  and  release  ;  On  condition  to  render  Fealty  and  Hom- 
mage  at  the  Castle  of  St.  Louis  Quebec  from  which  the  said  Fief 
will  be  holden  and  the  other  customary  services,  according  to  the 
Custom  of  Paris  observed  in  the  said  country,  and  that  the  appeals 
from  the  Court  which  will  be  established  there  shall  be  to  the 
Royal  Cov.rt  {Justice  Royale)  of  Montreal  j  on  condition  also  of 
preserving  and  causing  to  be  preserved  by  the  Tenants  the  Tim- 
ber of  all  descriptions  adapted  for  the  construction  of  His  Majesty's 
ships  ;  of  informing  His  Majesty  of  all  Mines  or  Minerals,  if  any 
be  found  in  said  Concession  ;  to  improve  it  and  to  hold  &  cause 
to  be  held  fire  &  light  there  by  the  Tenants,  in  default  whereof 
it  shall  be  re-united  to  His  Majesty's  Domain  ;  of  allowing  roads 
necessary  for  public  convenience  and  allowing  also  the  beaches 
free  to  all  Fishermen^  except  those  they  may  require  for  their 
fishing  ;  and  in  case  His  Majesty  may  have  use,  hereafter,  of  any 
portions  of  said  Tract,  to  erect  thereupon  Forts,  Batteries,  Arse- 
nals, Magazines  &  other  public  Works,  He  can  take  them  as  well 
as  the  trees  necessary  for  said  public  Works,  and  the  fire  wood 
necessary  for  the  Garrisons  of  said  Forts,  without  being  holden  to 
any  compensation  :  His  Majesty  willing  that  the  said  Concession 
be  subject  to  the  conditions  above  enumerated  without  any  excep- 
tion ;  and  In  testimony  of  His  Will,  He  has  ordered  me  to  issue 
the  present  Brevet  which  shall  be  enregistered  at  the  Office  of  the 
Superior  Council  of  Quebec,  to  have  such  application  there  as 
shall  appertain,  and  which  He  has  willed  to  sign  with  his  hand 
to  be  countersigned  by  me  His  councillor  Secretary  of  State  and 

35 


546 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES 


*f 


of  His  Commands  and  Finances.  Signed,  Louis,  and  lower  dowft, 
Phelippeaux.  Below,  the  present  Brevet  has  been  enregistered 
in  the  Registers  of  the  Superior  Council  of  New  France,  By  tiie 
King's  Attorney  General  according  to  the  ^rret  of  the  day,  by  us, 
Councillor  Secretary  of  the  King,  Chief  Greffier  of  said  Council, 
undersigned.   At  Quebec  the  7th  October  1743-     Signed,  Daine. 

[Here  follows  another  Deed,  dated  l**  April  1745,  to  the  same 
person  of  an  additional  Tract  in  Seigniory,  three  leagues  in  front 
on  Lake  Champlain,  by  five  in  depth,  extending  from  the  North 
bounds  of  the  former  grant,  subject  to  the  same  burthens  and 
conditions;  and  a  Deed  of  Sale  of  the  entire  "Seigniory  Hocquart" 
to  M.  Michel  Chartier,  Seigneur  of  Lotbiniere  &c  for  the  sum  of 
Nine  Thousand  livres — ^bearing  date  Paris,  7*'*  April.  1763.] 


t 


I  I 


I  ( 


•   SITUATION  OF  THE  SEIGNIORY  OF  ALAINVILLE; 

.'.r      ACCORDING  TO  M.  DE  LOTBINIERe's  AFFIDAVIT. 

I,  undersigned,  affirm  and  declare  on  oath  that  the  Seigniory  of 
Alainville,  four  leagues  and  more  in  front  by  five  leagues  in 
depth  to  the  West,  commences  at  La  Pointe  des  hahitans  (one 
league  and  a  half  or  thereabouts,  above  the  Fort  at  Pointe  a  la 
Chevelure,  and  on  the  same  side  of  the  River)  and  that  it  termi- 
nates at  Pointe  du  Bivac  [Bivouac  point]  of  M.  de  Contrecour's 
Camp,  the  lower  point  above  I'Isle  au  Mouton  near  the  entrance 
of  the  Lake  St.  Sacrement ;  that  the  said  Seigniory  belongs  to  me 
in  virtue  of  the  Grant  which  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  made  to 
me  dated  15">  November  of  the  year  One  thousand  seven  hundred 
&  fifty  Eight ;  that  this  deed  of  Concession  was  left,  in  the  origi- 
nal by  me  in  July  1764  with  M'  Pownall  Secretary  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  and  the  Colonies  to  be  registered  in  said  Office ;  that  S' 
Henry  Guinaud,  my  agent  in  London  informed  me  by  letter  that 
the  Title  deeds  deposited  by  the  Hon**!®  Mr.  Cholmondely  on  my 
behalf  &  by  me  at  the  said  office  had  been  returned  to  him  all 
regiiStered.  ^  .  »,  ■  <,;■     ' 


ON  LAKE  CHAHPLAIN, 


647 


•  dowit, 
ristered 
By  the 
^jbyus, 
[JouncU, 
J  Daise. 

the  same 
;  in  front 
he  North 
hens  and 
[ocquart" 
le  sum  of 
1163.] 

V,,  •      ■  1. 
ILLE; 

leigniory  of 
leagues  in 
ntans  (one 
ointe  a  la 
lat  it  termi- 
lontrecour's 
the  entrance 
jlongs  to  me 
nil  made  to 
|ven  hundred 
in  the  origi- 
|of  the  Board 
jce ;  that  S' 
,y  letter  that 
,ndely  on  my 
to  bim  all 


/'.■iffa'. 


GOV.  MOORE  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  PLANTATIONS. 


"  [Lond.  Doc.  XXXIX.I  ,     , 

New  York,  7  Nov.  1766. 
My  Lords — I  had  the  honour  of  informing  your  LordPP"  in  a 
former  letter  that  I  proposed  to  settle  the  Boundary  line  between 
this  Province  and  Quebec  as  soon  as  I  could  conveniently  leave 
this  City,  and  it  was  not  long  before  I  had  an  opportunity  of  doing 
it,  for  upon  the  arrival  of  Brigadier  Carleton  from  England,  I  set 
out  in  company  with  him  for  Lake  Champlain,  and  after  encoun- 
tering with  many  difficulties  occasioned  by  the  badness  of  the 
weather,  we  fixed  the  limits  on  the  River  Sorell  about  two  miles 
&  a  half  below  vtdndmill  Point,  which  is  further  to  the  Northward 
than  we  imagined  to  find  it  from  the  observations  which  were  said 
to  be  made  there  by  the  French  some  few  years  agoe ;  upon  our 
arrival  at  Windmill  Point,  several  French  Gentlemen  came  to  us, 
there  from  Quebec,  as  well  to  pay  their  compliments  to  Brig' 
Carleton,  as  to  request  of  me  the  confirmation  of  their  Rights  to.> 
those  Seigneiories,  which  on  our  observations  should  be  found 
in  the  Southward  of  the  45ti>  degree,  and  which  were  granted  to 
them  before  the  conquest  of  Canada.     To  this  demand  I  could 
make  no  other  answer  than,  that  His  Majesty  had  by  his  instruc- 
tions to  me  laid  down  such  rules  for  the  granting  of  lands  in  this 
Prov*"-*  that  I  could  not  deviate   from  them  without  incurring 
his  displeasure,  and  that  the  power  of  confirming  what  they  now 
requested  of  me,  was  not  at  present  lodged  in  my  hands,  as  I  was 
particularly  restrained  from  granting  to  any  one  person  more  than 
one  thousand  acres,  whereas  they  demand  confirmation  of  Grants, 
some  of  which  consisted  of  Tracts  containing  100,000  acres  and 
others  of  150,000  aci«es ;  I  further  informed  them  that  no  land 
was  granted  in  this  Prov^e  to  any  of  His  Maj'y*  subjects  without 
their  paying  a  quit-rent  of  two  shillings  &  sixpence  sterling  to  the 
Crown  for  each  hundred  acres,  &  desired  to  know  if  they  expected 
to  have  their  grants  confirmed,  without  paying  any  such  quit-rent; 
to  which  they  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  requested  that  I 


% 


I 


i  i 


f^4S 


VHtffCH  SHONIORI£S 


would  not  grant  any  lands  on  the  Lake  till  I  had  laid  their  claims 
before  His  Majestys  Ministers.  On  the  other  hand  the  reduced 
Officers)  and  disbanded  soldiers,  many  of  whom  are  now  in  actual 
Possession  of  large  Tracts  of  those  Lands,  are  greatly  alarmed 
at  these  Claims,  and  desire  to  be  protected  in  the  Grants  made  to 
them  by  Lieu*  Gov'  Colden,  as  they  have  vested  their  whole  for- 
tunes in  the  settlements  already  begun  on  them,  and  must  be 
reduced  to  beggary,  on  being  dispossessed.  I  had  the  honor  of 
informing  Mr.  Secretary  Conway,  soon  after  my  arrival  at  New 
York  from  England  that  Lieut  Gov'  Colden  had  declined  showing 
me  his  correspondence  with  the  Secretary  of  State's  Office,  &  the 
Board  of  Trade,  which  I  was  desirous  of  seeing,  so  that  if  any 
orders  relative  to  the  French  claims  have  been  transmitted  they 
have  not  yet  come  to  my  hands.  Your  LordPP*  will  see  at  one 
view  how  great  a  prejudice  to  the  settlement  of  the  Prov^e  the 
present  uncertain  tenure  must  occasion,  for  several  other  persons 
who  have  obtained  His  Maj*y»  sign  manual  for  large  Tracts  are 
desirous  of  taking  them  up  on  the  sides  of  Lake  Champlain,  and 
have  already  gone  so  far,  as  to  make  actual  surveys  of  the  Lands, 
but  are  now  discouraged  from  proceeding  farther,  lest  after  a  great 
expense  incurred  they  might  be  turned  out  of  possession.  I  was 
in  hopes  that  I  should  have  been  able  to  have  sent  over  to  your 
LordPP"  by  this  opportunity  an  actual  survey  of  the  Lake  taken 
by  a  skillful  hand,  in  which  all  the  French  claims  were  to  be  dis- 
tinguished, with  the  number  of  acres  which  each  of  them  contained, 
and  likewise  the  grants  made  to  the  Officers  and  Soldiers,  under 
the  great  s«»al  of  this  Prov^^  in  consequence  of  His  Maj*y»  Proc- 
lamation which  would  have  showed  at  one  view  how  far  they 
interfere  with  each  other.  The  Deputy  Surveyor  of  Canada,  who 
attended  me  the  whole  time  I  was  employed  in  fixing  the  line  of 
division  between  the  Provinces,  promised  to  furnish  me  with  an 
exact  draught  of  all  the  Seigneuries  on  the  Lake,  time  enough  to 
transmit  to  your  LordPP^  by  the  Packet,  but  I  have  not  heard 
from  him  since  my  return  hither.  As  this  is  a  matter  of  very 
great  importance  to  a  considerable  number  of  persons  in  this  Pro- 
vince, whose  whole  fortunes  are  vested  in  these  Lands,  they  have 
requested  me  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  laying  the  state 


OR  IJkXe  eSAMPLAlif. 


649 


ir  claims 
reduced 
in  actual 
alarmed 
s  made  to 
vhole  for- 
1  must  be 
honor  of 
al  at  New 
;d  showing 
fice,  &  the 
hat  if  any 
nitted  they 
see  at  one 
Prov°«  the 
her  persons 
Tracts  are 
mplain,  and 
f  the  Lands, 
after  a  great 
sion.    I  was 
3ver  to  your 
Lake  taken 
»re  to  be  dis- 
im  contained, 
Idiers,  under 
Maj^y  Proc- 
low  far  tbey 
Canada,  who 

ig  the  line  of 
me  with  an 
me  enough  to 
ve  not  heard 
latter  of  very 
ns  in  this  Pro- 
ds, they  have 
lying  the  state 


of  their  case  before  your  LordPP*  and  to  set  forth  the  distressed 
situation  in  which  they  are  at  present,  that  His  Majestys  pleasure 
might  be  known  on  this  head.  During  my  absence  from  hencej 
two  Packets  arrived  but  as  I  was  at  too  great  a  distance,  they  had 
sailed  again  before  I  heard  of  their  arrival,  which  I  hope  will 
appologizc  for  my  not  having  acknowledged  sooner  the  honor  of 
your  LordPP«  letter  of  the  11*»>  July,  and  the  receipt  of  the  queries 
sent  by  the  same  opportunity,  which  shall  be  answered  with  all 
expedition  and  in  the  fullest  manner  from  the  best  Intelligence  I 
am  capable  of  procuring. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  ettc. 

H.  MooBE. 


LORD  HILLSBOROUGH  TO  SIR  E  MOORE. 


[Lond.  Doe.  XLI.] 


WhitehaU  Feb  2Sth  1768. 


Your  letter  to  Lord  Shelburne  No.  5.  which  relates  to  the  Claims 
of  His  Mdtys  Canadian  Subjects,  to  lands  on  that  part  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain  which  is  now  a  part  of  the  Colony  of  New  York,  has  been 
referred  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  &  their  Lordships  having  made  a 
Report  to  His  Mdty  thereupon.  It  is  His  Mdtys  Resolution  upon 
the  fullest  consideration  not  to  allow  any  claims  made  upon  the 
grounds  of  ancient  grants  from  the  Government  of  Canada,  to 
Lands  which  were  never  acknowledged  to  belong  of  right  to  the 
Crown  of  France. 

His  Mdty  has  the  most  tender  Regard  to  the  Rights  of  His 
new  subjects,  &  is  desirous  of  giving  every  proper  Testimony  of 
His  Attention  to  their  Interests  and  Welfare,  &  therefore  it  is 
his  Mdtys  Pleasure,  that  they  should  not  be  disturbed  in  the 
peaceable  possession  of  any  Tracts  so  circumstanced,  which  they 
may  have  actually  settled  &  improved,  provided  they  consent  to 
establish  their  Title  by  Grants  under  the  seal  of  the  Pro\'ince  of 
New  York,  upon  the  usual  Conditions  of  Quit  Rent  &  Improve- 
ment. 


Hi 


♦ 


w 


'!>J 


m 

IP 

Hi 


W'\ 


fim^ 


'<»  I 


■  it,, 
a 


560       '  FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES 


LORD  HILLSBOROUGH  TO  SIR  H.  MOORE. 

LN.  T.  Council  Minutes  XXTI;  Lond.  Doc.  XLI.] 

Whitehall  13th  August  1768. 
I  have  only  in  Command  from  His  Majesty  to  send  you  the 
inclosed  order  of  His  Majesty  in  Council  confirming  the  Boundary 
Line  between  New  York  &  Quebec,  as  agreed  upon  and  fixed  by 
yourself  and  Governor  Carleton,  for  the  due  execution  of  which 
Order  under  the  several  Limitations  and  Restrictions  contained 
in  it,  His  Majesty  h£Ls  the  fullest  Reliance  on  your  Zeal  for  and 
Attention  to  His  Service. 


[N.  T.  Council  Minutes  XXVl.] 

At  the  Court  at  St.  James  the  12th  day  of  August  1768. 

Present 
The  Kings  Most  Excellent  Majesty. 


Duke  of  Grafton      , 
Duke  of  Rutland 
Duke  of  Queensbury 
Marquis  of  Granby 
Earl  of  Litchfield 
Earl  of  Hillsborough 
Earl  of  Shelburne 


Viscount  Falmouth 

Viscount  Barrington   .  , 

Viscount  Villiers 

Lord  North 

James  Stuart  Mackenzie  Esq 

I'homas  Harley  Esq' 

Sir  Edward  Hawke    . 


Viscount  Weymouth  -  .     ' 

Whereas  there  was  this  Day  read  at  the  Board  a  Report  from 
the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  of  Council  for 
Plantation  Affairs  dated  the  9<^^  of  this  Instant,  upon  considering 
a  Report  made  by  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Planta- 
tions, upon  an  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Sir  Henry  Moore  Governor 
of  New  York  to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  dated  the  16tJ»  of  January 
last,  relative  to  the  setling  the  Bound&ry  Line  between  that 
Province  and  Quebec  :  By  which  Report  it  appears  that  it  having 
been  mutually  agreed  upon  between  Sir  Henry  Moore  and  the 
Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  at  a  Meeting 
for  that  purpose  appointed;  that  the  Line  of  Division  between 


OM  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


661 


It  1768. 
you  the 
)undary 
ixed  by 
f  which 
)nt8dned 
for  and 


1768. 


izie  Esq 


iport  from 
louncil  for 
considering 
nd  Planta- 
B  Governor 
of  January 
tween  that 
at  it  having 
re  and  the 
;  a  Meeting 
on  between 


these  Provinces  should  be  fixed  at  the  forty-fifth  Degree  of  North 
Latitude,  conformable  to  the  Limits  laid  down  in  his  Majesty's 
Proclamation  of  October  1763,  and  it  having  been  ascertained  and 
determined  by  proper  Observations  where  the  said  line  would 
pass ;  it  is  therefore  proposed  that  these  Proceedings  above  stated 
should  be  confirmed  by  His  Majesty — His  Majesty  taking  the  said 
Report  into  Consideration  was  pleased  with  the  Advice  of  His 
privy  Council,  to  approve  thereof,  and  doth  hereby  confirm  the  said 
Proceedings  above  stated,  and  order  that  the  said  Line  of  Division 
be  run  out  and  continued  as  far  as  each  Province  respectively 
extends,  Provided  that  nothing  hereinbefore  contained,  shall 
extend  to  affect  the  Properties  of  his  Majesty's  new  Subjects, 
having  Possessions  under  proper  Titles,  on  those  parts  of  the 
Lands  on  the  South  side  of  this  Line,  the  Dominion  of  which 
was  not  disputed  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  ; 
And  Provided  also,  that  this  Determination  shall  not  operate 
wholly  to  deprive  his  Majesty's  New  subjects  of  such  Concessions 
on  the  South  side  of  the  said  Line,  on  which  they  may  have 
made  actual  Settlement  and  Improvement,  although  the  Lands 
may  have  been  disputed  by  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  ;  but  that 
such  Possessors  shall  be  entitled  to  so  much  of  the  said  Conces- 
sions, as  shall  be  proportioned  to  their  Improvements,  at  the  rate 
of  fifty  Acres  for  every  three  Acres  of  Improvement,  provided 
they  take  out  Grants  for  the  same  under  the  Seal  of  the  Province 
of  New  York,  subject  to  the  usual  Quit  rents,  and  Provided  also 
that  the  Grant  to  no  one  person  shall  exceed  twenty  thousand 
Acres,  and  the  Governors  or  Commanders  in  Chief  of  his  Majes- 
ty's said  Provinces  of  New  Yoik  and  Quebec  for  the  Time  being, 
and  all  others  whom  it  may  concern,  are  to  take  Notice  of  his 
Majesty's  Pleasure  hereby  signifyed  and  govern  themselves  accord- 
ingly. ■  V 
'                                          Steph:  Cottrell.    ^ 


I 


'if-,. -ij.--*'     ''■ 


v''-m 


i 


\     i'    ( 


568 


nENCu  sEiomoBixa 


■  a    ,'■  I 


SIR  H.  MOORE  TO  LORD  HILLBOROUGH. 

.1,   •  -  ■  '  I  \ 

'■•  [Lond.  Doo.  XLI.]  '    .     ' 

Tort  George  Oct  24th  1768. 

Since  my  writing  the  foregoing  Letter,  I  have  had  an  opportunity 
of  laying  the  order  before  His  Majesty's  Council,  who  are  under 
some  difficulties  in  regard  to  the  construction  of  the  first  proviso 
therein  mentioned  viz.  *'  Provided  that  nothing  herein  contained 
shall  extend  to  a£fect  the  Properties  of  His  Majestys  new  subjects 
having  possessions  under  proper  titles  on  those  parts  of  the  Lands, 
on  the  south  side  of  this  Line  the  Dominion  of  which  was  not 
disputed  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain."  No  line 
of  jurisdiction  having  ever  been  settled  between  this  Province  & 
Quebec  'till  that  which  was  fixed  by  General  Carleton  &  myself 
and  approved  of  by  His  Majesty,  each  of  the  Provinces  have 
endeavored  to  extend  their  claims  as  far  as  they  possibly  could. 
The  English  to  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  French  to  the 
Southward  of  Lake  George :  The  consequence  of  which  has  been 
that  the  lands  on  both  sides  of  Lake  Champlain  have  been  granted 
to  the  English  &  French  by  their  respective  Governors,  as  will 
appear  by  the  Map  which  I  had  the  honour  of  transmitting  to 
England  &  mentioned  in  my  letter  No,  6,  to  the  Earl  of  Shelbnrne 
dated  22"*  of  February  1767,  &.  in  my  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade 
dated  4*  April  1767.  Your  Lordship  will  see  by  these  different 
claims  what  the  difficulties  are  which  we  labour  under  at  present, 
for  [there  is]  nq  particular  Boundary  Line  fairly  drawn  between  the 
Provinces,  the  English  claim  supported  by  that  which  was  made 
before  them  by  the  Dutch  extended  as  far  as  the  forty  fifth  Degree 
of  Latitude.  This  Line  was  supposed  by  the  French  to  be  more 
to  the  Southward  than  we  found  it  on  observation,  &  several  of 
their  grants  in  those  parts  are  covered  by  those  since  made  by  M'. 
Colden  to  the  reduced  officers  and  Soldiers  under  His  Majestys 
Proclamation.  This  will  of  course  open  such  a  scene  of  litigation, 
as  I  am  afraid  will  defeat  the  expectations  of  forwarding  the 
se  tlements  in  that  part  of  the  Country,  to  prevent  which  it  is  our 
humble  request  that  His  Majestys  pleasure  might  be  known  how 


ON  LAKE  CWMPLAtn. 


653 


Ih  17«8. 
ortunily 
re  under 
;  proviso 
iontained 
subjects 
le  Lands, 
was  not 
No  line 
rovince  & 
&  myself 
inces  have 
l>Vy  could, 
nch  to  the 
h  has  been 
sen  granted 
)rs,  as  will 
smitting  to 
f  Shelburne 
ds  of  Trade 
;se  different 
•  at  present, 
between  the 
;h  wan  made 
fifth  Degree 
1  to  be  more 
fe  several  of 
made  by  M'. 
His  Majestys 
>  of  litigation, 
rvfarding  the 
^hich  it  is  our 
e  known  how 


far  to  the  southward  of  the  45""  Degree  any  French  grants  are 
to  be  allowed,  for  they  have  no  settlements  to  claim  under 
(which  I  am  informed  was  an  absolute  condition  of  their  Grant, 
as  they  have  paid  no  Quit-Rent)  &  the  qtiantity  of  Land  in  most 
of  their  Grants  far  exceeds  that  which  His  Majesty  lias  been 
pleased  to  allow  to  those  mentioned  in  the  2''  proviso  which  was 
not  to  exceed  20,000  Acres  to  each  Person  where  an  actual  settle- 
ment had  been.  , 


ADDITIONAL  INSTRUCTION  N, 

TO  OUR  TRUSTY   AND   WELL   BELOVED   SIR   HENRY   MOORE   BARONET, 
.     OUR  CAPTAIN  GENERAL  AND  GOVERNOR  IN  CHIEi'  OF  OUR  PROVINCE 

OF    NEW    YORK    &     THE    TERRITORIES    DEPENDING     THERFON     IN 

AMSRICA.      GIVEN  &C.      DATED  5  JULY  1769. 

[N.  Y.  Council  Minutes  XXVI;  Lond.  Doc.  XLII.] 

Whereas  sundry  persons,  proprietors  under  titles  derived  from 
the  Crown  of  France  when  that  Crown  was  in  possession  of 
Canada,  of  lands  on  that  part  of  Lake  Camplain  now  lying  within 
our  Province  of  New  York  have  humbly  represented  unto  Us  that 
several  parts  of  the  said  lan<ls  so  claimed  have  already  been  granted 
to  other  persons  by  Letters  Patent  under  the  Seal  of  Our  said  Province 
of  New-York,  and  have  therefore  humbly  prayed  that  a  proceed- 
ing so  prejudicial  to  their  rights  and  pretensions  may  receive  Our 
Royal  disapprobation;  &  whereas  it  appears  both  just  &  equitable 
that  the  claims  of  persons  under  such  titles  as  aforesaid  should 
not  be  affected  without  the  fullest  examination  thereof.  It  is 
therefore  Our  Will  and  Pleasure  &  you  are  hereby  directed  &  re- 
quired in  no  case  to  make  any  grants  of  lands  so  claimed,  as 
aforesaid,  upon  Lake  Champlain  to  the  northward  of  Crown 
Point,  within  Our  Province  of  New  York,  until  the  petitions  & 
proposals  for  grants  of  any  part  or  parts  of  such  lands  shall  have 
been  transmitted  to  one  of  Our  principal  Secretaries  of  State,  in 
order  to  be  laid  before  Us,  &  until  Our  approbation  thereof  shall 
have  signified  to  you  Our  said  Governor  or  to  the  Commander  in 
Chief  of  Our  said  Province  for  the  time  being. 


; 

I 


664 


FKGKCH  BEIOKIOHIES 


>  1 


i     'I 


li 


•  i 


[N.  T.  Counoil  Minutes  XXVI.] 
At  R  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  New  York 
on  Wednesday  the  fourteenth  day  of  August,  1771. 

Present  His  Excellency  William  Tryon  Esq'  Capt.  Genl.  &c. 
M'  Watts  Mf  ATorris  M'  Cruger  M"-  White 

M'  De  Lancey       M'  Smith  M'  Wallace  M'  Axtell 

It  is  Ordered  by  his  Excellency  with  the  advice  of  the  Council 
that  a  Proclamation  issue  Notifying  to  all  Persons  holding  or 
laying  Claim  under  Titles  derived  from  the  Government  of  Franre, 
while  in  Possession  of  Canada,  to  any  Lands  upon  Lake  Cham- 
plain  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  and  to  the  Southward  of  the 
forty  fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude,  to  transmit  unto  the 
Secretary's  Office  of  this  Province  within  three  months  from  the 
Date  thereof,  Authentic  Exemplifications  of  the  Original  Grants, 
together  with  satisfactory  Evidence  of  the  situation  of  the  Lands 
therein  mentioned,  and  of  the  Solidity  of  the  Titles  of  the 
Claimants  thereof  at  the  time  of  the  Surrender  of  Canada  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  ;  to  the  End  that  the  Government  of  this 
Province,  by  being  duly  apprized  thereof,  may  be  enabled  to  give 
the  Claims  under  such  French  Grants,  the  attention  Ihev  shall 
appear  to  Merit. 

[N.  Y.  Council  Min.  XXVI.] 
In  Council;  Wednesday,  18  Dec^  1771. 

Present  His  Excellency  William  Tryon  Esq.  Capt.  GenM  &c. 
M'  Horsmanden      M'  DeLanccy      M'  Smith  M'  White 

M'  Watts  Mf  Apthorp  M'  Cruger        M'  Axtell 

His  Excellency  communicated  to  the  Board  a  Letter  of  the  30''> 
of  October  from  Lieutenant  Governor  Cramahe  of  the  Province 
of  Quebec  enclosing  several  papers  relative  to  the  French  Claims 
to  Lands  on  Lake  Champlain  and  acquainting  his  Excellency  that 
he  shall  by  the  next  Post  furnish  him  with  all  the  Information  he 
has  collected  relative  to  the  French  Grants  on  that  Lake. 

His  Excellency  also  communicated  to  the  Board  another  Letter 
from  Lieutenant  Governor  Cramahe,  dated  Quebec  Nov'  ll*"* 
acquainting  his  Excellency  that  in  consequence  of  his  Letter  of 


ON  LAKE  CIIAMPLAIK. 


655 


w  York 
771. 

nl.  &f- 
i/Vhite 
\xtell 
.Council 
(Iding  or 
f  France, 
Ice  Cham- 
m\  of  the 

unto  the 
s  from  the 
lal  Grants, 

the  Lands 
les  of  the 
nada  to  the 
nent  of  this 
jled  to  give 
n  tliev  shall 


)ec'  n'Tl-    * 

Gen'l  &c. 
M'  White 
M'  Axtell 

oftheSO^i' 
the  Province 
rench  Claims 
xcellency  that 
nformation  he 

jake. 
another  Letter 

ec  Nov'  !!**• 
bis  Letter  of 


the  17"'  August,'  he  ordered  the  public  Register  deposited  with 
the  Secretary  of  the  Province  to  be  very  exactly  searched,  and 
Transmitted  him  by  M""  Marr  two  Abstracts  containing  the  Gran- 
tees Names,  those  of  the  new  Proprietors  that  have  come  to  their 
knowledge,  the  Dates  of  the  Grants  as  well  as  of  the  Ratifications, 
and  their  extent  as  entered  upon  those  Registers,  as  well  of  the 
Land*  granted  en  Seigneurie  as  of  those  granted  by  the  King  en 
Roture — Also  Copies  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province  of  all 
the  Kings  Edicts  and  Declarations  relative  to  Grants  of  Lands 
which  had  Force  of  Law  there,  that  his  Excellency  might  be  ena- 
bled to  Judge  of  the  Justice  of  such  Claims — That  by  these  it 
appears  that  the  Governor  and  Intendant,  or  in  Case  of  their 
Death  or  Absence  those  who  executed  their  respective  offices,  had 
the  power  of  granting  Lands  to  be  ratified  by  the  King  within 
Twelve  Months,  and  that  they  likewise  were  the  sole  Judges  in 
case  of  a  reunion  to  the  Demesne,  where  the  Grantees  had  not 
complyed  with  the  Conditions  of  their  Grants,  which  however 
never  took  place  till  after  a  Solemn  Hearing  upon  a  legal  Process 
before  those  Officers  at  the  instance  of  the  King's  Attorney  Gen- 
eral— That  among  the  Papers  transmitted  under  the  Great  Seal  of 
the  Province  is  a  Sentence  of  Reunion  of  Several  Grants  upon 
Lake  Champlain  dated  lO'h  May  1741  by  the  then  Governor 
Beauharnois  and  Intendant  Hocquart,  since  which  time  there  does 
not  appear  upon  the  Registers,  altho'  very  complete,  a  single 
reunion  of  any  Grant  in  those  Parts ;  &  therefore  that  all  Grants 
precedent  thereto,  and  not  comprehended  therein,  are  thereby  con- 
firmed— and  after  several  observations  respecting  two  Grants  to 
Monsieur  Foucault  pjirchased  by  General  Murray ;  On  the  Title 
of  Mademoiselle  de  Ramzay — On  the  Grant  of  Monsieur  De 
Beaujeu  Villemonde — And  the  two  Grants  to  Monsieur  Hocquart, 
purchased  by  Monsieur  de  Lotbiniere,  further  acquainting  his 
Excellency  that  the  Canadian  Grantees,  Trust  his  Excellency  will 
be  pleased  to  consider  the  Possession  of  their  Estates  with  all  the 
Immunities  thereunto  annexed,  was  secured  to  them  by  the  capitu- 
lation of  Montreal,  and  the  Treaty  of  Paris— That  the  King's 

1  Forwarding  Proclamation  mentioned  in  the  preceding  entry,  dated,  14  Augt. 
1771. 


f 
'I 


f*f»  »,H 


*      1 


t<    , 


y 


566 


PBEiTCa  S£I6N10&I£8 


Old  Subjects  who  under  the  Faith  thereof  became  considerable 
purchasers  of  their  Estates,  Hope  and  doubt  not  his  Excellency 
will  pay  a  due  attention  to  their  just  Rights,  and  that  all  expect 
so  serious  a  matter  of  so  much  Consequence  to  themselves  and 
Families,  will  be  carefully  weighed  and  sufficient  Time  given  them 
to  adduce  such  proofs  «s  in  Honour  and  Justice  may  be  required 
of  them. 


In  Council ;  Thursday  31«t  day  of  Decemb'  1771. 
Present  His  Excellency  Gov'  Tryon  and  the  other  Members  o^ 
Council  as  last  mentioned^  except  M'  Apthorp  absent,  and 
M'  Wallace  who  is  present. 

His  E)ccellency  laid  before  the  Board  the  following  Writings 
and  Papers  which  had  been  transmitted  from  the  Province  of 
Quebec  in  pursuance  of  the  late  Proclamation  relating  to  the 
French  Claims  to  Lands  within  this  Government,  on  the  banks 
of  Lake  Champlain. 

l^t.  An  Exemplification  under  the  Seal  of  Quebec  of  the  Order 
of  the  French  King  authorizing  the  Grant  of  Lands  in  Canada 
dated  20th  May  1676. 

2*'y.  An  Exemplification  of  his  Arret  in  Council  directing  that 
the  Lands  Granted  be  cultivated  by  the  Inhabitants,  dated  e*"* 
July,  1711. 

3^^y.  An  Exemplification  of  the  French  King's  Declaration 
concerning  the  Grants  in  Canada,  dated  Yl^^  July  1743,  &  an 
Explanatory  Order  dated  W^  June  1748. 

4ti>^y.  An  Exemplification  of  an  Arret  in  Council  of  the  IS*** 
March  1732. 

Stilly.  Of  an  Ordinance  of  the  Governor  and  Intendant  of  10tJ» 
May  1741.  for  a  Reunion  of  divers  Seigniories  to  the  Demesnes 
of  the  French  Crown. 

gthly.  Certificate  from  the  French  List  of  the  Lands  Granted 
en  Seigneurie  on  Lake  Champlain  North  of  Crown  Point  dated  at 
Quebec  28*^  October  1771,  and  signed  Geo.  Alsop  Clerk  of  the 
Enrolments. 


\,. 


''~l?im^ 


isideraWe 
xcellency 
ill  expect 
elves  and 
iven  tbem 
i  required 


b'  1T71. 
!embers  of 
ibsent,  and 

ng  Writings 
Province  of 
iting  to  tbe 
^  tbe  banks 

of  tbe  Order 
5  in  Canada 

directing  tbat 
Is,  dated  6*" 

Declaration 
1 1743,  &  an 

of  tbe  Ib^^ 

Iflant  of  10*^ 
le  Demesnes 

Inds  Granted 

loint  dated  at 

3lerk  of  tbe 


N 

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-J»i|i-|ir«iiiii»il>i1iii   ^    i'i|il|nili|jl)p  i.ii,i»i,yn^|i|,  ,||„.|,,|,|,,    ,    ,1 


J.  •*'"^'Rl!, 


\l 


ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


567 


7'"b'.  A  like  Certificate  of  the  Lands  granted  en  Roture  or  in 
Soccage  to  the  Southward  of  the  45th  degree  of  North  Latitude. 

8">iy.  Copies  of  the  Concession  and  Ratification  to  Daniel 
Lienard  de  Beaujeu  Jun""  of  the  6th  March  1752  and  !»»  June  1763 
mentioned  in  the  said  List  of  Seigniories  &  Certified  under  the 
hand  of  said  Geo.  Alsop. 

9'hJy.  Copies  Certified  in  like  manner  of  the  Concession  and 
Ratification  to  Antoine  Bedout  mentioned  in  Suid  List  of  Seig- 
neuries. 

lO'hiy.  Copies  Under  a  like  Certificate  of  the  Concession  and 
Ratification  in  the  said  List  to  Nicholas^rr6  Le  Vasseur. 

11th.  Copies  Certified  in  like  Manner  of  the  Concession  and 
Ratification  in  the  said  List  to  Francis  Daine. 

12t'».  Copies  of  a  Concession  by  the  King  to  Monsieur  Giles 
Hoquart  IntenJant,  dated  20th  April  1743,  and  of  a  like  Conces- 
sion to  the  same  on  I't  April  1745,  and  of  a  Contract  and  Sale 
thereof  certified  by  Pierrt  Meziere  and  Pierre  Panet,  Notaries, 
who  are  Certified  to  be  Notaries  at  Quebec  by  John  Collins  a 
Justice  of  the  Peace  Sl^t  September,  1771. 

I3th.  Copy  of  »  Memorial  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Que- 
bec by  Lewis  Lienard  de  Be-^ujeu  de  Villemonde  dated  15th  Octo- 
ber 1771.  representing  that  he  had  a  Grant  of  a  Seigneurie  dated 
20*h  July  1755  but  that  Uie  Ratification  was  lost  in  1756  and' 
praying  his  Intercession  with  the  Governor  of  New  York  for 
further  Time  to  produce  it  than  is  prescribed  by  the  New  York 
Procl  .a  idon  of  August  last. 

14th.  A  Copy  of  a  Notarial  Certificate  of  the  Sale  of  the  Seig- 
neurie mentioned  in  the  said  List  to  be  Granted  to  Pierre  Raim- 
bault  made  by  his  Heirs  to  Benjamin  Price  and  others  Certified 
by  the  said  George  Alsop  15  August  1771. 

15th.  A  Map  of  the  French  Grants  on  Lake  Champlain  from 
Fort  Chambly  to  Crown  Point  Surveyed  by  M'  Ange-  dated  IQth 
October  1748  a;  d  signed  de  Lery. 

16th.  Mr.  Cramahe's  Letter  to  his  Excellency  dated  11th  Dec' 
1771. 

Upon  which  his  Excellency  desired  the  opinion  of  the  Coimcil 
on  the  Measures  proper  to  be  pursued  as  well  with  Respect  to  the 


i 
1 


558 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES 


Lands  granted  upon  Lake  Champlain,  as  to  new  applications  for 
Patents  in  that  part  of  the  Country,  and  it  was  thereupon  Ordered 
that  the  said  Writings  be  referred  to  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Coun- 
cil, or  any  five  of  them. 


ORDINANCE 

OF  THE   COVEKNOB   AND  INTENDANT   OF  NEW  FRANCE   REUNITING    TO 
HIS  »IAJESTl's  DOMAIN  ALL  SEIGNIORIES  NOT  IMPROVED        10  MAY 

1741. 

[MSS.  relating  to  French  Claims,  &c.,  in  See's.  Off.} 

Charles  Marquis  de  Beauhamois  fyc. 
Gilles  Hocquart  ^c. 

At  the  Superior  €oiiiiciI  of  Quebec,  Between  tlie  Kings  Attorney  General.  Pliil 
in  his  suit  of  the  2U  Feby  last  on  the  one  side ; 

And  Sieurs  .  .  .  Pean,  Major  of  the  Town  and  Castle  of  Quebec  ...  St 
Vincent  Ensign  of  Foot,  De  Beauvais  Junr.,  De  Contrecour  Capt.  of  In- 
fantry; De  Contrecour  Junr.  Ensign,  and  La  Perriere  Capt.  of  sd.  Troops 
.  .  .  Lafontaine,  Councillor  in  sd.  Superior  Council  .  .  .  Roebert 
Kings  Store  Keeper  at  Montreal  .  .  .  All  the  above  named  Grantees 
of  Lands  on  ....  .  Lake  Champlain  Deits  and  cited  the  sixth 
and  eleventh  of  March  last  and  the  ninth  of  the  present  month :  and  Sieurs 
Douville  .  .  .  and  De  la  Gauchetiere  Defts  and  defaulters  through  lack 
of  appearance  either  personally  or  by  attorney  on  the  summons  which  was 
served  on  them  the  eleventh  of  said  Month  of  March  by  the  Huissier 
Decoste,  on  the  other  side.' 

Having  seen  the  suit  of  the  King's  Attorney  General  demand- 
ing fcr  reaoons  therein  contained,  that  We  would  be  pleased  to 
permit  him  lo  caus^  to  be  summoned  the  said  Sieurs  above  men- 
tioned to  be  and  appear  before  us  at  the  Castle  St  Louis  of  Quebec 
within  the  delays  of  the  ordonnance  to  direct  and  order,  that  they 
having  failed  to  have  cultivated  &  improved  the  lands  granted  to 
them  in  Seigniory  and  to  have  placed  and  settled  inhabitants  thereon 
according  to  the  terms  of  the  Arrets  of  the  King's  CouncH  of 
State  of  the  sixth  July  1711.  and  fifteenth  March  1732  and  within 
the  time  specified  therein,  they  shall  be  and  remain  reunited  to 
His  Majesty's  Domain  in  this  country  ;  The  answers  of  the  said 
Defend'^,  present  by  which     .     .     .     Sieur  Pean  states  that  he 

1  So  Hiuch  of  this  Record  only  is  given  as  applies  to  Grants  on  Lake  Champlain 
and  south  of  Line  45.    '  ' 


-#iy      '    r" 


ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


559 


;ations  for 
n  Ordered 
the  Coun- 


JNITING    TO 
3,       10  MAY 


Qeneral.    Piii^ 

icc    .    .    •    ^ 
ur  Capt.  of  In- 
;.  of  ad.  Troops 
.    .    Roebert 
amed  Grantees 
lited  the  sixth 
nth :  and  Sieurs 
rs  through  lack 
lons  which  was 
the  Huissier 

iral  demand- 
pleased  to 
above  men- 
is  of  Quebec 
er,  that  they 
.  granted  to 
tants  thereon 
Counc'l  of 
!  and  within 
reunited  to 
of  the  said 
lates  that  he 

lake  Champlain 


could  not  find  any  farmer,  up  to  this  time,  to  place  on  his 
Seigniory,  that  if  he  should  find  any  he  is  ready  to  furnish  them 
with  axes  and  picks,  for  clearing,  with  one  year's  provisions ;  that 
he  will  continue  to  look  for  them  j  that  he  will  do  his  best  to  find 
some  and  that  he  intends  to  form  a  demesne  there.  .  .  Another 
answer  of  Sieur  Estcbe  appearing  as  above,  by  which  he  says  that 
Sieur  St  Vincent  is  actually  detached  as  Commander  of  the  post 
of  Ouyatanous,  that  he  already  made  several  grants  on  his  Seigniory, 
namely  to  a  habitant  of  the  Cote  de  Beaupre  j  that  the  said  Sieur 
St  Vincent  told  him  before  his  departure  that  he  intended  im- 
mediately establishing  a  demesne  there,  the  said  Sieur  Estebe 
moreover  requesting  in  his  name,  that  a  sufficient  delay  be  granted 
him,  in  consequence  of  said  Sieur  St  Vincent's  absence  on  the 

King's  Service A  writing  without  date  intituled  a 

Summary  Remonstrance  furnished  to  Us  by  the  Sieurs  de 
Contrecour,  Father  &  Son,  &  La  Perriere  covenanting  by  the  said 
Sieur  Pean,  in  which  they  set  forth  among  other  things  that  they 
have  done  every  thing  to  settle  their  grants  j  that  it  was  impossible 
to  find  individuals  willing  to  accept  lands  though  they  offered 
them  some  on  very  advantageous  terms  and  were  willing  to  give 
even  Three  hundred  livres  to  engage  the  said  individuals;  that 
the  said  Contrecoeur,  Sen',  has  rendered  Fealty  &  Hommage  for 
said  Seigniory  and  that  he,  as  well  as  said  Sieurs  La  Perriere  & 
Contrecoeur,  Junior  has  been  subjected  to  various  expenses  ;  that 
they  intend,  moreover,  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  find  farmers  to 
settle  said  Seigniories  and  they  hope  to  succeed  therein ;  requesting 
Us  that  we  would  please  to  grant  them  a  delay  on  the  offers  which 
they  make  to  conform  themselves  herein  to  His  Majesty's  inten- 
tions. .  .  .  Another  writing  of  Sieur  La  Fontaine  not  dated, 
and  signed  by  him  .  .  .  whereby  he  offers  with  our  permis- 
sion to  go  this  summer  on  the  Grant  with  three  men  to  build  there, 
and  begin  clearances  and  to  give  to  those  whom  he  will  find  willing 
to  settle  there,  Grain  and  even  money,  asking  from  them  no  rent, 
'.n  order  to  obtain  from  them  by  the  allurement  of  this  gift  what 
he  cannot  obtain  from  them  by  force  ;  a  writing  of  Sieur  Roebert 
.  ,  .  also  not  dated  in  which  he  says  that  at  the  time  his 
Grant  was  made  him,  he  set  M.  Janvrin  Dufresne,  sworn  Surveyor, 


560 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES 


,U        I 


¥ 


141 


with  six  men  to  measure,  survey  and  define  the  said  Grant  who 
occupied  forty  days  in  their  voyage  &  that  this  expense  amounted 
to  Seven  hundred  livres,  ten  sout  according  to  the  certificate  of 
said  Dufresne  which  he  presents,  and  that  be  has  neglected  nothing 
to  induce  some  young  farmers  to  go  and  settle  there  by  procuring 
for  them  great  advantages  and  many  facilities,  concluding  for 
these  reasons  We  may  grant  him  delay  to  allow  him  to  satisfy  His 
Majesty's  intentions;  Seeing  likewise  His  Mjjesty  ordinances 
dated  6,  July  1711  and  15t>>  March  1732  and  His  orders  addressed 
to  Us  last  year  wherein  He  orders  Us  very  expressly  to  proceed 
with  the  reunion  to  His  Domain  of  the  Lands  formerly  and  recently 
Granted  in  default  of  the  Proprietors  thireof  having  fulfilled  the 
conditions  set  forth  in  their  Deeds  :  We  grounding  ourselves  on 
the  requisition  of  the  King's  Attorney  General  Have  reunited 
AND  Do  reunite  to  His  Majesty's  Domain  the  Lands  following, 
to  wit :  ' 

That  granted  on  the  10*  of  April  of  the  year  1733  to  Sieur 
Pean  two  leagues  or  two  leagues  &  a  half  in  front  by  three  in 
depth  along  the  River  Chambly  and  Lake  Champlain  together 
with  the  River  Chazy  included  therein  and  Isle  k  la  Motte  ;  .  .  . 
that  granted  to  Sieur  St.  Vincent  on  12*  April  1733  two  leagues 
in  front  by  three  leagues  in  depth  on  Lake  Champlain;'  Another 
to  Sieur  de  Beauvais  on  20*  July  1734  two  leagues  in  front  by 
three  leagues  in  depth  on  Lake  Champlain  together  with  the 
peninsula  which  is  found  to  be  in  front  of  said  land ;  Another 
conceded  on  7*  July  of  the  same  year  1734  to  Sieur  Contrecoeur 
JUsj  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Champlain  beginning  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Riviere  aux  Loutres  [Otter  River]  one  league  and  a  half  above 
and  one  league  and  a  half  below,  making  two  leagues  in  front 
by  three  in  depth  together  with  so  much  of  said  Riviire  attx 
Loutres  as  is  found  included  therein  with  three  Islands  or  Islets 
which  are  in  front  of  said  Concession  and  depend  thereon ; 
another  granted  to  Sieur  de  la  Perriere  on  the  border  of  Lake 
Champlain  beginning  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River  Ouynouski  one 
league  above  and  one  league  below  making  two  leagues  front  by 
three  leagues  in  depth  with  the  extent  of  said  River  which  will 

1  Now  the  town  of  Champlain,  Clinton  Co. 


OM  LAKE  CHAMFLAIN. 


9wt 


Irani  who 
amounted 
tificate  of 
ed  nothing 
f  procuring 
eluding  for 
satisfy  His 
ordinances 
rs  addressed 
to  proceed 
and  recently 
fulfiUed  the 
ourselves  on 

VE  REUNITED 

is  following, 

733  to  Sieur 
t  by  three  in 
(lain  together 
Motte;  .  •  • 

two  leagues 

lin;'   Another 

|es  in  front  by 

ther  with  the 

land;  Another 

^r  Contrecoeur 

the  mouth  of 
[d  a  half  above 

pagues  in  front 

RivUre  aux 

[lands  or  Islets 

>end  thereon  ; 

[order  of  Lake 
Juynouski  one 

»agues  front  by 

[ver  which  will 


be  found  comprehended  therein  together  with  the  Islands  and 
Battures  adjacent ;  .  .  .  .  that  granted  the  S***  April  1733  to  Sieur 
Lafontaine  being  five  quarters  of  a  league  in  front  on  the  River 
Ghambly  by  the  depth  that  may  be  fotmd  to  the  Bay  of  Missis- 
kouy  j'  that  conceded  on  the  13*  June  1737  to  Sieur  Roebert, 
three  leagues  front  by  two  leagues  in  depth  on  the  West  side  of  Lake 
Champlain,  taking,  in  going  down,  one  league  below  the  River 
Boquet  and  in  going  up  two  leagues  and  a  half  above  said  River.* 
Wherefore  We  have  declared  all  the  Grantees  above  named 
deprived  of  all  rights  and  property  over  these  Lands,  and  yet 
having  in  no  wise  regard  to  the  representations  made  by  any  of 
the  sud  Defend*'  We  reserve  to  Ourselves,  under  His  Majesty's 
good  pleasure,  to  grant  new  Patents  of  the  same  lands  to  those 
of  the  Defendants  who  shall  prove  within  a  year  to  Us,  that  they 
have  seriously  and  by  real  outlays  and  labour  improved  a  notable 
portion  of  said  Lands,  or  placed  Settlers  thereupon  during  the 
course  of  this  year,  such  time  having  elapsed,  by  virtue  and 
Execution  of  these  presents  and  without  others  being  necessary 
the  said  Lands  shall  be  conceded  to  whom  and  as  it  shall  apper- 
tain :  We  grant  default  against  Sieur  Douville and  for 

benefit.  We  have  declared  the  present  Judgment  Common,  for  the 
lands  equally  conceded  to  them,  to  wit,  to  Sieur  Douville,  that 
granted  to  him  the  eight  October  1736  two  leagues  front  by  three 

leagues  deep  on  the  East  side  of  Lake  Champlain and 

finally  that  granted  to  Sieur  La  Gaucheti^re  the  20*  of  April  of 
the  year  1733  of  two  leagues  front  by  three  leagues  deep  on  said 
Lake  Champlain.  =  We  order  &c.  Done  at  the  Castle  St.  Louis 
of  Quebec  the  tenth  May  1741.  Signed  Beauharnois  &  Hocquart ; 
Countersigned  and  Sealed. 

For  Copy.  Hocquakt. 

1  Qu.t  Town  of  Albur;,  Vt. 

2  Now  the  town  of  Essex  and  greater  part  of  the  town  of  Wellsborough,  Essex 
county,  N.  Y. 

3  Now  the  town  of  Ohazy,  Clinton  County,  N.  T. 


36 


w 


';«-,  :^ii 


■'.<•' f 


563 


FRENCH  SEIONIORIEf 


GKANT  OP  TKE  SEIGNIORY  BEDOU,  ON  THE  RIVER 


CRAZY.  1  NOV.  1752. 


v>  I.-': 


't/(.i 


f  ?.'!  ' 


4 


[From  the  Same.] 

The  Marquis  Duquesne  fyc. 
,'      .....  Francis  Bigot  ^c.  .» 

<  On  the  Petition  to  us  presented  by  Sieur  Bedou,  Councellor  in 
the  Superior  Council  of  Quebec  to  the  effect  that  We  would  be 
pleased  to  grant  him  a  Tract  two  leagues  or  two  leagues  and  a 
half  front  by  three  leagues  in  depth  along  the  River  Chambly  and 
Lake  Champlain  with  the  River  Chazy  included  therein,  the  front 
of  said  Tract  to  extend  from  the  bounds  of  the  Seigniory  recently 
conceded  to  Sieur  de  Beaujeu  to  a  league  from  the  mouth  of  the 
River  Chazy  on  the  South  side,  with  the  part  of  the  River  Chazy 
which  will  be  found  within  the  extent  of  said  land  ;  which  will  be 
bounded  by  a  line  North  and  South  passing  by  the  mouth  of  said 
River  Chazy,  by  three  leagues  in  depth,  nnd,  besides,  all  the  said 
land  which  will  be  found  beyond  the  said  line  on  the  River  Cham- 
bly and  Lake  Champlain  and  Isle  k  la  Mothe  that  is  opposite  in 
the  said  Lake,  which  Tract  was  heretofore  granted  to  the  late  M. 
Pean  in  his  life  time  Major  of  Quebec  and  reunited  to  the  Kings 
Domain  by  an  Ordinance  of  Mess"  de  Beauharnois  &  Hocquart 
dated  10.  May  1741.  All  by  tenure  of  Fief  and  Seigniory  with 
Right  of  High,  Middle  &  low  Justice,  rights  of  Himting,  Fisliing 
and  the  Indian  trade  as  well  in  front  of,  as  within  said  Tract. 
We  in  virtue  of  the  power  granted  to  Us  by  His  Majesty  have 
given  granted  and  conceded  to  said  Sieur  Bedou  the  said  Tract  of 
land  as  and  in  the  manner  it  is  above  described,  which  shall  be 
bounded  on  the  North  &  South  by  two  lines  drawn  East  &  West 
in  front  by  the  River  Chambly  and  Lake  Champlain,  and  in  depth 
three  leagues  joining  the  nonconceded  lands  by  a  line  drawn 
North  &  South  parallel  to  that  which  shall  pass  the  mouth  of  the 
River  Chazy  and,  besides,  the  Island  called  a  la  Mothe  which  is 
^nposite  the  said  Tract  in  Lake  Champlain,  to  possess  it  by  him- 
S'  <  f  his  heirs  and  assigns  in  perpetuity  and  for  ever  by  the  tenure 


ON  LAKE  CBAMPLAIN. 


663 


IIVER 


•*•  nit 


ancellor  in 
i  would  be 
rues  and  a 
liambly  and 
a,  tbe  front 
)ry  recently 
outh  of  the 
[liver  Chazy 
rhich  will  be 
Louth  of  said 
,  all  the  said 
River  Cham- 
opposite  in 
the  late  M. 
^o  the  Kings 
&  Hocquart 
-igniory  with 
ting,  Fislang 
said  Tract, 
[ajesty  have 
Isaid  Tract  of 
lich  shall  be 
last  &  West 
and  in  depth 
line  drawn 
outh  of  the 
)the  which  is 
;ss  it  by  him- 
,y  the  tenure 


of  Fief  &  Seigniory  with  High  Middle  and  Low  Justice)  with  pri- 
vileges of  Fishing,  Hunting  and  the  Indian  Trade  throughout  the 
whole  extent  of  said  Tract,  on  condition  of  rendering  Fealty  & 
Hommage  &t  the  Castle  of  St  Louis  of  Quebec  from  which  he  will 
hold  with  the  usual  duties  and  charges  according  to  the  custom  of 
Paris  followed  in  this  Country,  of  preserving  &  causing  to  be 
preserved  by  his  Tenants  the  Oak  timber  fit  for  building  King's 
Ships,  of  giving  His  Mp  all  Mines  Minerals  &,c.  &c.  &c. 

[The  remainder  of  thib  atent  is  in  terms  similar  to  that  already 
inserted  p.  544.  The  grant  was  ratified  by  the  King  of  France  18^1) 
June  1753.  The  Seigniory  was  afterward  made  over  by  the  pro- 
prietor on  2^^  May  1754  to  Daniel  Lienard  Sieur  de  Beaujea, 
who  had  a  Seigniory  adjoining  immediately  North.] 


,!.. 


TO  HIS  EXCELLENCY  HECTOR  THEOPHILE  CRAMAHE  Esqr. 

LIEUTENANT  OOVERNOUft  AND  COMMANDER  IN  CHIEF  OF  THE  PROVINCES 

OF  QUEBEC  &C  &C. 

Respectfully  Sheweth — Louis  Lienard  de  Beaujeu  de  Ville- 
monde  Chevalier  de  St.  Louis,  covenanting  for  him  &  in  his  name 
Francois  Joseph  Cugnet  Seigneur  de  St.  Etienne,  who  has  the 
honour  most  respectfully  to  Represent  to  your  Excellency  that 
there  was  granted  to  him  on  the  20  July  1755  by  Mess"  de  Vau- 
dreuil  and  Bigot  Governor  General  and  Intendant,  in  compensa- 
tion of  his  Military  Services,  the  Concession  of  a  Seigniory,  situ- 
ated on  Lake  Champlain  part  of  which  is  found  by  the  new  Line 
to  be  within  the  Province  of  New  York,  extending  from  the 
bounds  of  the  Seigniory  granted  and  conceded  in  1744  to 
Guillaume  Estebe  proceeding  Eastward  to  the  River  Smerindac 
the  said  River  included,  forming  about  four  leagues  front  by  as 
many  in  depth,  together  with  the  Isles  &  Islets  which  might 
happen  to  be  in  front  of  the  said  tract.  And  as  it  is  the  Peti- 
tioner's interest  to  preserve  the  said  Seigniory  which  is  the  only 
property  •remainmg  to  him  after  the  losses  he  has  experienced 
by  the  misfortunes  of  the  War,  he  has  recourse  to  your  Excel- 
lency's Clemency  and  asks  of  him  the  favor  to  be  so  good  as  to 


u 
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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  US  SO 

(716)87r4S03 


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H>1  H 


fi64 


FRENGH  aslGKlOBIBS 


in>ter«8t  himself  in  his  behalf  with  His  Excellency  the  Governour 
of  New  York  who  has  been  so  good  as  to  admit  the  Canadians 
to  represent  to  him  their  Titles  to  the  sai<l  grants,  in  the  Gracious 
disposition  in  which  he  is  to  do  them  Justice,  in  order  to  obtain 
a  longer  delay  than  he  has  granted  by  his  Proclamation  of  the 
20"*  August  last  to  represent  His  Most  Christian  Majesty's  Ratifi'- 
cation  of  said  Graait,  copy  of  which  he  has  ordered  from  his 
brother  at  Paris,  and  which  hd  will  only  receive  in  the  course  of 
next  year,  that  Ra'afication  having  been  lost  in  the  Briganline 
les  Dmx  lirireSf  Capt.  Dufycharcst  captured  by  the  English  in 
1766  ;  an4  to  be  able  ailso  to  shew  that  it  was  imipessible  for  him 
to  have  kept  fire  <&  light  there  at  the  time,  and  as  prescribed  by 
said  Deed  of  Concession,  because  being  a  Military  Man  he  left 
in  the  same  year  1756  to  command  a  Post  in  the  Upper  Country 
by  the  orders  of  the  Governor  General,  an  absence  which  has 
rendered  him  not  only  unable  to  improve  and  establish  his  said 
Seigniory  and  to  have  fire  and  light  kept  there  according  to  the 
terms  of  his  title  but  even  to  solicit  the  Intendant  to  apply  to  the 
Court  of  France  for  Copy  of  the  Ratification  of  his  Grant  the 
origmal  of  which  had  been  lost ;  and  he  has  not  been  able  since 
the  Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace,  to  establish  said  Seigniory,  it  being 
notorious  that  he  has  nof  returned  to  this  Province  until  the  month 
of  August  1769.  And  in  fine  he  could  not  send  the  title  of  his 
Concession  to  New  York  to  be  there  enregistered  since  his  arrival 
in  this  Province,  on  account  of  the  considerable  expense  that 
Envoy  would  have  occasioned  him.  He  dares  flatter  himself  that 
you  will  be  favoiable  to  him  and  he  will  not  cease  to  offer  his 
prayers  to  Heaven  for  your  Excellency's  preservation 
Quebec  15'*  Octob'  1771. 


'h'^i 


DEED  OF  SALE  OF  THE  SEIGNIORY  OF  lA  MANAUDIERE 

ON  THE  EAST  SIDE  OF  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  27^li  SEPTEMBER  1766 

(From  the  nne.)  , 

Before  the  undersigned  Notaries  residing  in  the  City  of 
Montreal  in  the  Province  of  Quebec,  appeared  Sieur  Jean  Marie 
Raimbault  and  Dame  Louise  De  Montigny  his  Wife  whom  he  duely 


lovernour 
I!ana(lian» 
)  Gracious 
to  obtain 
on  of  the 
y^s  Ratifi*- 
from  his 
1  course  of 
BriganVine 
English  in 
bfle  for  him 
ascribed  by 
/[ha  he  left 
>er  Country 
which  has 
ish  his  saiil 
iling  to  the 
apply  to  the 
J  Grant  the 
n  able  since 
ory,  it  being 
the  month 
title  of  his 
e  his  arrival 
xpense  that 
iiinself  that 
to  offer  his 


NAUDIERE 

BER  1T66 

the  City  of 

Jean  Marie 

horn  he  duely 


OH  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


66r 


viuthorized,  and  Demoiselle  L*«  Raimbault  his  daughter  of  age, 
living  at  the  Cote  de  la  Montagne  near  this  City  of  Montreal 
acting  as  well  for  themselves  as  for  Sieur  Claude  Raimbault  their 
brother  absent  from  this  Province  for  whom  they  render  them- 
selves guaranty  &  security  j  Who  have  by  these  Presents  volun- 
tarily sold,  ceded  and  transported  from  now  and  forever,  promised 
&  promising  jointly  as  well  in  their  names  as  in' those  of  their 
Executors,  Administrators,  Heirs  and  Assigns  to  guarantee  from 
all  Troubles,  Grants,  Doweries,  Debts,  Mortgages  and  other 
Burthens  in  general  whatsoever,  except  solely  the  Troubles  and 
Hindrances  which  may  be  caused  on  the  part  of  Governments,  unto 
Benjamin  Price  Esq.  Daniel  Robertson  Esq.  and  John  Livingston 
Esq'  the  said  Sieurs  Robertson  &  Livingston  purchasers,  present 
at  and  accepting  as  well  for  themselves  as  for  said  Sieur  Price, 
their  Executors  Administrators  &  Assigns,  a  Seigniory  called  La 
Manaudiere  situated  on  Lake  Champlain  on  the  East  Side,  con- 
taining four  leagues  front  by  five  leagues  deep,  the  said  four 
Leagues  commencing  in  descending  the  Lake,  from  the  Bounds  of 
the  Seigniory  granted  to  Sieur  La  Perriere  on  the  sixth  of  July 
One  thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty  four,  in  which  is  included 
the  River  called  Ji  la  Mouellcj  with  the  Isles,  Islets,  and  Battures 
adjacent,  with  the  Privilege  of  High,  Low  and  Middle  Justice, 
Rights  of  Hunting,  Fishing  and  Indian  Trade  and  the  Rights  and 
Prerogauves  annexed  to  said  Seigniory  without  any  Exception 
whatsoever,  nothing  being  reserved  nor  retarded  by  the  said 
Sellers  to  whom  the  said  Seigniory  belongs  as  sole  heirs  of  the  late 
M.  Pierre  Raimbault  their  Father  in  his  life  time  Lieut:  General 
for  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  of  the  Jurisdiction  of  this  City, 
to  which  said  Sieur  Raimbault  the  said  Seigniory  belonged  by 
Grant  to  him  made  by  His  said  Most  Christian  Majesty  according 
to  the  Patent  of  Ratification  of  the  thirtieth  of  April  One  thousand 
seven  hundred  &  thirty  seven  duly  enregistered  at  the  Superior 
Council  of  Quebec,  formal  conveyance  whereof  the  said  Sellers 
promise  to  immediately  give  the  said  Purchasers :  The  Present 
Sale  made  on  condition  that  the  said  Purchasers  pay  from  tllis 
day  and  render  to  the  Domain  of  His  Majesty,  our  Most  Sovereign 
Lord  the  King  of  Great  Britain  all  the  Rights  and  Duties  for 


1 


I 


#. 


566 


F&^CH  SElONIORIfiS 


I   I    ' 


'* 


a- 


which  the  said  Seigniory  is  bound  to  Him  ;  and  besides  give  the 
price  and  sum  of  Ninety  Thousand  livres  current  Money  of  this 
Province  half  of  which  in  gold  and  silver  Specie  and  the  other 
half  in  Merchandize  at  the  prices  current  in  this  City,  which  the 
said  Sellers  acknowledge  and  Confess  to  have  cow  received  from 
the  said  Purchasers;  The  said  Sieurs  Robertson  &  Livingston 
Declaring  that  three-fourths  of  the  said  Seigniory  will  belong  to 
them  and  the  other  fourth  will  belong  to  said  Sieur  Benjamin 
Price — in  consequence  whereof  the  said  Sellers  consent  that  said 
Purchasers  enjoy,  do  with,  and  dispose  of,  the  said  Seigniory  and  its 
Depcndancies,  as  to  them  will  seem  good  and  enter  therein  in 
good  Seizin  and  infeoffment.  For  thus  d&c.  Promising  &c.  Obli- 
ging &c.  Renouncing  &c.  Done  and  Executed  in  the  said  Mon- 
treal in  the  Year  One  Thousand  seven  hundred  &  sixty  six,  the 
twenty  seventh  of  September  after  noon;  and  the  Sellers  have 
Signed  and  Sealed  these  Presents  with  the  said  Sieurs  Robertson 
&  Livingston,  acting  for  the  said  Sieur  Price,  af^er  reading  being 
done. 

Raimbault  (ls) 

Louise  MontignyRaimbault  (ls.) 


Signed 

Signed,  Sealed  &  delivered 
in  presence  of 

C  Pre  Panet      ) 

Signed   J  p^  SiMONNET  S 


Louise  Raimbault 
John  Livingston 
Dan'l  Robertson 

Not*       ...    .,„;'.,..     .'   ■.; 


(ls.) 
(ls.) 
(ls.) 


^   i. '     I  ■.  Quebec,  27.  Jidjr  1767. 

Received  from  Benjamin  Price,  Daniel  Robertson  and  John 
Livingstone  Esquire  the  sum  of  Twelve  Pounds,  Lawful  Money 
of  this  Province  for  the  Droit  de  Quint  or  Mutation  fine  for  the 
Seigniory  called  La  Manaudiere  situate  on  the  East  side  of  Lake 
Champlain,  joining  on  a  Seigniory  granted  to  M  La  Perriere  by 
the  French  King  6  July  1764,  purchased  by  them  of  Jean  Marie 
Raimbault,  Louise  Montigny  his  Wife  &  Louise  Raimbault  of 
Montreal  as  specified  in  the  Contract  of  Sale,  signed  by  the  parties 
th^7*  of  September  last,  having  remitted  to  the  said  Purchasers 
one  Third,  pursuant  to  the  Ancient  Custom  of  this  Colony,  and  by 
which  I  have  put  the  same  Benjamin  Price,  Daniel  Robertson  and 


OM  LAKE  CH4MPLAIN. 


ive  the 
of  this 
e  other 
lich  the 
ed  from 
ringston 
'long  to 
lenjamin 
hat  said 
ry  and  its 
lerein  in 
ic,  Obli- 
aid  Mon- 
ysix,  the 
Hers  have 
Robertson 
ling  being 

(LS) 

lAULT  (LS.) 
(L8.) 
(LS.) 
(L8.) 


L  July  1767. 

J  and  John 
Iful  Money 
Sne  for  the 
Je  of  Lake 
Perriere  by 
Jean  Marie 
Limbault  of 
r  the  parties 
Purchasers 
lony,  and  by 
Lbertson  and 


John  Livingston  Esquires  in  good  Possession  and  Seizing  of  the 
said  Seigniory,  they  having  for  that  effect  paid  the  fine  due  to  His 
Majesty.  Signed 

Thomas  Mills,  R'  GemI. 
The  above  and  foregoing  are  true  Copies  of  a  Deed  of  Sale  of 
the  Seigniory  called  La  Manaudi^re-  and  of  the  Receipt  for  the 
Droit  de  Quint,  as  taken  from  the  French  Register  Letter  E.  pages 
313  k  358.  in  my  office. 

Qiven  under  my  hand  at  Quebec  this 
y  -..1^  :      16th  August  1771. 

'      i   H  ^i«  .  Geo.  Allsopp  Dr  Reg' 

'  '  ■ :   »  -  &  Clk  of  Enrolments. 


^•^ 


.  .t'  w 


'  '      '  [N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  XXVI.] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
on  Monday  the  sixth  day  of  January  1772., 
Present  His  Excellency  William  Tryon  Esq.  Captm  General 
&ca.  ,,    «  -,,,;., 

M'  Watts  M'  Morris        M'  Cruger  M'  White 

M'  Apthorp        Mr  Smith         M'  Wallace  M'  Axtell 

Mr.  Smith  from  the  Committee  to  whom  by  Order  of  the  31st 
ultimo  was  referred  the  Papers 'relative  to  the  French  claims  to 
Lands  on  Lake  Champlain  presented  to  His  Excellency  the  Com* 
mittee's  Report  thereupon,  which  being  Read  was  on  the  Question 
being  put  agreed  to  and  approved  of,  and  Ordered  to  be  entered 
in  the  Minutes  and  is  as  follows: — 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  THE  SUBJECT  OP  THE  FRENCH 
CLAIMS  TO  LANDS  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency: 

The  Committee  to  whom  were  referred  the  several  Writings 
lately  transmitted  (in  pursuance  of  your  Proclamation)  from  the 
Province  of  Quebec  relative  to  the  French  Claims  to  Lands  within 
this  Government  humbly  Report 

That  soon  after  his  Majesty  was  pleased  by  his  Royal  Procla- 

1.  The  present  Town  of  Burlington,  Tt.,  is  sitnated  on  part  of  t)ie  above 
teignlorjr. 


ff,''       '(     *li 


.  I, 


668 


FE£NCH  SEIGMIOfilES 


mation  of  the  T^  October  1763  to  declare  the  45ti>  Degree  of 
Northern  Latitude  to  be  the  Boundary  between  this  and  the  Pro- 
vince of  Quebec,  divers  Tracts  of  Land  were  granted  under  the 
Great  seal  of  tlus  Province  to  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point  on 
both  sides  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  diiefly  to  the  reduced  Officers 
and  Soldiers  claiming  hit  Majesty's  Bounty  Graciously  promised 
by  that  PioclainatioB. 

That  Sir  Henry  Moore  and  M'  Carlton  the  (Governors  of  the 
two  Provinces  fixed  the  place  of  the  Latitude  of  46,  by  actual 
observation  near  the  Noith  end  of  the  Lake  in  the  Month  of  Sep- 
tember 1767,  and  that  on  the  12ti>  August  1768  his  Majesty  was 
pleased  to  declare  his  Approbation  in  Privy  Council,  and  to  direct 
in  favour  of  his  New  Canadian  Subjects  that  nothing  in  the  Order 
of  that  Date  contained  should  affect  the  property  of  such  as  had 
possessions  under  proper  Titles  in  Lands  on  the  South  side  of  the 
Line,  the  Dominion  of  which  was  not  disputed  on  the  part  of  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britam ;  And  that  the  said  Determinatioc  should 
not  operate  wholly  to  deprive  them  of  such  Concessions  on  the 
South  side  of  said  Line,  whereon  they  had  made  actual  settlements 
and  Improvements,  altho'  the  said  Line  might  have  been  disputed 
by  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  but  proportioned  to  their  Improve- 
ments at  the  Rate  of  50  acres  for  every  three  that  were  improved, 
with  the  Provisoe  that  Grants  should  be  sued  out  under  the  seal 
of  New  York,  Subject  to  the  usual  Quit  Rents,  and  that  a  Grant 
to  one  Person  should  not  exceed  20,000  acres. 

The  Committee  have  examined  the  Council  Books  and  cannot 
discover  that  the  Government  of  Quebec  ever  gave  the  least  Inti- 
mation to  this  Province  of  any  French  Grants  upon  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  neither  before  nor  after  the  said  Order  of  August  1768  until 
excited  thereunto  by  your  Excellency's  late  proclamation,  nor  is 
there  an  Entry  to  be  found  of  any  Notification  of  such  Claim  by 
Private  persons,  nor  even  of  an  application  for  any  grant  or  Con- 
firmation under  this  Government  for  Lands  Granted  in  Canada 
before  the  surrender  of  that  Country. 

The  Committee  therefore  conceive  that  it  was  a  natural  and 
reasonable  presumption  either  that  there  were  no  such  French 
Grants  or  that  the  Grantees  and  their  Assigns  considered  them  as 


OK  LAKE  GHAUnUAIH. 


669 


)egree  of 
I  the  Pro- 
under  the 
I  Point  on 
sd  Ofl&cers 


;orB  of  the 
by  actual 
ttth  of  Sep- 
lajesty  was 
nd  to  direct 
n  the  Order 
such  as  had 
i  side  of  the 
s  part  of  the 
atioc  should 
sions  on  the 
il  settlements 
leen  disputed 
leir  Improve- 
re  improved, 
ider  the  seal 
that  a  Grant 

s  and  cannot 
he  least  Inti- 
Lake  Cham- 
ust  1768  until 
oation,  nor  is 
uch  Claim  by 
^rant  or  Con- 
id  in  Canada 

natural  and 
such  French 
lered  them  as 


invalid  and  perhaps  forfeited  to  the  French  Crown  before  the  Con- 
quest or  that  they  declined  the  acceptance  of  British  Confirmations 
subject  to  Quit  Rents  and  new  Patent  Charges^  intending  to  set 
themselves  up  as  sufficient  under  the  Capitulation  Articles  in  the 
Courts  of  Law,  upon  the  supposition  that  they  were  within  the 
Ancient  Dominions  of  the  Crown  of  France,  and  agreeable  thereto 
this  Government  began  again  to  Grant  Lands  in  that  Quarter,  and 
continued  the  practice  until  Your  Excellency  was  pleased  to  com- 
municate to  the  Council  his  Majestys  60^>>  Instruction  prohibiting 
Pjatents  for  Lands  to  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  claimed 
under  French  Titles,  and  if  the  late  Grants  of  thb  Province  are 
detrimental  to  those  Claimants,  the  Committee  are  of  Opinion  that 
the  Blam«  falls  upon  themselves,  as  it  is  owing  to  their  neglecting 
to  give  the  Information  naturally  to  be  expected,  if  they  intended 
to  submit  to  and  take  advantage  of  the  Royal  order  of  the  12^^ 
August  1768. 

The  Committee  observe  that  among  the  Papers  now  transmitted 
from  Quebec,  there  are  no  French  Concessions  and  Ratifications 
for  any  of  the  Lands  mentioned  in  the  List  of  those  said  to  be 
Granted  en  Roture,  nor  for  several  of  those  in  the  List  of  the 
Seigneuries,  besides  those  specified  in  M^  Cramahe's  Letter  to  your 
Excellency,  nor  is  there  a  single  petition  sent  or  preferred  by  either 
of  those  Claimants  for  a  Confirmation  under  this  Province  of  any 
of  their  Grants,  which  is  the  more  extraordinary  as  Your  Excel- 
lency's Proclamation  required  a  full  exhibition  of  their  Titles,  and 
the  Crown  is  greatly  interested  in  the  Question  concerning  the 
Validity  of  the  French  Claims  in  the  Articles  both  of  Quit  Rents 
and  Escheats,  their  pretentions  extending  not  only  to  a  vast  Quan- 
tity of  Land,  but  to  Lands  the  more  valuable  for  their  Contiguity 
to  the  Forts  and  Passes,  and  the  Navigable  Waters  of  the  Lake : 
and  from  the  whole  we  conjecture  that  this  Conduct  is  owing  to 
their  adopting  an  Opinion  which  deserves  a  serious  attention  to  wit: 
That  the  Lands  they  Claim  are  situated  to  the  Northward  of 
the  Antient  British  Claim,  and  that  consequently  they  can 
maintain  a  Title  under  the  Surrender  without  the  aid  of  the 
Crown,  and  free  from  the  usual  Reservations,  Restrictions, 
f^     Conditions,  and  Quit  Rents. 


i 


(. 


^.* 


W;t\  I  \ 


g', 


670 


FRXNCB  SEIomo&IIS 


With  respect  therefore  to  the  Lands  Southward  of  Crown  Point, 
and  to  those  to  the  Northward  of  that  Fort,  npt  within  the  Limits 
of  the  French  Grants,  we  are  of  Opinion  that  your  Excellency 
may  issue  Patents  for  them  as  Lands  to  which  the  60t>>  Article  of 
the  Royal  Instructions  has  clearly  no  Relation. 

Nor  do  we  think  that  Article  ought  to  be  considered  to  prohibit 
the  Grant  of  those  Tracts  to  which  no  French  Concessions  or 
Ratifications  appear  to  be  transmitted  from  Quebec,  nor  any 
Excuse  assigned  for  not  laying  them  before  this  Government 
pursuant  to  the  late  Proclamation,  it  being  very  plain  from  the 
Instruction  that  it  was  intended  to  restrain  only  new  Patents  for 
Lands  before  claimed  by  Titles  derived  from  the  French  King, 
and  prior  to  the  Surrender  of  Canada  and  as  clear  that  it  was  the 
indispensable  Duty  of  all  such  Claimants  in  Justice  to  the  Crown 
to  give  due  Notice  of  their  Claims. 

But  in  due  deference  to  his  Majesty's  authority,  we  advise  as  to 
the  Lands  to  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  and  included  by  the 
Concessions  &  Ratifications  lately  notified  to  this  Government, 
that  all  Petitions  for  them  or  any  part  of  them  be  sent  Home, 
together  with  Copies  of  the  French  Grants  for  His  Majesty's 
Royal  consideration.  T'    -•     i     ,.'  ^     -    .;   u-j  ■^':,:^-y. 

:  Several  points  of  Enquiry  will  arise  upon  those  Grants,  con- 
cerning which  the  Committee  chuse  not  to  decide,  on  account  of 
their  ^gular  Importance  and  Delicacy. 

c    !•*.  Whether  a  Title,  if  good  under  the  French  Government 
will  by  the  Surrender  be  valid  by  our  Laws,  without  the 
,       Royal  Confirmation  ;  or  in  other  Words  whether  the  Capitu- 
lation gives  more  to  the  French  Grantee,  than  an  Equitable 
Right  to  be  preferred  before  others  in  the  Application  for  a 
new  Grant? 
2"**T.  Whether  those  Lands  were  not  forfeited  to  the  Crown  of 
France  by  the  Conditions  in  the  Grants  before  the  Surrender, 
and  so  became  thereby  transferred  to  his  Majesty  ?    And 
.   3'*'y.  Whether  they  were  not  within  the  Antient  British  Claim 
and  consequently  never  Grantable  by  the  Crown  of  France  1 
And  upon  this  last  Question  the  Committee  beg  Leave  to  remark 
that  the  British  Claim  of  Dominion  before  the  last  War,  extended 


OM  LAKS  CRAMPLAIir. 


671 


wn  Point, 
the  Limits 
Ixcellency 
Article  of 

to  prohibit 
cessions  or 
B,  nor  any 
Jovernment 
in  from  the 
Patents  for 
tench  King, 
it  it  -was  ^b® 
^o  the  Crown 

e  advise  as  to 
icludedbythe 

Government, 
sent  Home, 
is  Majesty's 

Grants,  con- 
l)n  account  of 

Government 
-,  without  the 
[er  the  Capitu- 
j  an  Equitable 
plication  for  a 

,» the  Crown  of 
[the  Surrender, 
Jsty  1    And 
;  British  Claim 
,^n  of  France  1 
leave  to  remark 
[war,  extended 


to  the  Southerly  Bank  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  and  by  Treaty 
to  all  the  Country  of  the  Six  Nations  in  particular,  of  which  the 
controverted  Grants  are  a  part,  and  we  find  that  so  early  as  the 
3'd  of  September  1696,  a  patent  did  pass  to  Godfrey  Dellius, 
under  the  Seal  of  this  Province,  for  L^ds  including  some  of  those 
now  claimed  under  the  Canadiah  Grants,  greatly  to  the  Northward 
of  Crown  Point,  of  which  the  French  were  not  possessed  till 
nearly  forty  years  afterwards,  to  wit  about  the  year  1731,  and 
whether  it  is  imputable  to  the  Consciousness  in  the  French  of  thm 
want  of  Title  or  to  any  other  Cause,  the  Conunittee  cant  help 
observing  to  your  Excellency  that  m  Fact  ^  cry  few  Settlements 
or  Improvements  were  found  upon  any  of  those  Canadian  Grants, 
except  about  the  French  Forts  at  or  since  the  Conclusion  of  the 
last  Peace ;  the  Country  near  Lake  Champlain,  but  for  the  late 
Settlements  under  this  Colony,  being  in  general  in  a  wild  and 
uncultivated  State. 

And  as  it  may  be  of  essential  Moment  to  the  reduced  Officers 
and  soldiers  and  others  who  have  seated  themselves  in  that  District 
that  his  Majesty  be  fully  informed  of  the  numerous  Patents  that 
have  passed  the  Seal  of  this  Colony  since  the  acquisition  of  Canada, 
we  recommend  it  to  your  Excellency  to  order  the  Surveyor  Gene- 
ral to  frame  a  Map  exhibiting  the  ^rench  Grants  and  English 
Patents  !  *  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  to  be  laid  before  his 
Majesty  rr'th  all  convenient  speed,  with  a  List  of  the  Patentees 
and  an  account  of  the  Quantity  of  Land  contained  in  their  Patents 
and  the  Quitrents  they  are  chargeable  with.  And  for  the  security 
and  satisfaction  of  the  French  Grantees,  we  also  advise  that  in 
the  Interim  the  several  papers  referred  to  us,  be  filed  in  the  Secre- 
tarys  Office,  and  a  Copy  of  this  Report  and  the  Order  to  be  made 
thereon  transmitted  to  the  Commander  in  Chief  of  Quebec.  All 
which  is  nevertheless  most  humbly  submitted  by  your  Ebccellency's 

Most  obed^  humble  servants, 
Council  Chamber  at  By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Fort  George,  in  New  York  W"  Smith,  Chairman. 

January  6t»>  1772. 

And  thereupon  It  is  ordered  by  his  Excellency  the  Governor 
with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  that  the  Surveyor  General  of  this 


vnt 


imncB  f  uoMioEin 


Proviace  do  firame  a  Map  exhibiting  the  French  Grants,  and  the 
Patents  which  have  passed  the  seal  of  this  Colony  to  the  North- 
ward of  Crown  Point,  in  order  to  be  laid  before  his  Majesty,  with 
a  Lost  of  the  Patentees,,  and  an  account  of  the  Quantity  of  Land 
contained  in  their  Patents,  aid  the  Quit  rents  they  are  chargeable 
with.  That  the  several  papers  referred  to  in  the  Report  of  the 
Gominittee  be  filed  in  the  Secretary's  office,  and  that  a  Copy  of 
the  said  Report  and  of  this  Order  be  prepared  in  order  to  be  trans- 
mittcd  to  the  Commander  in  Chief  of  Quebec. 


GOV*.  TRTON  TO  LORD  HILLSBOROUGE 

[Load.  Doe.  JU.ni.]  i 

Kew  York  1. 8«ptr.  177S. 

My  Lord — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  Lordship's 
dispatches  No*.  11, 12  &  13. 

It  is  matter  of  real  concern  to  me  to  learn  the  consideration  of 
the  Canada  Claims  has  not  undei^ne  a  final  decision.  Upon  a 
more  strict  examination  of  the  claims  of  the  French  grantees  to 
lands  within  this  Qover°*  I  cannot  be  persuaded  that  the  last 
Treaty  of  peace,  or  the  articles  of  the  Capitulation  at  the  surrender 
of  Canada  gives  any  valid  title  to  such  claims.  The  territory 
southwards  of  St.  Lawrence  River  has  been  always  acknowledged 
the  property  of  the  Five  Nations,  subjects  or  allies  of  Great 
Brittain,  &  as  the  French  settlements,  as  well  as  grants  within 
that  district  were  made,  not  under  the  sanction  of  Cession,  pur- 
chase or  conquest,  but  by  intrusion,  the  justice  of  the  Title  of 
those  claimants  seems  to  rest  on  His  Maj^y  generosity  which  will 
operate  no  doubt  as  powerfully  in  the  behalf  of  those  Officers,  & 
Soldiers,  who  now  hold  a  great  part  of  those  disputed  lands  under 
grants  from  this  prov<^^  in  consequence  of  His  Majesty's  proclama- 
tion in  1763. 


:-wF  "t^H'M' 

:    '       .i'  ".                                                                                                • 

-  '■                      • 

'  :  '          . 

fiiii*     *  .t 

....     .;Jf#^ 

■ants,  and  the 
to  the  North- 
Majesty,  with 
intity  of  Land 
are  chargeable 
Report  of  the 
tiat  a  Copy  of 
ler  to  be  trans- 


GE 


If  1.  Atptr.  1771. 
our  Lordship's 

onslderation  of 
ision.    Upon  a 
ich  grantees  to 
id  that  the  last 
it  the  surrenda 
The  territory 
}  acknowledged 
allies  of  Great 
(  grants  within 
)f  Cession,  pur- 
of  the  Title  of 
osity  which  will 
;hose  Officers,  & 
ated  lands  under 
esty's  proclama- 


*    .' 


px,fi 


tue  t, 


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TiAK^R  CMfAMPliAlX. 


N.B.  hvnrh  Onints  inrlmtiff.  within  Yi'tlinv  lines, Knt/tix/i  ii,i.i;:tiiin 
Bliick  Tmes.exwfif  the giiuil-lp  lh<niiiiif  PelHnxin  IfiOH.tiir  m-'ilur  ,//i 
ot'whiiMiihnd (k<mi.andinrlni1eil within  llr/l  hnex. 


I  3  A  4 


•4  Milex  tt*  nn  hirh . 


KnunmA  ,1  «vr»,.,/  *»  /ft.*  ■'«  It-att.  Album,. 


Wimi  TinaOMItoirMfc. 


♦<;  'I 


'^f: 


,   (' 


SJ 


•■  namnwiiMiPi^  ' 


ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


673 


LORD  DARTMOUTH  TO  GOV«  TRYON. 

[Load.  Doe.  XLIII.] 

WhitehaU  4  Novr  1772. 

The  State  of  the  French  Claims  on  Lake  Champlain  appears  to 
me,  as  far  as  I  am  at  present  informed  to  be  a  consideration  of 
great  difficulty  and  delicacy,  and  by  no  means  of  a  nature  to  admit 
of  an  hasty  decision.  Those  Claims  are  now  before  the  Board  of 
Trade  in  consequence  of  a  reference  from  the  privy  Council,  and 
I  will  not  fail  frcmi  what  you  say  of  the  State  of  the  Colony,  as 
well  in  respect  to  those  Claims  as  to  the  increasing  disorders  & 
confusion  on  the  Eastern  Frontiers  in  general,  to  press  an  im- 
mediate attention  to  both  these  important  considerations. 

The  whole  of  this  very  important  business  will,  I  am  persuaded, 
be  discussed  by  the  Lords  of  Trade  with  that  impartiality  that 
has  always  distinguished  their  conduct ;  I  shall  therefore  avoid 
saying  any  thing  more  upon  that  subject  or  upon  the  Canadian 
Claims  further,  than,  that  I  think  it  proper  to  observe  that  the 
proposition  in  your  letter  N*»  43,  that  all  the  territory  on  the  south 
side  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  was  the  property  of  the  five 
Nations,  and  therefore  that  every  Canadian  Grant  on  that  side  of 
the  River,  was  an  encroachment  on  the  British  possessions,  does 
not  appear  to  n^e,  from  any  information  I  have  been  able  to  collect, 
to  be  maintainable  on  any  fair  ground  of  argument ;  an  observation 
which  I  think  I  am  called  upon  to  state  to  you,  lest  by  ray  silence 
on  that  subject  I  should  appear  to  acquiesce  in  a  proposition  that, 
if  adopted  in  the  extent  you  stale  it,  would  strip  one  half  of  the 
King's  new  subjects  of  their  ancient  possessions  and  must  spread 
an  alarm  that  may  have  very  fatal  consequences  to  the  King's 
interest.  I  am,  ettc. 

'  Dartmouth. 


I.V,    :,     ', 


*i 


S!tf 


¥  '* 


"ii 


i! 


;  f 


.,  i 


':.    1 


iii-l 


574 


FBENCH  SEIGNIOBIES 


MINUTE  OF  MR.  EDMUND  BURKE  ATTENDING  THE  BOARD 

OF  TRADE. 


^-'U  -'oi' 


l;i' 


i  .    /  .  !        M        Thursday  Nov'  12th  1772 

At  a  meeting  of  His  Majesty's  Comm"''  for  Trade  &  Plantations 
Present,  Mr  Gascoyne,  Lord  Greville  Lord  Garlies ;  The  Elarl 
of  Dartmouth,  one  of  His  Majesty's  Principal  Secretaries  of 

"    State,  attending  .....    .,,..,  ,^ 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke  attended  &  moved  their  Lordships  that  he 
might  be  heard  by  his  Council,  as  well  in  behalf  of  the  Province 
of  New  York  as  of  sundry  persons.  Proprietors  of  Lands  within 
the  said  Province,  under  grants  from  the  Governor  and  Council 
thereof,  against  the  confirmation  by  the  Crown,  of  any  grants 
made  by  the  French  King  or  the  Government  of  Canada — within 
the  limits  of  the  said  Province  of  New  York. 

Their  Lordships  upon  consideration  of  M'  Burke's  motion, 
agreed  that  he  should  be  heard  by  his  Counsel,  and  he  was  desired, 
so  soon  as  his  Councel  should  be  prepared,  to  acquaint  the  Secre- 
tary therewith,  in  order  that  an  early  day  might  be  fixed  for  the 
further  consideration  of  this  business. 

Ordered  that  the  Secretary  do  acquaint  Mons'  Lotbiniere  who 
now  attends  to  solicit  the  Confirmation  of  two  seigneuries  on 
Lake  Cham  plain,  of  which  he  claims  the  possession,  with  Mr. 
Burke's  application  to  be  heard  by  counsel,  and  that  he  will  also 
be  at  liberty  to  be  heard  by  his  Counsel  in  support  of  his  preten- 
sions if  he  thinks  fit.  Greville. 


GOV^  TRYON  TO  LORD  DARTMOUTH.    EXTRACT. 

New  York  5  January  1773 
The  opinion  I  presumed  to  give  your  Lordship  respecting  the 
Canadian  Claims,  was  grounded  on  the  following  facts,  which  if  I 
am  rightly  informed  are  capable  of  satisfactory  proof.     I  hope 


ON  LAKS  CHAHPIiAIN. 


676 


THE  BOARD 

r  12th  1772 

&  Plantations 
lies;  The  Earl 
Secretaries  of 

;-.<>' J   1     !•'     ■'■I'll  I    » 

•dships  that  he 
F  the  Province 
f  Lands  within 
or  and  Council 
of  any  grants 
Canada — within 

Jurke's  motion, 

1  he  was  desired, 

aaint  the  Secre- 

je  fixed  for  the 

jotbiniere  who 
seigneuries  on 
[sion,  with  Mr. 
lat  he  will  also 
of  his  preten- 
Greville. 


tTRACT. 

Ik  5  January  1773 
Irespecling  the 
acts,  which  if  I 
^roof.     I  ^ope 


considering  the  importance  of  the  subject,  to  be  excused  in  sub- 
mitting them  to  your  LordE  p*  consideration. 

The  Dutch,  who  first  settled  this  Colony,  claimed  the  whole  of 
Connecticut  River  and  Lake  Champlain,  and  all  the  Country  to 
Uie  Southward  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  down  to  Delaware  River; 
this  appears  from  many  ancient  Maps,  and  particularly  from  Blair's 
and  Ogilby's,  which  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing.  In 
1664,  King  Charles  the  Second  granted  this  country  to  the  Duke 
of  York,  expressly  comprehending  all  the  Lands  from  the  west 
side  of  Connecticut  River. 

On  a  late  actual  survey,  by  Commiss<^"  from  this  &  Quebec 
Govern^  the  head  of  that  River  is  found  to  lie  several  miles  to  the 
Northward  of  the  Latitude  of  forty  five  degrees,  lately  established 
by  his  Majesty  as  the  boundary  between  this  Colony  and  Quebec. 

A  west  line  therefore  from  the  head  of  Connecticut  River  (which 
will  comprehend  Lake  Champlain)  has  been  always  deemed  the 
ancient  boundary  of  New  York,  according  to  the  Royal  Grant ; 
nor  has  it  been  abridged  but  in  two  instances.  His  Majty* 
proclamation  limiting  the  extent  of  Quebec,  and  an  agreement 
confirmed  by  the  Crown  with  Connecticut.  Every  Act  and 
Commission  subsequent  to  King  Charles's  grant,  describes  the 
Province  in  General  words — "  The  Province  of  New  York  and 
the  territories  depending  thereupon"  and  supposes  its  limits  to  be 
notorious,  &  properly  established  by  that  grant.  On  this  principle 
the  Judicatories,  here  have  grounded  their  determinations,  in  suits 
between  the  New  York  Patentees,  and  the  N.  Hampshire  claimants. 
The  original  Colony  of  New  Hampshire  as  it  was  granted  by  the 
Council  of  Plymouth,  &  confirmed  by  the  Crown  about  the  year 
1635,  lay  altogether  on  the  East  side  of  Connecticut  River,  which 
it  did  not  reach  by  20  miles.  As  it  was  new  modelled  &  enlarged 
by  the  Commission  to  Gov'  Benning  Wentworth  in  1742, 


no 


distance  from  the  sea,  or  station  is  given  :  but  it  is,  bounded  to 
the  west  by  the  King's  other  Govern**  and  could  not  cotnprehend 
the  Lands  on  the  west  side  of  the  Connecticut  River  which  were 
already  a  part  of  New  York,  as  established  by  the  Grant  of  the 
Crown  abovementioned.  Hence  on  the  footing  of  original  Right, 
our  Courts  determined,  that  the  New  Hampshire  Grants  were 


4 


f  I 


^  Si 


■■',*   ■ 


676 


TBS3KIH  8EIONIORIE8 


void  for  want  of  a  legal  authority  in  that  Govern'.  They  consi- 
dered His  Maj'y^  order  in  Privy  Council  in  1764,  as  a  confirmation 
of  a  prior  Right,  &  not  as  having  altered  or  enlarged  the  ancient 
Jurisdiction.  •  ■   >   •';'•.. 

I  am  now  cautious  to  give  an  opinion  on  the  propriety  of  this 
decision,  but  barely  mention  the  principles  as  they  have  been 
represented  to  me  for  your  Lordp's  information. 

Whether  the  Dominions  of  the  French  in  Canada  interfered 
with  the  bo  ^uds  of  this  Colony  as  anciently  established  by  King 
Charles  the  Second,  remains  to  be  considered.  All  the  Coimtry 
to  the  Southvirard  of  the  River  St.  Lawrance  originally  belonged 
to  the  five  Nations  or  Iroquois,  and  as  such,  it  is  described  in  the 
above  mentioned  and  other  ancient  Maps,  &  particularly  L^dce 
Champlain  is  there  called  '^  Mere  des  Iroqums^^  Sorel  River  which 
leads  from  Uie  Lake  into  the  River  St.  Lawrence  '^  Rivwr  des 
Iroquois f^^  and  the  Tract  on  the  East  side  of  the  Lake,  Irocoisia. 

So  early  as  the  year  1683,  the  Five  Nations  by  Treaty  with  the 
Gov  of  New  York,  submitted  to  the  Sovereignty  &  protection  of 
Great  Brittain,  and  have  ever  since  been  considered  as  subjects, 
&  their  Country  as  part  of  the  dominions  of  the  Crown. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  the  French  King  expressly  rec(^- 
nized  the  Sovereignty  of  Great  Brittain  over  those  Nations. 

Godfrey  Dellius's  purchase  from  the  Mohocks,  &  grant  under 
the  Seal  of  New  York  in  the  year  1696,  is  esteemed  a  memorable 
proof  of  the  Right  of  this  Province,  under  the  Crown,  to  the 
Lands  en  Lake  Champlain.  It  comprehends  a  large  Tract 
extending  from  Soraghtoga  along  Hudson's  River,  the  Wood 
Creek,  &  Lake  Champlain,  on  the  East  side  upwards  of  twenty 
miles,  to  the  northward  of  Crown  Point ;  &  it  is  thought  a 
circumstance  of  no  small  importance,  that  this  Grant  was  repealed 
by  the  Legislature  in  the  year  1699,  as  an  extravagant  favour  to 
one  subject ;  which  act  would  have  been  a  nullity  if  that  terri- 
tory had  not  been  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Province. 

Altho'  the  Canadians  by  their  Savage  depredations  had  long 
obstructed  the  settlement  of  this  Frontier  part  of  the  Colony,  it 
was  not  till  the  year  1731,  that,  in  profound  peace,  they  took 
possession  of  Lake  Champlain  &  ordered  Fort  St.  Frederick  at 


ley  consi- 
afirmation 
lie  ancient 

>ty  of  tbis 
have  been 

interfered 

d  by  King 

le  Conntry 

y  belonged 

ribed  in  the 

ularly  Lake 

River  xrbich 

'  Rivier  des 

:e,  Irocoisia. 

laty  with  the 

irotection  of 
as  subjects, 

)wn. 

ressly  recog- 

ations. 
grant  under 

a  memorable 
•own,  to  the 
large   Tract 
,  the  Wood 
Is  of  twenty 
[S  thought  a 
'was  repealed 
ant  favour  to 
if  that  terri- 
ovince. 
jns  had  long 
le  Colony,  it 
|;e,  they  took 
Frederick  at 


CM  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  ffJEX 

Crown  [point]  j  &  afterwards  another  Fort  at  Ticonderoga.  This 
was  regarded  as  an  act  of  hostility,  and  as  such  complained  of  & 
resented;  and  the  Colonies  before  the  late  war,  to  disappoint  so 
dangerous  a  project,  raised  money  and  Troops  to  erect  Fortifica- 
tions on  His  Majesty's  lands,  at,  or  near  Crown  Point.  The 
operations  became  more  general,  and  the  success  of  his  Maj'^ 
arms,  rendered  it  unnecessary. 

The  French  had  endeavored  to  fortify  their  encroachments  by 
Negociations ;  in  1756  their  Ambassador  insisted  as  a  condition 
of  the  Convention  then  proposed  that  Great  Brittain  should 
relinquish  her  claim  to  the  south  side  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence, 
and  the  lakes  which  discharge  themselves  into  that  River ;  a 
demand  which  was  peremptorily  rejected,  &  put  an  end  to  the 
conference.  I  depend.  My  Lord  on  Entiv's  history  of  the  late 
war  for  the  truth  of  this  Fact.  If  it  is  well  founded,  it  seems  to 
show  in  a  strong  point  of  light  the  sense  of  the  Crown  at  that 
crisis,  respecting  the  territory  under  consideration. 

If  it  was  necessary,  My  Lord,  to  add  prior  instances  of  the 
encroachments  of  the  Canadians,  I  would  beg  leave  to  refer  your 
Lord?  to  Governor  Burnet's  Speeches  to  the  General  Assembly 
of  this  Province  in  1725,  1726  &*1727,  and  the  resolutions  of 
that  house,  stated  in  their  Journals,  deposited  in  the  Plantation 
Office,  on  the  subject  of  those  encroachments.  That  Gov  in  his 
speech  of  the  30*  Sept'  1727,  has  these  remarkable  words :  "  I 
have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  you,that  your  Agent  has  been  very 
active  in  solliciting  the  affairs  of  this  Frov*^,  &  particularly  that 
he  has  succeeded  in  obtaining,  that  pressing  instances  might  b« 
made  at  the  Court  of  France,  against  the  Stone  House  built  at 
Niagara,"  ettc.  This  shows  that  the  Govern'  at  home  so  early  as 
that  period  viewed  this  measure  of  the  French  as  an  encroachr 
ment  on  the  limits  of  this  Colony. 

I  assure  your  Lord?  that  I  had  no  idea  that  the  decision  of  thift 
controversy  could  affect  the  ancient  possessions  of  any  of  h^s 
Maty"  new  subjects.  Unacquainted  with  their  settlements  on, 
and  near  the  south  side  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  I  carried  my 
views  no  further  than  the  Province  over  which  I  preside  :  an4 
which,  as  it  is  now  limited  does  not  include  the  whole  of  Lake 

37 


^'r''A, 


*;; 


It 


!'' 


1.      a 


^<;-! 
M 


4  i 


,  I  S 


J' 


57$ 


rREKCB  SElGinORIlS 


Champlain.  I  have  freauently  been  informed,  by  those  on  whom 
I  thought  I  could  depend,  that  when  the  French,  on  the  approach 
of  Sir  Jeffry  Amherst  in  1759,  abandoned  Crown  Point,  there 
were  found  no  ancient  possessions,  nor  any  improvements,  worthy 
of  consideration  on  either  side  of  the  Lake.  The  Chief  were  in 
the  environs  of  the  Fort,  and  seemed  intended  meerly  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  Garrisons,  and  I  have  reason  to  believe, 
that  even  at  this  day,  there  are  very  few,  if  any,  to  the  Southward 
of  the  latitude  forty  five,  except  what  have  been  made  since  the 
peace,  by  British  subjects  under  the  grants  of  this  Colony.  I 
had  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  a  paper 
on  this  subject  drawn  up  by  Council  here,  at  the  request  of  the 
reduced  officers,  to  whom  &  the  disbanded  Soldiers  a  very  con- 
siderable part  of  the  Country  on  the  East  side  of  Lake  Champlain, 
hath  been  granted  in  obedience  to  his  Maj^y*  Royal  proclamation. 
The  proof  of  several  material  facts,  which  influenced  my  opinion, 
are  there  stated,  and  to  which  I  beg  leave  to  refer  your  LordP. 


a.-w 


t 


l 


,0  r:-o; 

ttoiWwi 


LORD  DARTMOUTH  TO  GOV^.  TRYON. 


vi  <^yi 


WhitehaU  3  March  1773. 


With  regard  to  the  grants  heretofore  made  by  the  Governors 
of  Canada  adjacent  to  Lake  Champlain,  &  by  the  Gov^  of  New 
Hampshire  to  the  west  of  Connecticut  River,  I  do  not  conceive 
that  the  titles  of  the  present  claimants  or  posessors  ought  to  have 
been  discussed  or  determined  upon  any  argument  or  reason  drawn 
from  a  consideration  of  what  were  or  were  not  the  ancient  Limits 
of  the  Colony  of  New  York.  Had  the  soil  and  jurisdiction  within 
the  Ttov  «  of  Lew  York  been  vested  in  proprietaries  as  in 
Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  Massachusets  Bay,  or  other  Charter 
GovernM,it  would  have  been  a  different  question :  but  when  both, 
the  soil  and  jurisdiction  are  in  the  Crown,  it  is  I  conceive,  entirely 
in  the  breast  of  the  Crown,  to  limit  that  jurisdiction  and  to  dispose 
of  the  property  in  the  soil  in  such  manner  as  shall  be  thought 
most  fit :  and  after  what  had  passed,  and  the  restrictions  which 


I      I 


OM  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


679 


)n  whom 
approach 
nt,  there 
9,  worthy 

were  in 
y  for  the 
)  believe, 
outhward 
since  the 
olony.    I 
rh  a  paper 
lest  of  the 

very  con- 
3hamplain, 
>clamation. 
oy  opinion, 
tr  LordP. 


I  March  1773. 

Governors 
)v'  of  New 
^ot  conceive 
ight  to  have 
leason  drawn 
]cient  Limits 
iction  within 
Itaries  as  in 
Iher  Charter 
[t  when  both, 
•ive,  entirely 
[nd  to  dispose 
be  thought 
ctions  which 


had  been  given  respectmg  the  claims,  as  well  on  Lake  Champlain, 
as  in  the  district  to  the  westward  of  the  Connecticut  River,  by 
which  the  King  had  reserved  to  himself  the  consideration  of  those 
claims,  I  must  still  have  the  misfortune  to  think  that  no  steps 
ought  to  have  been  taken  to  the  prejudice  of  the  claimants  under 
the  original  Titles.  At  the  same  time  confident  of  your  integrity 
and  impressed  with  the  most  favorable  sentiments  of  your  conduct 
so  far  as  rests  upon  the  Intention,  I  will  not  fail  to  do  the  fullest 
justice  to  the  explanation  of  it,  contained  in  your  leU«rs  upon 
this  subject,  and  there  is  no  one  of  your  friends,  that  will  be  more 
forward  than  myself  to  bear  testimony  of  the  sense  of  your  zeal 
for  the  King's  service,  or  more  ready  to  concur  in  any  proposition, 
that  may  induce  the  conferring  on  you  such  marks  of  the  King's 
Favour,  as  shall  be  judged  adequate  to  your  great  merit 
■       ,  I  am  Sir  your  most  obed*  humble  serv* 

«  1  Da&tmovth. 


EDMUND  BURKE  ESQ* 

TO  THS  SECRETAKT — 15  JUNE  1773. 

Sir — ^I  am  honoured  with  your  letted  of  the  14*''  wishing  to  be 
informed,  on  whose  behalf,  and  on  what  question,  I  desire  to  have 
Counsel  heard  against  the  Canadian  Grants  on  Lake  Champlain. 
You  will  be  so  good  as  to  acquaint  their  LordPP*  that  I  would  have 
Counsel  heard  on  behalf  of  the  grantees  under  New  York  Govern* 
who  are  composed  in  a  great  measure  of  half-pay  Officers,  that 
have  received  grants,  agreeably  to  his  Majesty's  proclamation. 
And  I  am  instructed  to  take  care  of  the  interests  of  these  Grantees, 
not  only  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  but  also  so  far  as  the  terri- 
torial rights  of  the  Province  may  be  affected  by  the  French  claims. 

I  beg  leave  to  be  heard  by  Counsel  (if  their  LordPP*  should  not 
expressly  confine  the  Counsel)  to  all  such  matter,  as  they,  or  the 
parties  shall  advise  as  proper  and  effectual  towards  invalidating 
the  said  French  Grants,  and  establishing  the  rights  of  the  New 
York  Grantees.  I  am  with  great  regard  Sir 

-'..]'.  Your  most  obed*  &  humble  serv*     »)| 

Edm:  Burks. 


h 

^ 

.  * 

■      w\ 

i' 

V-  '  ■ 

1       1  ' 

iV 

:■•■  '^ 


i 

i. 


?i 


• 


!l 


■■\f. 


■i 


680 


■(    •!, 


,,,.,: -'t 


FRENCH  8EIGNI0RIIS 


.  EXTRACT  FROM  A  REPORT 


or  A  COMMITTEE  OF  COUNCIL  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  QUEBKC  RELATIVE 
TO  COMPLETING  THE  BOUNDARY  LINE  BETWEEN  THAT  PROVI^'CE  & 
NSW  YORK,  DATED  QUEBEC,  AUO^  4.  1773. 

'if  .1       [Couaeil  MiMites XXVI.]         >    ..         > 

>.  Vfe  think  .  .  .  Your  Honour  may  safely  give  the  neces- 
sary Directions  for  going  on  with  the  service  immediately  under 
the  following  Reservations,  which  we  consider  as  the  only  expe- 
dient for  Resolving  the  many  Difficulties  which  have  occurred,  and 
without  which  we  muot  find  ourselves  under  the  necessity  of 
deferring  the  Proceedings  till  another  year. 

That  every  thing  shall  remain  between  the  two  Provinces  exactly 
in  the  same  situation  as  well  with  regard  to  Jurisdiction  as  Pro- 
perty after  the  Line  is  run,  as  it  does  now  until  his  Majesty's 
Pleasure  upon  that  subject  shall  be  known. 

That  his  Excellency  the  Governor  of  New  York  will  engage 
not  to  pass  any  new  Grant  or  Grants  of  Land  to  the  southward  of 
tjbe  Line,  the  property  of  which  is  now  or  has  at  any  Time  been 
claimed  under  any  Title  from  the  Crown  of  France. 

That  we  do  not  by  our  Consent  to  the  running  of  the  Line  give 
up  or  in  any  manner  recede  or  depart  from  any  Right  or  Claim  to 
Lands  to  the  Southward  of  the  Line  which  have  at  any  time  been 
or  now  are  disputed  between  the  two  Provinces,  but  that  the  whole 
shall  be  submitted  to  his  Majesty's  Pleasure  without  Prejudice  or 
advantage  of  any  kind  to  be  taken  of  this  Instance,  which  we  are 
willing  to  show,  tho'  at  some  Hazard,  of  our  Desire  of  a  good 
Correspondence  at  all  times  with  the  Province  of  New  York. 


GOV.  TRYON  TO  LT.  GOV.  CRAMAHE.  , 

Qnebee  4th  August  1779. 
Sir,  I  am  honoured  with  your  Letter  of  this  Day  with  the 
Report  of  the  Council  of  your  Government  on  the  subject  Matter 
of  my  Letters  to  you  of  the  5t>»  and  25th  July. 


ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIK. 


581 


>  ■  •-•■ 


rELATIV* 
lOVlljCE  & 


the  neces- 
itely  under 
only  expe- 
curredjand 
ecessity  of 

nces  exactly 
lion  as  Pro- 
as Majesty's 


will  engage 
thward  of 
Time  been 


sou 


the  Une  give 
it  or  Claim  to 

,ny  time  been 

hattbe-wbole 

prejudice  or 

vrhicbweare 

sire  of  a  good 

[e\f  YorVc. 


Ith  Augu«t  1T78. 

[Day  vritb  the 
subject  Matter 


It  is  with  singular  pleasure  I  can  inform  you  I  accept  of  and 
assent  to  the  Terms  contained  in  the  Reservations  of  the  said 
Report;  at  the  same  time  I  assure  you  it  never  has  been  nor  is  my 
Wish  or  Design  to  take  any  Advantage  either  over  the  Jurisdic* 
tion  of  the  Government  of  Quebec,  or  of  French  claims  lying 
within  the  Government  of  New  York;  but  am  determined  to  wait 
the  declaration  of  the  Royal  Mind  concerning  the  Premises;  I  own 
I  do  not  apprehend  Hazard  in  paying  Obedience  to  the  King's 
Proclamation  of  1763,  and  carrying  into  execution  the  reciprocal 
obligations  of  both  governments. 


THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  PRIVY 
COUNCIL.    25  MAY,  1775. 

[Lond.  Doo.  XLV.] 

My  Lordsj  Pursuant  to  your  Lordships  order  dated  the  17** 
day  of  June  1772,  we  have  taken  into  our  consideration  the  Peti- 
tion of  Michel  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere,  Chevalier  and  styling 
himself  Seigneur  de  Alainville  and  d'Hocquart,  setting  forth 
amongst  other  things  that  he  has  beeit  deprived  and  disposessed 
of  his  two  Lordships  of  d' Alainville  and  d'Hocquart  situated  at 
the  head  of  Lake  Champlain  in  a  most  advantageous  position  and 
consisting  of  the  best  and  richest  land  in  the  Province  of  New 
York  to  which  they  were  annexed  eighteen  months  after  the  Treaty 
of  Peace  and  humbly  praying  for  the  reasons  therein  contained 
that  they  [he?]  may  be  reinstated  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  his  said 
two  Lordships  in  the  same  manner  as  when  under  the  Govern- 
ment of  France  and  that  he  may  be  reimbursed  the  expense  he 
has  been  at  in  endeavoring  to  obtain  redress  therein  and  to  be 
indemnified  for  having  been  kept  out  of  his  Estate  and  property 
for  so  long  a  time  as  well  as  for  the  damage  his  said  Estates  may 
have  sustained.  Whereupon  we  beg  leave  to  Report  to  your 
Lordships : — 

That  the  Petition  of  Mons'  de  Lotbiniere  refers  to  two  Tracts 
of  Land  under  very  different  circumstances.  '  *  =  i*. 

With  regard  to  that  Tract  which  is  claimed  by  the  Petitioner 


1^ 


'% 


682 


IHENCH  SEIGNIORIES 


L 


M 


under  a  Title  derived  from  a  purchase  made  by  him  of  Mons' 
d'Hocquart  in  April  1763  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Peace  'with 
France,  it  consists  of  two  Seigneuries  which  amongst  several  other 
Seigneuries  were  granted  by  the  Most  Christian  King,  or  under 
his  authority  by  the  Governor  of  Canada  upon  Lake  Champlain 
ailer  France  had  in  violation  of  the  Rights  of  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain  usurped  the  possession  of  the  lake  and  the  circumjacent 
Country  and  forcibly  maintained  that  possession  by  erecting  in  the 
year  1731  a  Fortress  at  Crown  Point. 

It  appears  by  the  most  authentic  evidence  upon  the  Books  of 
our  office  that  Lake  Champlain  and  the  circumjacent  Country  were 
at  all  times  chimed  by  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  as  part  of  their 
Possessions  and  that  by  agreement  with  them  the  Land  on  both 
sides  the  Lake  to  a  very  great  extent  was  granted  by  the  Gov't"  ^f 
New  York  to  British  Subjects  long  before  any  possession  appears 
to  have  been  taken  by  the  Crown  of  France  which  having  by  thq 
express  Stipulation  of  the  fifteenth  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
acknowledged  the  Sovereignty  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  over 
'.!ie  Five  Nations  had  upon  every  principle  of  Justice  and  Equity 
precluded  itself  from  any  claim  to  the  possession  of  any  part  of 
their  Territory. 

Upon  these  Grounds  it  was  that  erecting  a  Fort  at  Crown  Point 
in  1731  was  then,  and  ever  after  complained  of  as  an  Incroach- 
ment  on  the  British  Territories  and  a  Violation  of  Our  Rights  and 
so  carefull  were  the  Ministers  of  this  Country  to  preserve  those 
Rights  that  when  in  consequence  of  the  Treaty  of  Aix  la 
Chapelle  Commissaries  were  in  the  Year  1750  appointed  to  settle 
with  Commissaries  on  the  part  of  France  the  limits  of  each  others 
possessions  in  North  America,  they  were  instructed  to  insist  that 
France  had  no  right  to  any  possession  on  the  South  side  of  the 
River  St.  Lawrence. 

Under  these  circumstances  therefore  and  for  as  much  as  we  are 
clearly  of  opinion  that  the  Stipulations  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  by 
which  Canadian  property  is  reserved  doth  both  in  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  them  refer  only  to  the  property  and  possession  of  the 
Canadians  in  Canada  of  which  we  insist  that  the  Country  upon 
Lake  Champlain  was  no  part,  we  cannot  recommend  to  Your 


ON    VAh      CHAMPA- -uK. 


683 


)f  Mons' 
;ace  with 
eral  other 
or  under 
Jhamplain 
X  of  Great 
cumjacent 
ting  in  the 

Books  of 
(untry  were 
part  of  their 
nd  on  both 
le  Gov"  of 
iion  appears 
iving  by  the 
y  of  Utrecht 

Britain  over 
!  and  Equity 

any  part  of 

Crown  Point 
in  Incroach- 
ir  Rights  and 
•eserve  those 
of   Aix  la 
nted  to  settle 
)f  each  others 
to  insist  that 
side  of  the 

|uch  as  we  arc 
of  Paris,  by 
[le  letter  and 
Lession  of  the 
Icountry  upon 
aend  to  Your 


Lordships  to  advise  his  Majc  ly  to  Contply  with  what  is  requested 
by  the  Petitioner  or  to  do  any  Act  virhich  may  in  any  respect 
admit  a  right  in  the  CroMr n  of  France  to  have  made  those  Grants 
under  which  the  possessions  upon  Lake  Champlain  a^e  now 
claimed  either  by  Canadiiin  Subjects  or  others  deriving  that  Claim 
under  purchases  from  them  :  We  do  not,  however,  mean  by  any 
opinion  of  Ours  to  prejudice  their  Claims  in  any  suit  they  may 
bring  for  establishing  those  claims  by  due  course  of  Law  and  we 
submit  under  any  circumstances  of  the  Case  the  question  in  dis- 
pute between  these  Claimants  and  the  possessors  under  New  York 
Grants  cannot  be  properly  decided  by  his  Majesty  in  Council, 
unless  upon  any  appeal  from  such  Courts  as  have  constitutionally 
the  cognizance  of  such  matters. 

On  the  other  hand  when  -we  consider  that  many  of  his  Majesty's 
subjects  trusting  to  the  validity  of  the  Canadian  Titles  have 
become  proprietors  of  those  Seigneuries  under  purchases  for  valua- 
ble considerations  We  cannot  but  be  of  opinion  that  the  making 
Grants  under  the  Seal  of  New  York  of  any  part  of  those  Seignio- 
ries was  an  unjust  and  unwarrantable  proceeding.  That  the  claim- 
ants therefore  ought  to  be  quieted  in  the  possession  of  at  least 
those  parts  which  remain  yet  ungranted  by  such  order  as  his 
Majesty's  Law  Servants  shall  think  more  effectual  for  that  purpose 
that  the  Governor  of  New  York  should  receive  the  most  positive 
orders  not  to  make  any  further  Grants  whatever  of  any  part  of  the 
Lands  within  the  limits  of  any  of  those  Seigneuries  and  that  a 
suitable  compensation  should  be  made  to  the  Claimants  for  what 
has  already  been  taken  away  by  giving  them  gratuitous  Grants, 
equivalent  in  quantity,  in  other  parts  of  his  Majesty's  Provinces 
of  Quebec  or  New  York. 

With  regard  to  the  other  Tract  claimed  by  the  petitioner  under 
the  description  of  the.  concession  of  d' Alainville,  when  we  consider 
its  situation  to  the  South  of  Crown  Point,  that  it  is  stated  to  have 
been  Granted  to  him  at  a  time  when  his  Majesty's  armies  had 
penetrated  into,  and  occasionally  possessed  themselves  of  the 
Country  and  that  independent  of  these  objections  there  is  no 
evidence  of  the  Grants  having  been  ratified  by  the  Crown  of  France, 
or  registered  within  the  Colony,  we  cannot  recommend  to  Your 


■■■i 


* 


581 


rRZKCn   SXIGNIORIKS 


r  -y, 


Lordships  to  advise  His  Majesty  to  give  any  countenance  thereto; 
But  the  Petitioner,  if  he  thinks  he  has  a  good  title,  shouhl  be 
left  to  establish  that  Title  by  due  course  of  law  in  Mtch  mode  as 
he  shaH  be  advised  to  pursue  for  that  purpose. 

Having  said  thus  much  upon  the  merits  of  the  Petition  itself, 
in  so  far  as  it  regards  the  validity  of  the  Petitioners  title  to  the 
Lands  he  claims  we  think  it  necessary  in  Justice  to  the  Noble 
Lord,  that  presided  at  this  Board  in  the  year  1764  to  take  some 
notice  of  what  is  alledged  therein,  in  respect  to  the  declaration 
said  to  have  been  made  by  his  Lordship  to  the  effect  of  what  is 
stated  by  the  petitioner ;  and  to  observe  that  admitting  that  his 
Lordship  had,  in  conversation  with  the  petitioner  made  use  of  the 
expressions  he  states,  they  could  only  refer  to  possessions  and 
property  in  general  any  where,  to  which  he  could  shew  a  legal 
Title ;  and  as  an  evidence  of  this  meaning  we  beg  leave  to  lay 
before  your  Lordships  the  annexed  Extract  of  a  Letter  to  the 
Lieutenant  Governor  of  New  York  written  in  consequence  of  the 
petitioners  application  and  subscribed  by  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough 
which  is  so  far  from  admitting  a  Title  in  the  petitioner  to  those 
Lands  which  he  claims  in  particular  that  it  expressly  reserves  any 
discussion  upon  that  question  until  the  evidence  of  the  legality  of 
the  Title  should  be  more  authentically  adduced  and  in  the  mean- 
time with  equal  Justice  &  humanity  forbids  any  further  Grants 
being  made  within  the  limits  of  the  Seigneuries  claimed  by  the 
Petitioner. 

We  are  my  Lords 

Your  Lordships  Most  Obedient  and 

Most  humble  Servants 
Dartmouth 
SoAME  Jenyns 
Bamber  Gascoyne 
Whitehall  Whitshed  Keene 

May  25.  177$.  Greville 


/  ( 


» 


ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIIf.       •">    >■ 


685 


;e  theTcto; 
should  be 
^  tnodc  ai 

ilion  itseU, 
iitle  to  the 
the  Noble 
J  take  some 
declaration 
t  of  what  is 
ling  that  his 
,ae  use  of  the 
ssessions  and 
shew  a  legal 
leave  to  lay 
Letter  to  the 
;quence  of  the 
,f  Hillsborough 
ioner  to  those 
ily  reserves  any 
the  legality  of 
d  in  the  mean- 
further  Grants 
claimed  by  the 


•,'♦"».■ 


THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  PRITY 
COUNCIL  FEB.  13™  1776. 

'  [LonU.  Doc.  XLVl.] 

My  Lords — Pursuant  to  your  Lordships  Order  of  the  21«».  Dec. 
last  We  have  taken  into  our  consideration  the  Matters  therein 
contained  respecting  the  case  of  Michel  Chartier  dc  Lotbiniere 
itiling  himself  Seigneur  d'AUainville  and  de  Hocquart  and  the 
reasonableness  of  making  some  adequate  compensation  to  him  for 
his  pretensions  to  the  said  Lordships  of  Alainville  and  Hocquart 
by  recommending  him  to  His  Majesty  for  a  Grant  of  Land  in  some 
one  of  his  Majestys  American  Provinces  in  consideration  of  his 
said  pretensions  as  well  as  of  the  losses  and  expenses  in  which  he 
has  been  involved  by  the  proceedings  of  His  Majestys  Governors 
of  New  York  in  Granting  away  Lanrls  within  the  aforementioned 
Lordships  in  express  disobedience  to  orders  received  from  hence 
whereupon  we  beg  leave  to  Report  to  your  Lordships. 

That  before  we  state  Our  opinion  of  what  may  be  a  reasonable 
Compensation  to  M.  Lotbiniere  in  the  matter  referred  We  must 
observe  that  although  his  claims  extend  tb  both  the  Lordships  of 
Alainville  and  Hocquart  yet  upon  a  review  of  our  proceeding  in 
his  Case  we  cannot  for  the  reasons  set  forth  in  Our  report  to  your 
Lorships  of  the  25t>>  of  May  last  see  any  such  foundation  in  his 
pretensions  to  Alainville  as  can  warrant  the  advising  any  com- 
pensation whatever  to  be  made  to  him  for  his  interest  in  that 
Lordship  so  that  whatever  we  have  to  recommend  will  be  grounded 
solely  on  his  claim  to  the  Lordship  of  Hocquart  and  the  con- 
sideration of  the  losses  and  expenses  in  which  [he]  has  been 
involved  by  the  proceedings  of  the  Governor  of  New  York. 

The  Lordship  of  Hocquart  is  described  as  lying  on  the  East 
side  of  Lake  Champlain  extending  four  leagues  in  front  and  five 
leagues  in  Depth  and  may  be  computed  to  contain  about  115,000 
acres  of  Land. 

By  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  of  New  York  on  the  2^^ 
day  of  Sept'.  1771  it  appears  that  almost  the  whole  of  this  Lordship 


: 


.'|. 


* 

*• 


!;;!■: 


# 


686 


:l^.. 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


was  granted  away  under  the  Seal  of  New  York  principally  to 
officers  and  soldiers  according  to  His  Majesty's  proclamation  of 
the  Tth  Oct.  1773  [1763  ?j 

As  the  greatest  part  therefore  and  probably  the  best  in  quality 
of  those  lands  has  been  thus  granted  away  we  think  that  the  most 
equitable  way  of  making  compensation  to  M.  Lotbiniere  will  [be] 
for  his  Majesty  to  direct  the  Governor  of  Quebec  to  make  a  new 
Grant  to  M.  Lotbiniere  of  other  Lands  within  that  Colony 
equivalent  as  nearly  as  may  be  in  point  of  extent  and  in  the 
advantages  of  Soil  and  Situation  to  that  of  Hocquart  to  be  held 
upon  the  like  terms  and  considerations  as  Lands  are  now  held  by 
His  Majesty's  other  Canadian  Subjects ;  provided  that  upon  his 
being  put  in  possession  of  this  Grant  he  shall  cause  a  full  and 
ample  surrender  to  be  made  of  all  his  right  and  title  to  the  afore- 
said Lordship  of  Hocquart  so  that  the  present  occupants  who 
chiefly  consist  of  Officers  and  Soldiers  disbanded  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  last  war  may  be  quieted  &  secured  in  their  possessions. 

At  the  same  time  that  we  state  this  as  what  we  think  will  be  a 
liberal  compensation  to  M  Lotbiniere,  we  should  have  been  glad 
to  have  informed  your  Lordships  that  he  had  acquiesced  in  the 
same  sentiments  but  as  he  has  declined  giving  his  attendance  at 
Our  Board  though  invited  thereto  we  submit  the  whole  to  your 
Lordships  with  this  observation  that  if  M.  Lotbiniere  shall  not 
think  proper  to  accept  the  proposed  compensation  it  will  then 
remain  for  him  to  pursue  his  claim  or  Claims  by  due  Course  of 
Law  in  such  manner  as  he  shall  be  advised. 

We  are  my  Lords  your  Lordships  ^,». 

Most  obedient  and  humble  servants 

SoAME  Jenyns 

,';.■■  W.  Jalliffe 

V  Whitshed  Eeene 

C.  F.  Greville. 
,     Whitehall  Feb.  13, 1776 


'■'••,  if 


^ff'ti-'' 


^rSW- 


.•]    -L^v 


.■\ 


•»♦ 


* 


cipally  to 
nation  of 

in  quality 
t  the  most 
•e  will  [be] 
lake  a  new 
at  Colony 
and  in  the 
to  be  held 
)w  held  by 
it  upon  his 
a  full  and 
0  the  afore- 
upants  who 
e  conclusion 
^sessions, 
[ik  will  be  a 
re  been  glad 
esced  in  the 
ttendance  at 
Lie  to  your 
ire  shall  not 
it  will  then 
e  Course  of 


its 
Jenyns 

XIFFE 

Jrbvillb- 


,.„_..-i-(i 


.i^ 


aag^ 


*; 

S 


i 


'V« 


Bamitffat 


V  I  R  G  I  Nl  A 


of  me   if'MOJrTIliUl^   (?fthe 

Ih'twi'it  f/tt'ttf  iniff  t/u  /tffh'ans  fff  fhr  Treaty 
hrff/  tv  Sffi/fJf>/tNS(>tt  at  F^Stfnnvi.r  in.  Mn'. 

<  'f'rrcrtrd  art  <f  /m/nY>rtvf  ftynn  Kvtnts .  ^[np 


aijiT 


XX. 


Uounbarq  tint  Mmm  \^t  W)}\\tB  Qtib  %nWm, 


.••';,• 


1765. 


».:       '1; 


DEED  EXECUTED  AT  FORT  STANWIX  NOV.  6.  1768. 

CBTABLISHINO  A  BOUNDA&Y  LINE  BETWEEN  THE  WHITES  AND  INDIANS^ 
OF  THE  NORTHERN  COLONIES. 


[Lond.  Doe.  XLI.] 


;.'V 


To  all  to  whom,  These  presents  shall  come  or  may  concern. 
We  the  Sachems  &  Chiefs  of  the  Six  Confederate  Nations,  &  of 
the  Shawaneese,  Delawares,  Mingoes  of  Ohio  &  other  Dependant  ^ 
Tribes  on  behalf  of  ourselves  &  of  the  rest  of  our  Several  Nations 
the  Chiefs  &  Warriors  of  whom  are  now  here  convened,  by  Sir 
William  Johnson  Baronet  His  Majesty's  Superintendent  of  our 
affairs  send  Greeting.     Whereas   His  Majesty  was   graciously 
pleased  to  propose  to  us  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
&  sixty  five  that  a  Boundary  Line  should  be  fixed  between  the 
English  &  Us  to  ascertain  &  establish  our  Limitts  and  prevent  those 
intrusions  &  encroachments  of  which  we  had  so  long  &  loudly 
complained  &  to  put  a  stop  to  the  many  fraudulent  advantages 
which  had  been  so  often  taken  of  us  in  Land  affairs,  which  Boun- 
dary appearing  to  us  a  wise  and  good  measure  we  did  then  agree 
to  a  part  of  a  Line  &  promised  to  settle  the  whole  finally  when  so 
ever  Sir  William  Johnson  should  be  fully  empowered  to  treat  with 
us  for  that  purpose    And  Whereas  his  said  Majesty  has  at  length 
given  Sir  William  Johnson  orders  to  compleat  the  said  Boundary 


■■% 


! 


588 


BOUNDARY  LINE  BfiTWCEN 


r  I 


Line  between  the  Provinces  &  Indians  in  conformity  to  which 
orders  Sir  William  Johnson  has  convened  the  Chiefs  &  Warriors 
of  our  respective  Nations  who  are  the  true  &  absolute  Proprietors 
of  the  Lands  in  question  and  who  are  here  now  to  a  very 
considerable  Number.  And  Whereas  many  uneasynesses  &  doubts 
have  arisen  amongst  us  which  have  given  rise  to  an  apprehension 
that  the  Line  may  not  be  strictly  observed  on  the  part  of  the 
English  in  which  case  matters  may  be  worse  than  before  which 
apprehension  together  with  the  dependant  state  of  some  of  our 
Tribes  &  other  circumstances  i^hich  retarded  the  Settlement  & 
became  the  subject  of  some  Debate  Sir  William  Johnson  has  at 
length  so  far  satisfied  us  upon,  as  to  induce  us  to  come  to  an 
agreement  concerning  the  Line  which  is  now  brought  to  a  conclu- 
sion the  whole  being  fully  explained  to  us  in  a  large  Assembly  of 
our  People  before  Sir  William  Johnson  and  in  the  presence  of  His 
Excellency  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  the  Commissioners  from 
the  Provinces  of  Virginia  and  Pensilvania  &  sundry  other 
Gentlemen  by  which  Lipe  so  agreed  upon,  a  considerable  Tract  of 
Country  along  several  Provinces  is  by  us  ceded  to  His  said 
Majesty  which  we  are  induced  to  &  do  hereby  ratify  &  confirm  to 
His  said  Majesty  from  the  expectation  &  confidence  we  place  in 
His  royal  Goodness  that  he  will  graciously  comply  with  our 
humble  requests  as  the  same  are  expressed  in  the  speech  of  the 
several  Nations  addressed  to  His  Majesty  through  Sir  William 
Johnson  on  Tuesday  the  first  of  the  Present  Month  of  November 
wherein  we  have  declared  our  expectation  of  the  continuance  of 
His  Majesty's  favour  &  our  desire  that  our  ancient  Engagements 
be  observed  &  our  affairs  attended  to  by  the  officer  who  has  the 
management  thereof  enabling  him  to  discharge  all  these  matters 
properly  for  our  Interest.  That  the  Lands  occupied  by  the 
Mohocks  around  their  villages  as  well  as  by  any  other  Nation 
affected  by  this  our  cessiod  may  effectually  remain  to  them  & 
to  their  Posterity  &  that  any  engagements  regarding  property 
which  they  may  now  be  under  may  be  prosecuted  &  our  present 
Grants  deemed  Valid  on  our  parts  with  the  several  other  humble 
requests  contained  in  our  said  speech  And  Whereas  at  the  settling' 
of  the  said  Line  it  appeared  that  the  Line  described  by  His 


THE  WHITES  AND  INDIANS. 


689 


to  wWch 
Warriors 
:oprietors 

0  a  very 

1  &  doubts 
irehension 
art  of  the 
ore  which 
me  of  our 
tlement  & 
son  has  at 
ome  to  an 
;o  a  conclu- 
Lssembly  of 
sence  of  His 
iioners  from 
mdry  other 
ble  Tract  of 
;o   His  said 
k,  confirm  to 
we  place  in 

y  with  our 
leech  of  the 
Sir  William 
November 
atinuance  of 
Ingagements 
who  has  the 
hese  matters 
pied  by  the 
,ther  Nation 
to  them  & 
ing  property 
our  present 
>ther  humble 
it  the  settling' 
ibed  by  His 


Majesty's  order  was  not  extended  to  tlie  Northward  of  Oswegy  or 
to  the  Southward  of  Great  Kanhawa  river  We  liave  agreed  to  & 
continued  the  Line  to  the  Northward  on  a  supposition  that  it  was 
omitted  by  reason  of  our  not  having  come  to  any  determination 
concerning  its  course  at  the  Congress  held  in  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  &  sixty  five  and  in  as  much  as  the  Line  to  the  Northward 
became  the  most  necessary  of  any  for  preventing  encroachments 
at  our  very  Towns  &  Residences  We  have  given  the  line  more 
favorably  to  Pensylvania  for  the  reasons  &  considerations  men- 
tioned in  the  Treaty,  we  have  likewise  continued  it  South  to 
Cherokee  River  because  the  same  is  &  we  do  declare  it  to  be  our 
true   Bounds  with  the  Southern  Indians  &  that  we  have  an 
undoubted  right  to  the  Country  as  far  South  as  that  River  which 
makes  the  cession  to  His  Majesty  much  more  advantageous  than 
that  proposed.    Now  therefore  Know  Ye  that  we  the  Sachems  & 
Chiefs  aforementioned  Native  Indians  or  Proprietors  of  the  Lands 
herein  after  described  for  &  in  behalf  of  ourselves  Sc  the  whole  of 
our  Confederacy  for  the  considerations  hereinbefore  mentioned  and 
also  for  and  in  consideration  of  a  valuable  Present  of  the  several 
Articles  in  use  amongst  Indians  which  together  with  a  large  sum 
of  money  amount  in  the  whole  to  the  sum  of  Ten  thousand  four 
Hundred  and  sixty  pounds  seven  shillings  &  three  pence  sterling 
to  Us  now  delivered  &  paid  by  Sir  William  Johnson  Baronet  His 
Majesty's  sole  agent  and  superintendent  of  Indians  affairs  for  the 
Northern  department  of  America  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of 
our  Sovereign  Lord  George  the  third  by  the  Grace  of  God  of 
Great  Britain  France  &  Ireland  King  Defender  of  the  Faith  the 
receipt  whereof  we  do  hereby  acknowledge.    We  the  said  Indians 
Have  for  us  and  our  Heirs  &  Successors  granted  bargained  sold 
released  &  confirmed  &  by  these  presents  do  grant  bargain  sell 
release  and  confirm  unto  our  said  Sovereign  Lord  King  George 
the  Third  all  that  Tract  of  Land  situate  in  North  America  at  the 
Back  of  the  British  Settlements  bounded  by  a  Line  which  we 
have  now  agreed  upon  &  do  hereby  establish  as  the  Boundary 
between  us  &  the  British  Colonies  in  America  beginning  at  the 
Mouth  of  Cherokee  or  Hogohege  River  where  it  emptys  into  the 
River  Ohio  &  running  from  thence  upwards  along  the  South  side 


'  e. 
t 


It-i-^     ^      ^ri^ 


690 


BOUNDARY  LIKE  BETWEEN 


of  said  River  'to  Kittanning  which  is  above  Fort  Pitt  from  thence 
by  a  direct  Line  to  the  nearest  Fork  of  the  west  branch  of  Sus- 
quehanna thence  through  the  Allegany  Mountains  along  the  south 
side  of  the  said  West  Branch  until  it  comes  opposite  to  the  mouth 
of  a  creek  called  Tiadaghton  thence  across  the  West  Branch  along 
the  South  Side  of  that  Creek  &  along  the  North  Side  of  Burnetts 
Hills  to  a  Creek  called  Awandae  thence  down  the  same  to  the 
East  Branch  of  Sasquehanna  &  across  the  same  and  up  the  East 
side  of  that  River  to  Oswegy  from  thence  East  to  Delawar  River 
and  up  that  River  to  opposite  where  Tianaderha  falls  into  Sasque- 
hanna thence  to  Tianaderha  &  up  the  West  side  of  the  West 
Branch  to  the  head  thereof  &  thence  by  a  direct  Line  to  Canada 
Creek  where  it  emptys  into  the  Wood  Creek  at  the  West  of  the 
Carrying  Place  beyond  Fort  Stanwix  &  extending  Eastward  from 
every  part  of  the  said  Line  as  far  as  the  Lands  formerly  purchased 
so  as  to  comprehend  the  whole  of  the  Lands  between  the  said 
Line  &  the  purchased  Lands  or  settlements,  except  what  is  within 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  together  with  all  the  Hereditaments 
and  appurtenances  to  the  same  belonging  or  appertaining  in  the 
fullest  and  most  ample  manner  and  all  the  Estate  Right  Title 
Interest  Property  Possession  Benefit  claim  and  Demand  either  in 
Law  or  Equity  of  each  and  every  of  us  of  in  or  to  the  same  or 
any  part  thereof  To  have  and  to  hold  the  whole  Lands  and  Pre- 
mises hereby  granted  bargained  sold  released  and  confirmed  as 
aforesaid  with  the  Hereditaments  and  appurtenances  thereunto 
belonging  under  the  Reservations  made  in  the  Treaty  unto  our  said 
Sovereign  Lord  King  George  the  third  his  Heirs  &  Successors  to 
and  for  his  and  their  own  proper  use  &  behoof  for  ever.     In 
Witness  whereof  We  the  Chiefs  of  the  Confederacy  have  here- 
unto set  our  marks  and  Seals  at  Fort  Stanwix  the  fifth  day  of 
November  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty  eight  in  the 
ninth  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign.  . 

for  the  Mohawks. 
(/  •.'■(■  k      ■        I 

Tyorhansere  als  Abraham  W^^^U 

for  the  Oncidas. 


[-•] 


05"* 


-  .-.Ofi 


Canaghaguieson 


m- 


\  [-'] 


n  thence 

I  of  Sus- 

ihe  soulli 

he  mouth 

ach  along 

[  Burnetts 

ne  to  the 

p  the  East 

war  River 

to  Sasque- 
the  West 

to  Canada 

Vest  of  the 

jtward  from 

y  purchased 

sen  the  said 

hat  is  within 

ereditaments 

ining  in  the 

5  Right  Title 

and  either  in 
the  same  or 
nds  and  Pre- 
confirmed  as 
;es  thereunto 
unto  our  said 
I  Successors  to 
;or  ever.    Im 
5Y  havehere- 
fifth  day  of 
eight  in  the 


TUK  WHITES  AND  INDUNS.  691 

for  the  Tuscaroras. 


tiawks. 


[U  8] 


Seguareesera 
Otsinoghiyata  als  Bunt 

Tegaaia 

Ouastrax 


4-  [1-8] 

for  the  Onondagas. 

for  the  Cayugas. 


for  the  Senecas. 


Sealed  and  delivered  and  the  consideration  paid 
in  the  presence  of 

W"  Franklin  Governor  of  New  Jersey 

Fr£.  Smtth  Chief  Justice  of  New  Jersey 

Thomas  Walker  Commissioner  for  Virginia 

Richard  Peters    >  of  the  Council 

James  Tilghman  3  of  Pensylvania 

The  above  Deed  was  executed  in  my  presence  at  Fort  Stanwix 
the  day  and  year  above  Written 

W.  Johnson. 


T 

fS"' 

-.        I    . 
1    ' 

ri 

'1; 

j| 

'     i  1 

■11  ■;    ;. 

*  > 


XXI. 


.'•r-  V 


PAPERS 


ULATOWTOm 


itij  of  Mnn-^nrfe 


..N 


38 


fi 


IXX 


.ii.'i^iy;i 


,«ti»'  i\  '/i  I  •■^* 


U} 


Lit 


M 


a& 


,ll  M-f    t     « 


.   »      • 


•i^'.'^ 


1      ' 


FIRST  APPLICATION  FOR  A  MUNICIPAL  FORM  OF 

GOVERNMENT. 

■   '       (Holland  Doc.  Vol.  IV.] 

To  the  JVo6/e,  High  and  Mighty  Lords 
the  Lords  States  General  of  the  i   ited  J^etherlands^ 
+  '  our  Most  Illustrious  Sovereigns. 

Gracious  Lords, — This  Province  of  New  Nelherland  having 
been  reduced,  in  the  course  of  time  to  a  vc^ry  sad  and  utterly 
ruinous  condition,  in  consequence,  as  we  presume,  of  firstly.  An 
unsuitable  government ;  secondly,  Scantiness  of  privileges  and 
exemptions ;  thirdly.  Heavy  burthens  of  imposts,  exactions  and 
such  like  ;  fourthly.  Long  continued  war  ;  fifthly.  The  wreck  of 
the  Princess  j  sixthly,  The  multitude  of  Trailers  and  fewness  of 
Boors  and  farm  servants  ;  seventhly.  Great  scarcity  in  general ; 
eightly  and  lastly.  The  insufferable  arrogance  of  the  Natives  and 
Indians  arising  from  the  paucity  of  our  numbers  etc.  and  having 
long  waited  in  vain,  though  we  have  petitioned  and  sought  for  aid 
redress  and  assistance  from  the  Lords  Directors,  in  the  highest  ' 
degree  necessary  for  them  and  for  us  j  We,  therefore,  unable  to 
delay  any  longer,  being  reduced  to  the  lowest  ebb,  have  deter- 
mined to  fly  for  refuge  to  their  High  Mightinesses,  our  gracious 
Sovereigns  and  the  Fathers  of  this  Province,  most  humbly  praying 
and  beseeching  them  to  look  with  merciful  eyes  on  this  their 
Province  and  that  their  High  Mightinesses  would  be  pleased  to 
order  and  correct  matters  so  that  dangers  may  be  removed,  troubles 
terminated,  and  population  and  prosperity  promoted,  as  their  High 
Mightinesses  in  their  renowned  wisdom  shall  be  determined,  We^ 
with  humble  reverence  only  deeming  it  good  and  necessary  to 
petition  their  High  Mightinesses  for  the  following  Points  as  of 
advantage  for  this  Province : — 

Firstly,  We  supplicate  and  beseech  their  High  Mightinesses 


I'  '' 


\- 


f,  't 


Pj      '' 


i''rJ 


*i 


596 


PAPERS  EELATIMO  TO 


to  people  New  Netherland  so  that  it  may  support  sustain  and 
defend  itself  against  Indians  and  others  who  might  trouble  and 
invade  it ;  for  if  this  should  fail,  that  country  will  not  only  fall 
into  the  uttermost  ruin,  but  also  become  easily  appropriated  by 
our  Neighbors ;  and  those  who  already  dwell  there  will  be  forced 
to  use  all  possible  means  to  return  and  save  themselves  from 
misery,  or  to  submit  to  foreign  Nations.  All  which,  according 
to  our  humble  understanding,  is  to  be  remedied 

!■*.  When  their  High  Mightinesses  shall  be  pleased  to  take 
this  Province  under  their  own  gracious  safeguard,  and  to 
allow  their  Fatherly  afifection  for  this  Land  to  be  promulgated 
and  made  manifest,  throughout  the  United  Netherlands,  by 
their  own  accorded  privileges.  Many  would,  then,  be  at- 
tracted towards  this  country,  whilst,  on  the  contrary  every 
one  is  discouraged  by  the  Company's  harsh  proceedings  and 
want  of  means.  ^ 

.  2»d.  Were  their  High  Mightinesses  pleased  to  equip  some  ships 
for  a  few  years,  for  the  free  conveyance  and  transportation 
of  people  principally  Boors  and  farm  servants  with  their 
poverty  hither,  together  with  some  necessary  maintenance 
until  the  poor  people  had  obtained  something  in  esscy  their 
High  Mightinesses  would  not  only  relieve  many  incumbered 
men,  but  also  expect  from  God,  through  their  intercession, 
luck,  blessing  and  prosperity. 
3^^^  If  their  High  Mightinesses  would  please  to  order  all 
vessels  proceeding  and  trading  toward  these  northern  parts 
of  America,  to  call  first  at  the  Manhattans  in  New  Netherland, 
and  bring  with  them  as  many  persons  as  they  can  seasonably 
procure  and  conveniently  carry,  at  suitably  fixed  rates,  many 
proprietors  would,  no  doubt,  emigrate  within  a  short  time  to 
New  Netherland.  :  > 

Steondly,  We  humbly  solicit  permanent  privileges  and  ex- 
emptions which  promote  population  and  prosperity  &  which  in 
oiur  opinion  consist  in 
!•*.  Suitable  Bubgher  Government,  such  as  their  High  Mighti- 
nesses shall  consider  adapted  to  this  Province  and  resembling 
.  v"  iKMnewhat  the  Laudable  government  of  our  Fatherland. 


THE  CITY  OF  NEW  TOBK. 


697 


In  and 
lie  and 
ily  fall 
ited  by 
B  forced 
es  from 
ccording 

^  to  take 
I,  and  to 
mulgated 
lands,  by 
jn,  be  at- 
■ary  every 
tdings  and 

♦ 
some  sbips 

nsportation 
-with  their 
aintenancc 
esse,  their 
incumbered 
itercession, 

order  all 

Irthem  parts 

iNetherland, 

seasonably 

rates,  many 

iorttimcto 

res  and  cx- 
f&  which  in 

[ighMighti- 
resembling 
lerland. 


Sod.  Freedom  from  duties,  tenths  and  imposts  which  at  the 
first  beginning  are  useless  and  oppressive,  until  the  country 
is  peopled  and  somewhat  firmh  established. 

3'd.  That  the  Returns  in  Tobacco  shipped  hence,  be  free  from 

all  duties,  which  would  not  only  afford  great  eiicouragement 

to  the  planters  who  convert  the  forest  into  farms  but  be  better 

-,       also  for  their  servants  who  cpuld  thus  be  accommodated  wiU) 

all  sorts  of  necessaries. 

4*'».  Also,  permission  to  export,  sell,  &  barter  grain,  timbef 
work,  and  all  other  wares  and  merchandize  the  produce  of 
the  country  every  way  and  every  where  their  High  Mighti- 
nesses have  allies  and  have  granted  to  the  Netherlanders  the 
'  privilege  of  resort  and  trade. 

S**".  That  their  High  Mightinesses  would  be  pleased  to  accord 
privileges  and  freedoms  for  the  encouragement  of  the  In- 
habitants in  favor  of  the  fisheries,  which  many  suppose  were 
good  and  profitable  heretofore,  and  would  hereafter  be  of 
great  consequence. 

Thirdly.)  We  humbly  beseech  their  High  Mightinesses  to  be 
pleased  to  determine  and  so  to  establish  and  order  the  Boundaries 
of  this  Province,  that  all  causes  of  difference,  disunion  and  trouble 
may  be  cut  off  and  prevented  ;  that  their  High  Mightinesses 
subjects  may  live  and  dwell  in  peace  and  quietness,  and  enjoy 
their  liberty  as  well  in  trade  and  commerce  as  in  intercourse  and 
settled  limits.  2^.  That  their  High  Mightinesses  would  be  pleased 
to  preserve  us  in  peace  with  the  neighbouring  Republicks,  Colonies 
and  others  their  High  Mightinesses  allies,  so  that  we  may  pursue 
without  let  or  hindrance,  under  proper  regulations  from  their 
High  Mightinesses,  the  trade  of  our  country  m  well  along  the 
coast  from  Terra  Nova  to  C^pe  Florida  as  to  the  West  Indies  and 
to  Europe  whenever  our  Lord  God  shall  be  pleased  to  permit ; 
and  3«J.  to  make  manifest  to  the  incredulous  their  High  Mighti- 
nesses earnest  support  of  this  Province,  we  respectfully  request 
that  their  H.  M.  would  be  pleased  to  quarter  here  a  company  or 
two  of  soldiers,  for  the  defence  of  those  residing  at  a  distance 
and  the  estallishmcnt  of  New  Plantations  and  Colonics,  until  by 


ji      ■.'"»  i* 


i 


698 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO 


our  progress,  we  shall  dread  neither  Indians  or  other  enemies, 
but  even  shall  be  able  to  prevent  their  mischievous  designs. 

All  this  have  we  concluded  with  humble  reverence  to  propose 
according  to  our  limited  knowledge  and  understanding,  earnestly 
supplicating  their  High  Mightinesses,  for  the  love  of  New  Nether- 
land  which  now  lies  at  its  extremity,  as  is  to  be  seen  at  length 
in  our  annexed  Remonstrance,  to  be  pleased  to  direct  their 
attention  thereto  according  to  their  wise  and  provident  council,  and 
to  interpret  most  favorably  this  our  presumption. 

We  pray  and  hope  that  the  name  of  New  Netherland  and  the 
conversion  of  the  Heathen  which  ought  to  be  hastened,  shall  move 
their  H.  M.  hereunto.  Expecting,  therefore,  a  happy  deliverance 
we  commend  their  H.  M's  persors  "  -1  deliberations  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Almighty,  and  rerr?.  t  v  H.  M.'a  humble  and 
obedient  servants.  Written  in  the  nu^^c  and  on  the  behalf  of  the 
Commonalty  of  New  Netherland,  the  Six  and  Twentieth  of  July, 
in  the  Year  of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  One  thousand.  Six  hundred. 
Nine  &  Forty,  in  New  Amsterdam  on  the  Island  Manhattans  in 
New  Netherland. 

"  (Signed,)  '    ' 

Adriaen  Van  der  Donck, 
AuGusTiN  Herman, 
Arnoldus  Van  Hardenberch, 
Jacob  Van  Couwenhoven, 

GOYERT  LoCCKERMANS, 


Oloff  Stevens, 
MicHiEL  Jansen, 
Thomas  Hall, 
Elbert  Elbertzen, 
Jan  Evertsen  Bout, 


Hendrick  Hendricksen  Kip. 


'S 


PROVISIONAL  ORDER 


H    ' 


FOB    THE    GOVERNMENT,     PRESERVATION    AND    PEOPLING     OF    NEW 
NETHERLAND.   ANNO    1650.— [ExtraCtJ^. 

[Holland  Doc.  v.] 

Art.  X.  The  request  for  freedoms  and  exemptions  shall  be  more 

fully  examined,  together  with  the  considerations  moved  thereupon. 

XVII.  And  within  the  city  of  New  Amsterdam  shall  be  erected 


i 


THE.  CITY  OF  NEW-YOBK. 


599 


enemies, 


5ns. 


,  propose 
earnestly 
J  Nether- 
at  length 
rect  their 
mncil,  and 

id  and  the 
shall  move 
Jeliverance 

to  the  pf  0" 
lumble  and 
ehalf  of  the 
leth  of  July, 
Six  hundred, 
anhattans  in 


;ns, 

|SEN, 
iRTZEN, 

iN  Bout, 


Ling   of  »kw 


1  shall  he  more 
kd  thereupon, 
lall  he  erected 


a  Burgher  Government,  consisting  of  a  Sheriff,  two  Burgomas- 
ters, and  five  Schepens. 

XVni.  In  the  meanwhile  shall  the  Nine  men  continue  for  three 
years  longer,  and  have  Jurisdiction  over  Small  Causes  arising 
between  Man  and  Man,  to  decide  definitively  such  as  do  not 
exceed  the  sum  of  Fifty  Guilders,  and  on  higher,  with  the  privilege 
of  appeal. '  •  , 


/  >). 


THE  DIRECTORS  OF  THE  WEST  INDIA  COMPANY  ,    .. 

TO    THE    DIRECTOR    AND    COUNCIL    OF    NEW    NETHERLAND  ;     DATED 
AMSTERDAM,  THE  4^'*  APRIL  1652. 

[Dutch  Records,  Letter  Q.  1648— 1664.]        ,*  >       /! 

"  We  have  already  connived  as  much  as  possible  at  the  many 
Impertinences  of  some  Restless  spirits  in  the  hope  that  they  might 
be  shamed  by  our  discreetness  and  benevolence,  but  perceiving 
that  all  Kindnesses  do  not  avail,  we  must,  therefore,  have  recourse 
to  God,  to  Nature  and  the  Law.  We  accordingly  hereby  charge 
and  command  your  Honors,  whenever  you  shall  certainly  discover 
any  Clandestine  Meetings,  Conventicles  or  machinations  against 
our  States'  government  or  that  of  our  Country,  that  you  proceed 
against  such  malignants  in  proportion  to  their  crimes,  with  this 
precaution  however,  that  we  in  no  wise  require  that  any  one 
should  have  it  in  his  power  to  complain,  with  reason  or  cause, 
tliat  he  was  injured  through  private  malice,  which  is  far  from  our 
intention. 

"  We  remark  in  many  Representations,  though  of  Malversants 
that  some  hide  tlumselves  under  this  cloak,  though  we  must  believe 
and  even  see,  that  they.have  not,  in  reality,  so  suffered  ;  yet  to  stop 
the  mouth  of  all  the  world,  we  have  resolved,  on  your  Honors' 
pioposition,  to  permit  you  hereby,  to  erect  there  a  Court  of 
Justice  (een  banckvan  Justitie)  formed,  as  much  as  possible,  after 

1  The  above  "  onler"  will  be  foiiml  entire  in  O'Callaghan's  Hist,  of  N. 
Ve  herland.  Vol.  2.  p.  132,  but  so  mucii  of  it  only  is  given  here  as  applies  to  tb« 
first  establishment  of  a  Municipal  form  of  government,  in  the  present  city  of  New 
York. 


i 


H 


^1-  t'f 


fl     1 


I  < 


1 

1 
I 

^•^1 

1 

1 
1 

■i<\ 

■J! 

1 

1 

\  '   '  :- 

i 

PAncBfl  BEiiAnriNO  to 

the  custom  of  this  City :  to  which  end  printed  copies  relative  to 
all  the  Law  courts  and  their  whole  government  are  sent  herewith. 
And  we  presume  that  it  will  be  sufficient  at  first  to  choose  one 
Sheriff,'  two  Burgomasters  and  five  Schepens,  from  all  of  whose 
judgments  an  appeal  shall  lie  to  the  Supreme  Council,  where 
definitive  judgment  shall  be  decreed. 

"  In  the  Election  of  the  aforesaid  persons  every  attention  must 
be  paid  to  honest  and  respectable  individuals  who  we  hope  can  be 
found  among  the  Burghers ;  and  especially  do  we  wish  that  those 
promoted  thereto  be,  as  much  as  possible,  persons  of  this  Nation, 
who  we  suppose  will  give  the  most  satisfaction  to  the  Burghers 
and  Inhabitants." 


I 


INSTRUCTION  FOE  THE  SHERIFF  OF  NEW  AMSTERDAM. 

[Datch  Records  ;  Letter  Y.  1652—1663.] 

1.  In  the  first  place,  the  Sheriff  shall,  as  the  Director  General 
and  Council's  guardian  of  the  law  in  the  district  of  the  city  of 
New  Amsterdam,  preserve,  protect  and  maintain,  to  the  best  of 
his  knowledge  and  ability,  the  preeminences  and  immunities  of 
the  privileged  West  India  Company,  in  as  far  as  these  have  been 
delegated  by  previous  Instruction  to  the  Board  of  Burgomasters 
and  Schepens;  without  any  dissimulation,  or  regard  for  any 
private  favor  or  displeasure. 

2.  In  the  quality  aforesaid,  he  shall  convoke  the  meetings  of 
Burgomasters  and  Schepens  and  preside  thereat,  also  propose 
all  matters  which  shall  be  brought  there  for  deliberation,  collect 
the  Votes,  and  resolve  according  to  the  plurality  thereof. 

3.  He  shall,  ex  officio,  prosecute  all  contraveners,  defrauders 
and  transgressors,  of  any  Placards,  Laws,  Statutes  and  Ordinances 
which  are  already  made  and  published  or  shall  hereafter  be 
enacted  and  made  public,  as  far  as  those  are  amenable  before  the 
Court  of  Burgomasters  and  Schepens,  and  with  this  understanding 
that,  having  entered  his  suit  against  the  aforesaid  Contraveners, 

1  In  «  duplieate  of  th  3  above  Despatch,  the  words  '*  een  Sehont"  (a  Sheriff,)  are 
etossed  over  with  ink,  tho'  not  of  the  same  color  as  that  in  which  the  orii^inol 
was  written.    New  Amsterdam  did  not  have  a  City  Sherifl*  until  lfi60. 


THE  OITT  OF  KEWYOEK. 


•0> 


ive  to 
:evritb« 
ise  oDtt 
;  vrbose 
,  wbew 
iif   . 
on  must 
lecanbe 
aat  those 
i  Nation, 
BuTgbets 

W 
lEUDAM. 

or  General 

the  city  of 

the  best  of 
lunities  of 
have  been 
irgomasters 

|rd  for  any 

fteetings  of 
llso  propose 
[ion,  collect 

Ireof. 

1,  defrauders 

i  Ordinances 

[lereafter  be 

|e  before  the 

[idersianding 

^ontraveners, 

[»  (a  Sheriff,)  tM 
Ich  the  original 
ll6(50. 


be  shall  immediately  rise,  and  await  the  judgment  of  Burgomaa- 
ters  and  Schepens  who  being  prepared  shall  alsoj  on  his  ibotio% 
pronounce  the  same. 

4.  And  in  order  that  he  may  well  and  regularly  institute  1^ 
complaint,  the  Sheriff,  before  entering  his  action  or  arresting,  any? 
person,  shall  pertinently  inform  himself  of  the  crime  of  which  htt' 
shall  accuse  him,  without  his  being  empowered  to  arrest  any  oney 
on  the  aforesaid  information,^  unless  the  offence  be  committed  in 
lus  presence. 

5.  He  shall  take  all  his  informations  in  the  presence  of  ftiro 
members  of  the  Board  of  Bui'gomasters  and  Sohepens  if  the  case 
«hall  permit  it,  or  otherwise  in  the  presence  of  two  discreet 
persons  who,  with  the  Secretary  or  his  deputy  shall  agn  thif 
aforesaid  informations. 

6.  Which  aforesaid  Secretary  with  the  Court  Messenger  are 
expressly  commanded  to  assist  and  be  serving  unto  the  Sheriff  in 
whatever  relates  to  their  respective  offices. 

7.  He  shall  take  care  in  collecting  and  preparing  informatirar 
to  act  impartially,  and  to  bring  the  truth  as  clrar  and  naked  aft 
possible  to  light,  noting  to  that  end,,  all  circumstances  which  in 
any  way  deserve  consideration,  and  appertain  to  the  case. 

8.  Item.  The  aforesaid  Sheriff,  on  learning  or  being  informed 
that  any  persons  have  injured  each  other  or  quarrelled,  shall  have 
power  to  command  the  said  individuals,  either  personally  or  by 
the  court  messenger,  or  his  deputy  to  observe  the  peace,  and  tt^ 
forbid  them  committing  any  assault,  on  pain  of  arbitrary  correc- 
tion at  the  discretion  of  the  Burgomasters  and  Schepens« 

9.  He  shall  not  have  power  to  compound  with  any  pearson  for 
their  committed  offences  except  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Buf 
gomasters  and  Schepens. 

10.  He  shall  take  care  that  all  Judgments  pronounced  by  the- 
Burgomasters  and  Schepens,  and  which  are  not  appealed  from,  shall 
be  executed  conformably  to  the  above  mentioned  Instruction  given 
to  the  same,  according  to  the  stile  and  custom  of  Fatherland  smd 
especially  the  city  of  Amsterdam. 

11.  In  like  manner,  that  authentic  copies  of  all  the  Judgments' 
Orders,  Actes  and  Resolutions  to  be  adopted  by  the  aforesaid  Bur- 


609 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO 


■!'-i*. 


r^^if 


gomasters  and  Schepens  shall  be  communicated  once  every  year, 
to  the  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland. 

12.  And  in  case  he  receive  any  information  or  statement  of  any 
offences  which  from  their  nature,  or  on  account  of  the  offending 
person  are  not  subject  to  his  complaint,  he  shall  be  bound  forth- 
with to  communicate  the  same  to  the  Fiscal  (Attorney  Genl.) 
without  taking  any  information  himself,  much  less  arresting  the 
offender,  unless  in  actual  aggression  to  preVent  greater  mischief, 
or  hinder  flight  in  consequence  of  the  enormity  of  the  crime.     /' 

13.  Which  being  done,  he  shall,  as  before,  surrender  without 
any  delay  the  apprehended  person  with  the  information  taken  to 
the  Fiscal,  to  be  proceeded  against  by  him  in  due  form  as  circum- 
stances demand. 

14.  In  order  that  the  aforesaid  Sheriff  shall  be  the  more  encour- 
aged hereunto,  he  shall  enjoy  etc. 

This  must  be  fixed  in  the  country  yonder,  with  advice. 

15.  Should  the  sheriff  violate  any  of  these  Articles  he  shall  be 
prosecuted  on  the  complaint  of  the  Fiscal  before  the  Director  and 
Council,  to  be  punished  according  to  the  nature  of  the  case. 


f.-, 


NICOILS' CHARTER.    1665. 

[Book  of  General  Entries  I.] 

The  Governo'*  Revocation  of  y«  fforrae  of  Government  of  New 
Yorke  und'  y®  style  of  Burgomast'  &  Schepens. 
By  virtue  of  his  Ma**«»  Letters  Pattents  bearing  date  the  la*'' 
day  of  March  in  the  IQ^^  year  of  his  Ma**"^"  Reigne,  Granted  to 
His  Royall  Highnesse,  James  Duke  of  Yorke  wherein  full  &  abso- 
lute power  is  given  and  granted  to  his  Royall  Highnesse  or  his 
Deputyes  to  Constitute,  appoint,  revoke  &  discharge  all  Officers 
both  Civill  &  military,  as  also  to  alter  &  change  all  Names  & 
styles  fformes  or  Ceremonyes  of  Governm^:  To  the  End  that  His 
Mat"««  Royall  Pleasure  may  be  observed  &  for  the  more  Orderly 
establishment  of  his  Ma^'es  Royall  authority,  as  near  as  may  bee 
Agreeable  to  the  Lawes  and  Customes  of  his  Ma*'e»  Realme  of 
England;  upon  Mature  deliberacion  &  advice,  I  have  thought  it 


1    I  .  I 


THE  CITY  OF  NEW-TORK. 


603 


y  year? 

;  of  any 
[fending 
a  forth- 
Genl.) 
iting  the 
mischiefj 

rime. 
.  -without 

taken  to 
is  circum- 

••■■     V. 
re  encour- 


e. 

he  shall  be 
ircctor  and 
s  case. 


ent  of  New 


necessary  to  Revoke  &  discharge,  and  by  these  P'sents  in  his 
Ma**«»  Name,  do  revoke  and  discharge  the  fforme  and  Ceremony 
of  Government  of  this  his  Mat'e*  Towne  of  New  Yorke,  under 
the  name  or  names,  style  or  styles  of  Scout,  Burgomasters  & 
Schepens ;  As  also,  that  for  the  future  Administrncon  of  Justice 
by  the  Lawes  established  in  these  the  Territoryes  of  his  Royall 
Highnesse  wL  lein  the  welfares  of  all  the  Inhabitants  and  the 
Preseryacon  of  all  their  due  Rights  and  Priviledges,  Gmunted  by 
the  Articles  of  this  Towne  upon  Surrender  under  his  Ma*l«"  Obe- 
dience are  concluded  j  I  do  further  declare.  That  by  a  particular 
Commission,  such  persons  shall  be  authorized  to  putt  the  Lawes 
in  Execucon,  in  wljiose  abilityds  prudence  &  good  affection  to  his 
]VIa*»e8  Service  and  y«  Peace  and  happinessc  of  this  Qovernm* 
I  have  especiall  reason  to  put  Confidence,  which  persons  so  consti- 
tuted and  appointed,  shall  bee  knowne  and  calPd  by  the  Name  & 
Style  of  Mayor  Aldermen  &  Sherriffe,  according  to  the  Custome  of 
England  in  other  his  Ma^'os  Corporacons:  Given  under  my  hand 
&  Scale  at  ffort  James  in  New  Yorke,  this  12*'>  day  of  June  1665. 

Richard  Nioolls. 


M 


The  Mayor  4r  Mdermen's  Commission, 

Whereas  upon  mature  deleberacon  and  advice,  I  have  found  it 
necessary  to  discharge  the  fforme  of  Governm*  late  in  practice 
y/^^n  this  his  Ma*'^'  Towne  of  New  Yorke,  under  the  name  and 
style  of  Scout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens,  which  are  not  knowne 
or  customary  in  any  of  his  Mat'^s  Dominions ;  To  the  end  that 
the  course  of  Justice  for  the  future  may  be  legally,  equally  and 
impartially  administered  to  all  his  Ma^i^"  Subjects  as  well  Inhabi- 
tants as  Strangers ;  Know  all  Men  by  these  Presents,  That  I 
Richard  NicoUs,  Deputy  Govern'  to  his  Royall  Highnesse,  the 
Duke  of  York,  by  virtue  of  his  Mat*»«»  Letters  Pattents,  bearing 
date  the  12ti»  jay  of  March  in  ye  16th  yeare  of  his  Ma*>««  Reigne, 
Do  ordaine,  constitute  and  declare,  that  the  Inhabitants  of  New 
Yorke,  New  Harlem,  w*'*  all  other  his  Ma*»«»  Subjects  Inhabitants 
upon  this  Island,  commonly  called  &  knowne  by  the  Name  of  the 
Manhattans  Island,  are  and  shall  bee  for  ever  accounted,  nominated 


I   '■ 


1  : 


\  I 


m 


PAPSaa  RELATING  TO 


:  Ai 


m    i^^'m 


and  Established,  as  one  Body  Politique  and  Corporate  under  the 
Governm^  of  a  Mayor,  Aldermen  and  Sheriffe,  and  I  do  by  these 
Psents  constitute  and  appoint  for  one  whole  year,  commencing 
fipom  the  date  hereof,  and  ending  the  12'^  day  of  June  vr<^'>  shall 
be  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1666 ;  M'  Thomas  Willett  to  bee 
Mayor,  M'  Thom?^  Delavall,  M'  Oloffe  Stuyvesant,  M'  John 
Brugges,  M'  Cornelius  Van  Ruyven  &  M'  John  Lawrence  to  bee 
Aldermen,  &  M^  Allard  Anthony  to  be  Sheriffe ;  Giving  &  Grant- 
ing to  them  the  said  Mayor  and  Aldermen,  or  any  four  of  thorn, 
whereof  the  said  Mayor  or  his  Deputy,  shall  bee  alwayes  one,  and 
upon  Equall  division  of  voyces,  to  have  always  the  casting  and 
decisive  voyce,  full  power  and  authoritye  to  Rule  &>  Governe  as 
well  all  the  Lihabitants  of  this  Corporacon,  as  any  Strangers, 
according  to  the  Generall  Lawes  of  this  Governm*  and  such  pecu- 
lifir  Lawes  as  are,  or  shall  be  thought  convenient  &  necessary  for 
the  good  and  Welfare  of  this  his  Ma^'e"  Corporacon ;  as  also  to 
appoint  such  under  officers,  as  they  shall  judge  necessary,  for  the 
orderly  execution  of  Justice;  and  I  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and 
command  all  persons  to  obey  &  execute,  from  Time  to  Time,  all 
such  warrants,  orders  &  Constitutions  as  shall  be  made  by  the  said 
Mayor  and  Aldermen  as  they  will  answer  the  Contrary  at  their 
utmost  Perills ;  And  for  the  due  administracon  of  Justice,  accord- 
ing, to  the  fforme  and  manner  prescribed  in  this  Commission,  by 
the  Mayor,  Aldermen  &  Sheriffe,  These  Presents  shall  bee  to  them, 
&  every  of  them,  a  sufficient  Warrant  and  discharge  in  that  behalfe; 
Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  at  ffort  James  in  New  Yorke  this 
12th  day  of  June  1665.  Rich  Nicolls. 


^''i> 


m 


BENCKES  AND  EVERTSEN'S  CHARTER.  1673. 

•~:    .  [New  Orange.  Rec] 

The  Commanders  and  Honble  Council  of  War  in  the  service  of 
Their  High  Mightinesses  the  Lords  States  General  of  the  United 
Netherlands  and  his  Serene  Highness  the  Lord  Prince  of  Orange, 

e|;c,  HflALTH  ! 

Whebeas  We  have  deemed  it  necessary,  for  the  advantage  and 
pro5£»erity  of  Our  City  New  Orange,  recently  restored  to  the 


•;■    I 


THE  CITT  OF  NEW-TORK. 


l5(te 


ler  the 
y  these 
fencing 
ch  shall 
,  to  bee 
^r  John 
•e  to  bee 
fc  Grant- 
of  thorn, 
one,  and 
sting  and 
overne  as 
Strangers, 
such  pecu- 
jcssary  for 
as  also  to 
iry,  for  the 
charge  and 
p  Time,  all 
by  the  said 
ity  at  their 
Ace,  accord- 
mission,  by 
jee  tothem, 
Lhatbehalfej 
Yorkethis 
l!?icoia.S., 


1 1673. 

Ihe  service  of 
If  the  United 
pe  of  Orange^ 

Idvantage  and 
Istored  to  the 


Obedience  of  the  said  High  and  Mighty  Lord  States  General  of 
Ote  United  Netheriands  and  his  Serene  Highness  the  Lord  Prince 
of  Orange,  to  Reduce  the  form  of  Government  of  this  City  to  its 
previous  character  of  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  as  is 
practised  in  all  the  Cities  of  our  Fatherland,  to  the  end  that 
iastice  may  be  maintained  and  administered  to  all  good  Inhabit- 
'ttitt  without  Respect  or  Regard  to  persons ;  Therefore  We,  by 
tirtue  of  our  Commission,  in  the  names  and  on  behalf  of  the  ^igli 
tad  Mighty  Lords  States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and 
his  Serene  Highness  the  Lord  Prince  of  Orange,  have  elected 
from  the  Nomination  exhibited  by  those  in  office  as  Regents  of 
<!hi8  CHy  for  the  term  of  one  current  year. 

As  Schout  Anthony  de  Millt. 

'  C  Johannes  Van  Brugen, 

As  Burgomasters   <  Johannes  de  Peyster, 
^  Egedius  Luyck. 

iWilleft  Beeckman, 
Jeronimus  Ebbyng, 
Jacob  Kip,        ■ 
Louwerens  Vander  Spiegel, 
Geleyn  Verplanck. 
Wldch  abovenamed  Schout  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  are 
kerteby  authorised  and  empowered  to  govern  the  Inhabitants  of 
this  City,  both  Burghers  &  Strangers,  conformably  to  the  Laws 
ttttd  (Statutes  of  our  Fatherland,  and  make  therein  such  orders  as 
they  «haU  find  advantageous  and  proper  to  this  City  [Here"  the 
|Mper  is  destroyed.]    And  the  Inhabitants  of  this  City  are  well 
and  strictly  ordered  and  enjoined  to  respect  &  honour  the  above 
handed  Regents  in  their  respective  qualities,  as  all  Loyal  and 
Faithful  Subjects  are  bound  to   do.     Done    ffortress  Willem 
li«ildriok,  this  17t«>  August  A*  1673 
(Was  Signed) 
Jacob  BencAxs  Cornelis  Evertsen,  the  Younger 

VvxojMk  BoiBS  A.  Colvi:. 

A  F.  Yj^  Zetll. 


If-. 


\  < 


606 


PAPERS  BEXATINO  TO 


I «     ' 


INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  THE  UNDER  SHERIFF  AND  SCHEPENS 

OF  THE  SUBURBS    (bUYTEN   LUYDEn)    BETWEEN    HAERLEM    AND    THE 
FRESH  WATER  j   DATED  THE  14^'>  OF  NOVEMBER,  1673. 

[New  Orange  Record.] 

Firstly.  The  Under  Sheriff  shall  preside  at  all  the  meetings  but 
when  he  officiates  for  himself  as  a  party,  or  on  behalf  of  justice, 
he  shall  on  such  occasions  rise  up  and  absent  himself  from  the 
Bench,  and  in  this  case  have  neither  an  advisory  much  less  a  cast- 
ing vote,  but  the  oldest  Schepen  shall  preside  in  his  place. 

2'x'.  The  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  are  authorised  to  pro- 
nounce definitive  judgment,  without  appeal,  in  suits  for  debt 
between  man  and  man  &c.  arising  within  their  District  to  the 
amount  of  fi.  100  Seawan  currency ;  also  in  minor  criminal  cases 
such  ns  fighting,  striking,  scolding  &  such  like,  but  in  all  cases 
exceeding  said  sum  of  il.  100,  the  aggrieved  person  may  appeal 
to  the  Honble  Court  here. 

3^'y.  Whenever  any  cases  come  before  the  court  in  which  any 
of  the  Schepens  are  interested  as  parties,  in  such  cases  they  shall 
rise  up  and  absent  themselves  from  the  Bench  as  is  hereinbefore 
directed  in  the  first  article  of  the  Under  sheriff. 

4"''y.  All  Inhabitants  within  the  aforesaid  District  shall  be 
citable  before  the  said  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  who  shall  hold 
their  court  as  often  as  necessary.  > 

5thiy  Tjjg  gj^jj  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  be  obliged 
strictly  to  observe  and  punctually  to  execute  all  such  placards  and 
orders  as  shall  from  time  to  time  be  directed  to  them  from  the 
Worshipful  Court  here. 

gthiy  Whereas  We  are  informed  of  the  great  ravages  the  Wolf 
commits  on  the  small  cattle,  therofore  to  animate  and  encourage 
the  proprietors  who  will  go  out  and  shoot  the  same.  We  have 
resolved  to  authorize  the  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  to  give 
public  notice  that  whoever  shall  exhibit  a  Wolf  to  them  which 
hath  been  shot  on  this  Island  on  this  side  Haarlem  shall  be  promptly 
paid  therefor  by  them;  For  a  Wolf  fl.  20.  and  for  a  She  wolf  fl.  30 
Seawan  or  the  value  thereof,  which  said  Under  Sheriff  and  Sche- 
pens shall  by  their  messenger  levy  from  those  who  keep  any  cattle, 


THE  CITY  OF  MEW-VORK. 


607 


HEPENS 

AND    THE 

73.    .. 

ietings  but 
of  justice, 
[f  from  the 
less  a  cast- 
lace. 

sed  to  pro- 
ts  for   debt 
strict  to  the 
iminal  cases 
in  all  cases 
1  may  appeal 

in  which  any 
ises  they  shall 
i  hereinbefore 

itrict  shall  be 
yho  shall  hold 


^U  be  obliged 
h  placards  and 
ibem  from  the 


[ages  the  Wolf 

land  encourage 

>me,  We  have 

hepens  to  give 

|to  them  "wl^ch 

All  be  promptly 

lShevrolffi-30 
Lriff  and  Sche- 
[keep  any  cattle, 


large  or  small,  within  their  district,  on  said  Island,  each  of  whom 
shall,  according  to  the  number  of  cattle,  be  bound  to  contribute  & 
pay  thereto  whatever  he  shall  be  taxed  thereupon  by  the  Under 
Sheriff  &.  Schepens. 

7thiy^  Whoever  shall  fail  to  pay  his  fine  on  the  first,  second  and 
third  notice  in  the  name  of  the  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens,  shall 
be  proceeded  against  with  prompt  execution  by  the  Under  Sheriff. 

gthiy.  Whoever  shall  allow  execution  to  issue,  must  pay  in 
addition  five  stivers  on  each  guilder  which  he  owes  for  the  behoof 
of  the  Under  Sheriff  for  the  trouble  of  the  Execution,    v    ^ ,  ;  .-i 

gthiy.  Whereas  'tis  necessary  that  the  Pound  shall  be  properly 
kept,  the  Under  Sheriff  &  Schepens  are  therefore  authorized  and 
ordered  to  attend  that  the  same  be  maintained  conjointly  by  those 
who  have  lands  there ;  and  further  make  such  orders  regarding  the 
cattle  enclosures  (fences  ?)  as  they  shall  find  for  the  advantage  of 
Agriculture,  which  orders  each  and  every  are  ordered  promptly 
to  observe  as  if  they  were  made  by  Ourselves. 

10t>>l7.  Said  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  take  good  heed 
in  the  suits  brought  before  them  strict  justice  to  administer 
according  to  the  best  of  their  knowledge,  without  distinction  or 
respect  of  persons,  or  any  partiality ;  and  further,  the  Under 
Sheriff  shall  as  much  as  possible  prevent  and  check  all  disputes 
and  quarrels  that  may  arise  within  his  District. 

llthijr,  Xhe  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall,  as  often  as  they 
deem  necessary,  give  publick  Notice  that  any  person  who  causes 
or  allows  trees  to  fall  in  a  common  wagon  road  shall  again  remove 
the  same,  branches  and  all,  from  the  road,  before  the  going  down 
of  the  Sun  subsequent  to  the  falling  of  the  tree,  and  make  the 
road  passable — or  in  default  thereof  and  in  case  a  fine  be  imposed 
therefor  by  the  Under  Sheriff  or  his  order,  he  shall  pay  for  each 
tree  found  across  the  highway,  a  fine  of  fl.20.  to  be  applied,  one 
half  for  the  Under  Sheriff  &  the  other  half  for  the  informer ;  and 
the  person  fined  shall,  notwithstanding,  this  be  bound  to  remove 
the  tree  instantly  from  the  road. 

12*'»^y.  If  any  one  exhibit  any  indisposition  towards  the  ordei 
of  the  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens,  and  come  before  the  Court 
here,  and  the  matter  be  discovered  well  founded,  he  shall  pay 
double  the  imposed  fine. 


;  i 


406 


PAPSRB  RKLAT1V6  TO 


EN  1 


m'>[Li 


i^        '    '■i^ 


13<l>'7.  The  choice  of  all  Inferior  officers  (the  Secretary  alone 
•excepted)  shall  be  henceforward  made  by  the  said  Under  Sheriff 
md  SchepenS)  &  they  shall  be  confirmed  in  their  respective 
Qualities  after  being  approved  by  the  Worship^  Court  here. 

14>>>ly.  If  any  thing  further  be  necessary  for  Agriculture,  or 
fhould  there  be  any  obscurity  or  omission  or  want  of  clearness  in 
these  Instructions,  the  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  on  occasion, 
communicate  the  fact  to  the  Bench.     ' 

And  finally,  said  Under  Sheriff  &  Schepens  shall,  14  daya 
before  the  Expiration  of  their  Year,  apply  to  the  Hon**'"  Court 
here  to  receive  its  order  regarding  the  new  Nomination  of  the 
Under  Sheriff  &  Schepens.  Thus  done  in  the  City  Hall  of  thi« 
Oity,  at  the  Court  of  the  Schout,  Burgomasters  &  Schepeni. 


COLVES  CHARTEK.  1674.. 

[New  Onnge  R«oO  ' 

Provisional  Insfyntction  for  the   Schoutf  Burgomasters  and 
''    ,'    :      Schepens  of  the  City  of  J^eu>  Orange.  '       '' 

'  1'*.  The  Schout  and  Magistrates,  each  in  his  qaality  shall  tsike 
eave  that  the  Reformed  Christian  Reiigion  confonnable  to  the 
Synod  of  Dordrecht  shall  be  maintained,  without  sufifering  any 
other  Sects  attempting  any  thing  contrary  thereto. 

2.  The  Schout  shall  be  present  at  all  Meetings  and  preside  there, 
unless  the  Honble.  Heer  Governour  or  some  person  appointed  by 
him  be  present  who  then  shall  preside,  when  the  Sehout  shati 
rank  next  below  the  youngest  acting  Burgomaster.  But  whenso- 
ever the  Schout  acts  as  Prosecutor  on  behalf  of  Justice  or  otherwise^ 
having  made  liis  complaint,  he  shall  then  rise  up  and  absent 
himself  from  the  Bench  during  the  deciding  of  the  case. 

3.  All  matters  appertaining  to  the  Police,  Security,  and  PeaiOfi 
of  the  Inhabitants,  also  to  Justice  between  man  and  man,  ishail 
be  determined  by  final  Judgment  by  the  Schout,  Burgomasters  and 
Schepens  aforesaid  to  the  amount  of  Fifty  Beavers  and  under, 
but  in  all  cases  exceeding  that  sum,  each  one  shall  be  at  liberty 
to  appeal  to  the  Heer  Governour  General  &.  Council  here. 

I.  All  Criminal  offences  which  shall  be  committed  wit^n  tiiis 


-J- 


THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YOHK. 


609 


y  alone 
r  Sheriff 
spectivo 
re. 

Uure,  OT 
arness  in 
occasion, 

14  (lay« 
ibie  Court 
on  of  iVie 
all  of  thii 
jpeni. 
ii 


asters  a»<l 

^y  shall  take 

»able  to  the 

iffering  any 

^res'iAe  there, 
Appointed  hy 
[schottt  sha^i 
iButwhenao- 
lor  otherwise, 
and  absent 

sase. 

|y,  and  Feac© 
|d  manj  shall 
jomastersand 

and  untie*, 
be  at  ftherty 
|\  bere. 
jdwWiw"  t^ 


City  and  the  Jurisdiction  thereof  ahull  be  amenable  to  the  Judica- 
ture of  said  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  who  shall  have 
power  to  judge  and  sentence  the  same  evin  unto  Death  inclusive; 
provided  and  on  condition,  that  no  sentence  of  corporal  punish- 
ment shall  be  executed  unless  the  approval  of  the  Heer  Governour 
General  and  Council  shall  be  first  sought  and  obtained  therefor. 

5.  The  Court  shall  be  convoked  by  the  President  Burgomaster 
who  shall,  the  pight  before,  make  the  same  known  to  Capt. 
Willem  Knyif,  (wlio  is  hereby  provisionally  qualified  and  authori- 
;"d  to  be  pre^^ent  at  and  preside  over  the  Court  in  the  name  and 
on  the  behalf  of  the  H""  Governour,)  and  so  forth  to  the  remaining 
Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schcptns. 

G.  All  motions  s'  *'ll  be  put  by  the  first  Burgomaster,  whose 
proposition  bein;^'  nade  and  submitted  for  consideration,  the 
Commissioner  there  presidi'  j  in  the  name  of  the  H'  Governour, 
shall  first  vou  there,  and  so  afterwards  the  remaining  Magistrates 
each  according  to  his  rank  ;  and  the  ( ;  \e  being  collected,  it  shall 
then  be  concluded  according  to  plurality  ;  But  if  it  happen  that 
the  votes  are  equal,  the  President  shall  then  have  power  to  decide 
by  his  \ote,  in  which  case  those  of  the  contrary  opinion  as  well 
as  those  of  the  minority  may  Register  their  opinions  on  the  Minutes, 
but  not  publish  the  same  in  any  manner  out  of  the  Court  on  pain 
of  arbitrary  Correction. 

7.  The  Burgomasters  shall  change  Rank  every  half  year, 
wherein  the  oldest  shall  first  occupy  the  place  of  President  and 
t  K>  next  shall  follow  him  ;  but  during  this  current  Year  the  change 
shall  take  place  every  4  months,  since  three  Burgomasters  arc 
appointed  for  this  year.  _ <> 

8.  The  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall  hold  their 
Session  and  Court  Meeting  as  often  as  the  same  shall  be  necessary, 
on  condition  of  previously  appointing  regular  days  therefor. 

9.  The  ScLout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall  have  power  to 
enact,  and  with  the  approbation  of  the  H""  Governour  to  publish  and 
affix  some  Statutes,  Ordinances  and  Placards  for  the  Peace,  Quiet 
and  Advantage  of  this  City  and  the  inhabitants  thereof  within  their 
district,  provided  that  the  same  do  not  in  any  wise  .;onflict,but  agree, 
as  much  as  possible,  with  the  Laws  and  Statutes  of  our  Fatherland 

39 


1 


I  I 


610 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


iln  f  J 


"'..U 


:.    <i 


m 


10.  Said  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall  be  bound 
rigidly  to  observe  and  cause  to  be  observed  the  Placards  and 
Ordinances  of  the  Chief  Magistracy,  and  not  to  suffer  any  thing 
(0  be  done  contrary  thereto,  but  proceed  against  the  Contraveners 
according  to  the  tenor  thereof;  and  further  promptly  execute 
such  orders  as  the  Heer  Governour  General  shall  send  them  from 
time  to  time. 

11.  The  Schout,  Burgomaster  &  Schepens  shall  be  also  bound 
to  acknowledge  their  High  Migtinesses  the  Lords  States  General 
of  the  United  Netherlands  and  His  Serene  Highness  the  Lord 
Prince  of  Orange  as  their  Sovereign  Rulers,  and  to  maintain  their 
High  Jurisdiction,  Right  and  Domain  in  this  Country. 

12.  The  election  of  all  inferior  officers  and  servants  in  the 
employ  of  said  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall,  with 
the  sole  exception  of  the  Secretary,  be  made  and  confirmed  by 
themselves. 

13.  The  Schout  shall  execute  all  judgments  of  the  Burgomasters 
and  Schepens,  without  relaxing  any,  unless  with  the  advice  of  the 
Court,  also  take  good  care  that  the  jurisdiction  under  his  authority 
shall  be  cleansed  of  all  Vagabonds,  Whorehouses,  Gambling  houses 
and  such  impurities. 

14.  The  Schout  shall  receive  all  fines  imposed  during  his  time, 
provided  they  do  not  exceed  yearly  the  sum  of  Twelve  hundred 
Guilders  Seawant  value,  which  having  received  he  shall  enjoy 
the  just  half  of  all  the  other  fines,  on  condition  that  he  presume 
neither  directly  nor  indirectly  to  compound  with  any  criminals, 
but  leave  them  to  the  Judgment  of  the  Magistrates. 

15.  The  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  aforesaid  shall 
convoke  an  Assembly  on  the  ll"*  day  of  the  month  of  August, 
being  eight  days  before  the  Election  of  new  Magistrates,  and  in 
presence  of  the  Commissioner  to  be  qualified  for  that  purpose  by 
the  Honble  Govern'  General,  nominate  a  double  number  of  the 
best  qualified  honorable  and  wealthy  persons,  and  only  such  as 
are  of  the  Reformed  Christian  Religion,  or  at  least  well  aifected 
towards  it,  as  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  aforesaid, 
which  nomination  shall  be  handed  and  presented  folded  &  sealed, 
on  the  same  day,  to  his  Honor ;  from  which  nomination  the  Elec- 
tion shall  then  be  made  by  his  Honor  on  the  17">  day  of  the  Month 
of  August,  with  continuation  of  some  of  the  old  Magistrates,  in 
case  his  Honor  shall  deem  the  same  necessary.  Done,  Ffort 
Willem  Hendrick  the  IS^h  January  1674. 

By  Order  of  the  Honble  Heer 
(,  Govern'  General  of 

Ne"«' Nftherland, 
(Was  Signed)  >    ^av»hd,  SecretT 


[% 


CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CTTY. 


eii 


je  bound 
:ar(ls  and 
any  thing 
itraveners 
y  execute 
hem  from 

also  bound 
es  General 
I  the  Lord 
intain  their 

ants  in  the 

shall,  with 

mfirmed  by 

urgomasters 
idvice  of  the 
his  authority 
ibling  houses 

ring  his  time, 

elve  hundred 

;  shall  enjoy 

t  he  presume 

tny  criminals, 

foresaid  shall 
Lh  of  August, 
:rates,  and  m 
It  purpose  by 
lumber  of  the 
only  such  as 
well  affected 
tens  aforesaid, 
.Ided  &  sealed, 
tiion  the  Elec- 
of  the  Month 
Wistrates,  in 
lone,  Ffort 


l»»D,  SecretT 


CENSUS  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 

[ABOUT  THE  YEAR  1703.] 


EAST  WARD. 

MASTERS  OF  FAMILY8 

3- 

rt  1-1 
IS 

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Ebenezr  Wilson 

3 

4 
1 
2 
1 
1 

1 
4 
2 

1 

•  •  •  • 

3 
2 

"i' 

1 

1 
.... 

1 
1 

Mr  Leuis •..,. 

Mr  Everson 

.... 

Mrs  Yantyle 

Mr  Haris  

2 

1 

.... 

2 

3 

1 

Thorns  Dver 

Mrs  Smith 

3 
2 
2 
1 

1 
3 
1 
2 
1 
1 

4 
'2 

Oarot  Haier 

2 

Frances  Coderos 

1 

3 

1 

John  Laslv  

1 

1 
1 
2 
2 

•   •  f 

Thorns  Evens 

1 

Hendrick 

**•• 

Peter  Vantilbrv 

1 
.... 

2 

.... 
5 
2 

1 

5 

1 

Frances  Wessells 

Mrs  Basset 

Cant  No^ered 

1 

John  Morthouse 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
2 
1 
1 

fievcrlv  Latham ......>••• 

1 
2 
1 
3 
1 
1 
5 
2 
3 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 

3       1 

Mrs  Rabi 

2 

Cant  Morris 

3 

2 

i 

2 
2 

1 

•  •  •  « 

1 
U 

Hendrick  Mavr 

. 

John  Stenhens 

3 
4 
3 
1 
1 
1 

Cant  Tudor 

1 

Stuen  Valo 

Fanv  ve  Dnrtr ■ ..*... 

Mr  Sinkeler 

1 
2 
1 

1 

1 

Cant  Forkell 

1       2 

1 
1 

3 

1 

Pptpr  Thoupt 

•  •  •  •          A 

Mapfrrptt   Driff'^a.  ....■ ..... 

TJiiptr  Tii»fanv  ..  ...Ba*..^. .......*. 

1 

1 

....     2, 

Mr  Sell  wanii 

Wuiil   Itrnivn 

2 
1 
1 
1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
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1 
1 
1 
2 

1 
2 

MrCholwpll     

1 
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1 
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2 

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2       3 

AnilrAur  Oravpnrnil ....•■>....■>...... 

1 

William  Anell 

1 
3* 

3 
1 
1 

1 

jAhn  TliipPJEi        ....       ■>■•........... 

"2 

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2 

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Mrs  TllnplfiTPrtvp ...•••>••■■•.■■•■■  .... 

2 

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1 

2 

1 
1 

2 

1 
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1 

Dnptp  Ppfflra         ................ ...... 

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2 

3 

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1 

1 
3 
2 
1 

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1 
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Jftlin  Tlmplrtnnn  ...■>•...>...■>•  ...■>> 

John  Dyer 

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CZNSUS  or  NEW- YORK  CITT. 


(flit    I 


! 


MASTEIkS  OF  FAMILVS 


Capt  Borditt 

Capt  Baker 

James  Emmett .  > 

Samson  fioutons 

James  Bouloro 

Evert  Pelts   

Mir  Carter  

Jofteph  Isacks. .  < 

John  Theobalds  

Mr  Rinderaon.f ••>•... 

Widd  Smith 

Leend  Hewsen 

B»aj  Druelef 

Mr  Waters 

Mr  Lytoner  

Mr  Mardinburg 

Paul  Myler 

Gapt  Vancrouger 

Mrs  Clobery 

John  Marteris 

Oeorg  Stanton 

Daniel  Janden 

Abraham  Vanhorn  . . . . 
Abraham  Abranson  .  ■ 
Andries  Abrahamse  .  •  • 

Deriok  Adolph 

John  Manbruitls 

Oarott  Van  Caver 

Holland . . .  • 

Mr  Read 

Mr  Monsett 

Thorns  Carol! 

Widd  Petersebants. . . . 

Aaron  Bloom 

Mr  Toy 

Qaoitc  Maynurd 

Abraham  Wandel)  .  •  •  • 

John  Tomson 

Beiy  Barns.   

Capt  Cragror 

Wm  Nasroses 

WmShickle 

Nicholas  Dauly 

Caston  Lusen 

Johnas  Lonf^^strauis  . . . 

Abraham  Molts 

Capt  Trevett 

Oeorg  Elesworth 

Colonl  Depyster 

Oeorg  Dunken 

Widd  Decay 

Meyer  Merett 

Capt  Shelly 

Peter  Morrayn 

Thorns  Adams 

WiddKidd 

WiddVanbroug 

Widd  Proost 

Jacobus  Vanderspegle . 

Dort  Stcts 

£IyesNow.< 


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CENSUS  OF  NEW-VOBK  CITY. 


613 


MASTERS  OF  PAMILY8 


Widd  Van  Vous 

John  Davi  

Abraham  Johns 

Simon  Bonan 

Widd  Vanbusing.... 

WiddAdolph 

Thoms  Child 

Saml  Phillips 

Amon  Bonan 

Johanes  D.  Wandler. 

Joseph  Smith 

Johanes  Dohneare  . . 

John  Godfry 

Barnardus  Smith.... 

ClyesRambert 

Jacob  Bratt 

Peter  Rous 

Widd  Jordan 

Thoms  Sanderson  . . . 

Michell 

Denes  Rishey 

Andrew  Larrance... 
Agustous  Loukes. . . . 
C!ornelius  Joussos  . . . 

-John  Poulee 

Mr  Funnel! 

Mr  D  Romer 

Capt  Penes'on 

James  Turse 

James  Turse 

Michael  Slevett 

Peter  Biiunt 

Widd  Ellworth 

Capt  Wilson 

Boult  Leire 

Benj  Bill 

Danl  Fargoe 

Uanl  Devous 

Arthr  Williams 

Ceorg  Brass 

Wm  Elcworth 

Joshuah  David 

Widd  Vandewater  . . 
Cornelius  Bolson.... 

Danl  Mynarit 

John  Mnmbroits  ...• 

Mr  Cromlin 

Lucas  Tinhoven  ... 
Johanes  Urielant  .  .■ 

Pete  Newcurk 

Gabriell  Ludlow  ... 

Canny  Flower 

Mr  Slay 

Wm  Bikman 

James  Debross 

Wm  Anderson 

Peter  Riprhlman. ... 

Capt  Tuilcr 

Wm  Fardnanilus  ... 
Henilrick  Carkman  . 
John  Lastly 


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614 


CENSUS  OF  NEW- YORK  CITY. 


■•''  I     ! 


MASTERS  OF  FaMILYS 


Widd  Vontylborough.. 

WmPell 

Thorns  Huck 

Widd  Peterow 

Robert  Pudenton 

\Vm  Shackerly 

Mr  Huddleston 

Nichol  Debower 

Johanes  D'payster 

Wm  White 

Widd  Nanclaft 

Abraham  Moll 

LevenuB  Deuind 

RiohdSackett 

Elener  Eleworth     ■  ■  ■ . . 

Stoffell  See  worth 

Isaac  Dinell 

Isaac  Ferbergin  

Johanes  Jooston 

Widd  Lees 

Mrs  Mussett 

Wm  Naseros 

Loud  Leuis 

Thoms  Roberts 

Roger  Britt 

Thoms  Hams 

Robt  Walls 

Oiddeon  Vergeren  . . . . . 

Evert  Dicken 

John  Nanfan 

Claud  Bouden  

Hendrick  Vandespegle 

Mr  Gleencross 

Dan  Th waictes 

Widd  Petrer  Bond 

Charl  Bakeman 

Johanes  Banker 

Harma  Louricar 

Jos  Carlsee 

Simeon  Shumoine 


8  = 


SOUTH  WARD 


Danill  Roberts 

Mr  Ling 

John  &  Elias  Petram. 
Hendrick  Kellison  ... 
Archibald  Morris  . . . . 

Jurian  Bush  

Victor  Bicker 

Elizabeth  Eliot 

ijarah  Scouton 

Saml  Sokane 

Jacobus  Cornelius  . . . 

Peter  Wescls 

Jacobus  Morrisgrcen. 

William  Syms 

John  Wat  tson   

William  Haywood  . . . 

John  Ganoon 

Thomas  Elison 

WiddowBush 


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CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


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MASTERS  OF  FAMILY8 

1 

1 

i 

bo 

« 
H 

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« 
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1 

li 

i 

William  Kaee  

1 

•   2 

4 
2 

1 
1 
2 
2 
0 
1 

2 
3 
1 
3 
2 
1 
3 
1 
1 
1 

0 

1 

Widilow  Wessells 

.... 

.... 

William  Jackson 

1 

1 

1 

Johannes  Van  Geser  

Willelmus  Neuenliousen 

1 

William  Taylor  

3 

2 

1 

i 

Michael  Hardin 

1 

Thomas  Hardin 

1 

1 
0 

0 

1 
1 
1 

Anna  Smith  

Mr  Sliaenass 

0 

1 

Cant  Debrouta 

Madam  Duboise  • 

0 
1 

3 
2 

f 

1 
1 
3 

1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
2 
1 
2 
2 
1 
1 
3 
1 
1 
1 
3 
1 
1 
01 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
6' 
3 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 

.... 

.... 

•  ••• 

Cornelius  Denevstpr 

1 
3 
2 
3 
3 
.... 

3 

3 
0 
3 

1 

0 

1 

Widdow  firouRA    

Thomas  Roberts 

1 
2 

1 

3 

1 

1 
2 

John  Elison.  ..••.•........ > 

Isaac  Denevster 

3 
4 
1 

Widilow  HowArd. 

Nicholas  Tinoven   

1 
2 

.... 

1 

Mr  Davennort  ••■•••.....• 

Gil^s  Ga.u<lonoa. 

.... 

1 

Widdow  Stokes 

1 

1 
2 
2 
1 

.... 

1 

.... 

.... 

Robert  £lison. 

.... 

2 
1 

2 

1 
2 
1 

1 

.... 

fieniamin  Winpponi*  ..«••■. 

Widdoiv  Stiilf pv 

. . 

.... 

2 

1 

1 

12 

2 

1 
1 

1 

Thomas  Ives 

2 
3 

1 
1 
1 
1 
2 

Derick  Ten  Evck 

2 

John  Ppro#* 

Thos  Gleares 

3 

2 

2 

2 

1 
1 
1 

1 

Mr  Co^pn^ - 

2 
o 

2 
2 
3 

"3' 

•  •  •  • 

2 

.  •  .  • 

2 

MTifldow  TlfiQQPtt     ....      .... 

1 

William  Llovd 

... 

.... 

.... 

4 
0 
2 

2 

1 
1 

1 
1 
2 

1 
1 
1 
7 
2 
2 
1 
2 
3 

Widdow  Lysenner 

Mr  Van  T^am 

3 

2 

1 

Widdow  Clonpr   

1 

John  Pitt 

Widdour  Tiilrpv     

4 
1 
2 

1 
1 
2 
1 

1 

1 

1 

.... 

1 

1 

1 
.... 

2 

Cant  Corbutt 

3 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

Dfilsnopna  .Tpw ■•■>■••••.... 

Tjftwrrpnpp  TTpndinp" 

.... 

.... 

1 

0 

2 

1 

"2 

1 

.... 

Widdow  Phillins 

"'3' 

2 

1 
1 
1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 
1 

John  ASTnriQnrf    - 

1 
2 
1 

1 
1 

1    .... 

.... 

2 

1 
1 
5 
3 

2 

....!.... 

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.... 

Justus  Jay 

1 

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616 


CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 


Widdow  Brown 

Peter  Myir 

Widdow  Doweher  .... 

John  Kinfffltone 

Nicholas  Lorteen 

Capt  Matthews , 

Johannes  Johnson  ..... 

John  Petraaslot 

James  Many 

Samll  Surges 

Mr  Cooper 

Johannes  Vanrost   . . . . . 

Mr  Vangoson 

Mr  y  angoson 

Cap!  Tinbven 

Christophr  Hogland  . . . 

Widdow  van  plank 

Johannes  Yanderhield. . 

Widdow  Kcisted 

Andreas  Breestad 

Widdow  Deshamp  .... 

MrAntill 

Wilellmus  Navensusen 

Francis  Vincent 

Peter  Kip 

Ore  Robertson '. . 

Jacob  Maurice 

Garrett  Vesey 

Widdow  Bush  

Johannes  Craft 

Samll  Beckman 

Mr  Honan •  • . 

Widdow  Cortland   

Widdow  Keisteed 

Hendrick  Mester 

Abraham  Webrana 

Edward  Blagg 

Capt  flinch 


|8 


NORTH 


Isaac  Stoutenbrough 

Lydiah  Rose 

Johannes  Veckden  . . 

Gerrard  Grans 

Jeemz  Lie 

Freerick  Bloom 

Wm  Ockton 

Garret  De  Boogh. . . . 

Mangel  1  Ransen 

Danl  DomsVon 

Jacob  Van  Direse... 

Eleazor  Ro?;er!. 

Joriz  Breger 

Jasbuz  Boz  

Johannes  Bogert.... 

Wm  Waderson 

Johannes  Proovoost. 
Joseph  Waderson  . . . 

Henry  Coleman 

Philip  Bcllenz 

Joseph  Bresser 


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,VARD. 

1 
3 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 


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2 

2 

2 
2 

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2 

1 

.... 

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"2' 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 

3 

1 
1 

.... 

.... 

CENSUS  OF  NE\V-VO»K  CITY. 


617 


I  I    1 
1 

ii"i 

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2 

2 

I  \.. 
1  ■ 
1 

•  •!«•• 

•  •!  •  •  • 

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MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 


Ratie  Vanderbeeck  . . 

Johannes  Bant 

Jacob  Balck  

Saml  Marten 

Jo  Dicktcr 

John  Terree 

Kuijbert  Vandenberg^. 

John  Bentell 

Joseph  Paling 

Mr  Evert 

Jacob  Swart 

fiartholemew  Vonol  . 

Edwd  Lock  

Marre  Quick 

Isaac  Juter 

Mr  Floran 

Danl  Travore 

Mr  Ritvire 

Henderick  Driniiez  .. 
Derick  Ritenbogert  . . 
Abraham  Vanaren  . . . 

Jan  Karelse 

Janetie  degrau's 

llartnen  degrau's 

Andrew  Douwe 

Aijs  Van  Velsen 

Yochem  Lolyer  

Mr  Hooper 

Hendrick  Uostrom  . . . 

Yan  Heslook 

Jan  Bcadre 

Christian  Lowrier  . . . 

Annetie  Lowrier 

Wm  Visser 

Robt  Milre 

Stoffel  Pelz 

Aijme  Vandyck 

Peter  Van  Waggele. . 

Susanna  Tocter 

Evert  Bressen 

Johannes  PCavice... 

Hanz  Kicrstede 

Wyburgh  Vanbos  . . . . 

Direck  Slick 

EnochKill 

Danl  Bartcloo 

Key  ere  Martese 

Abraham  Vandurse  . . 

Danl  Walderon 

Morott, 

Tarn  Pell 

Alexander  Lam   

Wm  Attell 

Mrs  Amekcr 

Peter  Burger 

Wm  Mandriese 

Onerre  Obee 

CaUirrine  Fip 

Wm  Vaneckt 

Ts^ack  Kip 

Orscltie  Vandyck 


•••■•••• 


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618 


CENSUS  OF  NEW- YORK  ClTY. 


MASTERS   OF  FAMILY8 

II 

on 
1 

0m 

t) 

1 

female 
Children 

Male  Negros 

1. 

Bo 

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8 

« 

1 

01 

Jacob  Boele 

1 

4        1  i    II 

I 

2 

1 

Engletre  Mol  .  ■ 

1 

2 

Wm  Rooseboom 

Abraham  Vangehlcre 

1        -^ 

Yooat  Leyrebse 

3 
2 

Antre  Vanoorstrant 

••o'i  •;■ 

Johannes  Kenne 

.... ..:..:. 

Nicholas  Delanlvne 

Jacob  Carrebill .* 

...J 

Wier  Boercreran 

1 
1 

.... 

Abraham  Ket<>1taz 

1 

Antiene  Yellerton 

I    1 

Bcnl  ProoToost 

2 
1 

Den  8  Sweetman 

1 

Henilrick  Boz 

3 
2 

3 

1 

? 

Garret  Lansen 

Annetie  Henne 

Mr  Vandrick 

1 
1 

Abraham  Kip 

1 

1 

ffVans  Vandyck 

Robert  Podventon 

Aaron  Vanvlarden 

4 

1 

.... 

John  Van  striio 

Hathman  Wessels 

"2' 

1 
1 

Peter  Yaaoksa 

Mattvz  Boeckout 

Peter  Sarvo  

1 

' 

Yan  Sivvere 

Yan  Hille 

2 

3,    3 

....!.... 

Yan  Yonz  

....1 

Stiintie  Yoris 

•  »  ■  • 

1  • 

Anenez  Tiebout 

"3'     2 
3       2 
2       2 
7      1 

::::i:::: 

Wm  Yorster 

- . . .  i . . . 

Wm  Proovoost 

..X 

Mr  Kinninir 

..  1 

Catharina  Selecoat 

.... 

1 

Fillet  Sweer 

■    1 

Wm  Pell 

'x' 

•  • ..  .  •  •  • 

Cornelia  Vandervoers 

. 

Yan  Meet 

4  I    2 
1  1    1 
0  ,    2 

1 

Barent  Vantilbursr  . . .  •  • 

Wm  Stenton .'. . . 

Loo  Witten  

.1 

Nleste  Viene 

1 

. . . .  I . .  - 

Yan  Devenne  

1 

...c. 

Cornelia  Maniz 

■■2'|    3 

i 

Mrs  Lindslee  

Swerez  Hendricks 

1 
1 
3 
2 

David  HoesAprt ■... 

2 
3 

•  •  •  • 

4 
2 

1 

•  ••  • 

Ante  RuriTArfi - 

Ysack  Brat 

Yohanni?  Van(1pvira.f  ^r. 

4 

1 

* 

3 
3 
2 
3 

2 
3 

1 

Vanflpnf  Tipln 

Hester  Montaine 

•  ■  •  1 

•  >•  • 

CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


G19 


1     » 


M  1  1 

..•••••••••■ 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 

s 
a 

1 

'a 

-0 

1 

1 

1 

Male  Negro 
Childrrn 

k 

Is 

8 

1 

5 

David  Christeaense 

2 

* 

1 
5 

1 

2 
1 

1 

Yan  Keoeck 

1 

Sarebz  Loeter 

Mrs  Stevez 

1 

2 

Anileriez  Marsclialock 

b 
3 
1 

1 
1 
1 

.... 

Yacob  Bennett 

Wm  Boiraert 

Yan  Vaiuiorn 

•  t  •  • 

Aennez  Ynick 

2 
1 
2 
1 
2 
.... 

2 
1 
4 
1 
2 
1 
2 

1 

Garret  Wouterse 

Hatie  Provoost • • 

' 

...  t 

Mai'tie  Vanilehevden. >..<•. 

Rarent  Lool 

Yannez  Laearerau 

Garret  Onckclback 

Yan  Vantilburirh 

Saml  Lockeriest ..■ 

3 
9 

.... 

1 

1 

fiamariluz  Sniit 

Yan  Pieterae  Boz 

2 

Caterina  Bootz 

1 

Barnardus  Hardebroer  

1 

•  •  •  t 

\ 

1 

1 
2 
0 

"2' 
2 

4 
"2* 

Corneliz  Loris 

. ... 

Peter  Boz 

Mrs  Monvel 

2 

.... 

Garret  Bureer 

YanHerrlck 

Gar-ftt  Wynanse 

La\  ie  Vandmirsc 

2 
2 

'2' 
3 

.... 

.  .  •  • 

.... 
. . .  • 

Siimon  BreestA ■•■  ..•..••>•.«. 

.... 

Yannetre  Wande  VVatee    

Am  ReiU 

1 
2 
1 
2 

1 

1 

Yacob  (lennrtee    ..«■•• ••••••... 

Yan  Narbree •.. «. 

Mrs  Boieit 

Wessell  Everse • 

•  t  •  a 

2 

1 

2 

Bettie  Rammesen  

•  .  •  • 

• . . . 

■.*!' 


WEST  WARD. 


Peter  Bayard 

Garret  Vantright . . . .  > 

Cornelius  Loclge 

Wm  Smith    Aldermn 

Ball :  Bayard 

Matt:  DeHart 

Jacob  Vansnne 

Catherine  Rolegome  . 

Charles  Denisoe 

BobtDarkins 

Denis  Vandinbroiigh  . 

Bar :  Laroox 

John  Barbarie 

James  Colett 

JohnDublett 

Peter  Munvill 

Isaac  De  Boogh 

Peter  Pieret 

MrsRumboU 

Evert  Van  Howk 

Robt  White  


■  •  .  • 

.... 

J 

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1 

' 

2 

4 

1 

4 
3 

2 

1 

1 

1 

"i* 

■* 

1 
2 

1 
1 
3 

1 
1 

3 
3 
4 

2 
0 
0 

1 

.... 

1 
0 
3 

1 

2 

•  ■  .  . 

2 
2 

11 

•  •  •  t 

1 

1 

1 
0 

1 
2 

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620 


CEKSUB  OF  NEW-YOtlK  CITY. 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILY8 


Margrett  Huilson 

Catherine  White 

WmWalch 

Johan :  Van  Gchler 

Isaac  Anderson 

John  Hiitchins 

Susannah  Wells 

Deborah  Synicoin 

Cornelius  Clopper  

And :  Faucout. 

Augustus  (irassett 

Jacobus  BerCey    

Coll:P«artree 

Urian  Blunk  

Mary  niank  

Robt  Edwards 

Relekuh  Adams 

George  VViliiamB....><  .•. 

Win  Sloks 

Francis  Hocketts 

Tobias  Stoutenbrough  .... 

Agnes  Davis 

Daniel  Ebbetts 

Eliz;  Plumley 

Samp:  Shilton  Braughton. 

Han :  Tenijck 

Robt  Anderson 

Peter  Johnson  

Abra :  Masiear 

John  Anen 

Wm  Arison 


David  Mackdugell 


Isaac  Garners. 

Will:Shullwood 

Laynard  D  Graw 

Jores  Riersie 

John  Cure  

Archibald  Reed 

Hanna  Tinbrook  .     • . . . 

Andrew  Lamarue 

Michael  Harring 

Edwd  Burley 

Lieft :  Buckley 

Rinear  Risoe 

Waller  D  Boise 

Garret  Cosyn 

Pietr  ParniytLT 

Albcrfs  Laynderts 

Paul  Tnk 

Pe(prAfnrks 

Armanus  Van  Geldr  .  •  • 

Phill:  Doley 

Jno  D.  Le  ifountaine  ... 

.Tacob  Kuwning 

Joseph  Wright 

Petor  Willtrans  Roon  c 

Wm  Moss 

Nicholas  Blachford 

Will:  Robinson 

Mary  Collum 

Garret  Blank 


1^ 

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CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


621 


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1  .• 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILY8 

Males  from 

it 

a 

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1 

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1 

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Male  Ne^ro 
Children 

female  Neg^ 
Children 

3 

> 
• 
5 

frfArimret  Van  D  *  fiphuvnr   ..> 

Peter    Do 

4 

2 
3 

....!.... 

John  French 

....|. 

Marv  Harks   .  •  • 

*'*'l"' 

Edmund  Thomas ...•••.... 

1 

KraiiPis  Gowenhnaf. •• 

John  Hwet-a    • • ■•■• 

2 

1 

Eliz:  Collier  

Cor ;  OarrettB 

1 
1 
1 
2 

•  *  •  • 

2 

1 
1 
4 

John  Harris    ..a.......... • 

1 
1 

Alford  Suerts 

\fin-  Haters 

Walter  Hairers 

1 
2 

Oarrnt  Kptteltass 

James  Beard 

.... 

CjornpHus  Ouick 

4 
1 
2 
1 
2 
1 
1 
2 
2 

•  •  •  • 

2 

1 

1 

.... 

Jupol)  Nanma ■.••■■■>>....>..>■••..■■■■ 

.... 

John  Windefort   

1 

2 

Rprnard  Bush 

Jnhn   Vanderbeclf ■ 

1 
1 

3 
2 

1 

fjonradufl     Tirt  :■■.•■•■■. .••■■.*■*• 

William  Pearrn    

... 

Unht  Crannnll 

•  •  •  ■ 

1 

.... 

Marc-t  •  ffhrdiz    

Jnhn  ^VilliaTnn  RnmicrA   ...•■•.•■•■..■ 

1 

1 
1 
4 
1 

•  •  •  • 

1 

lAA  TlnlniA    .....■.■...■.■.■•■..••■■.. 

JapnVi  TTnnika  ......^....a  ....•■•■.•..■■ 

3 

1 

Alida  Wright    

3 

•  •  •  « 

2 

Oriffin  .TnnAS  ....■......■.....•.■.>■■.. 

PnurAln  Tiirlr a    .Tiinr    .....■...•■■  ...... 

.... 

2 
3 

Eliz  •  Wackham    

Thnmaft  Clnhiirn     ....••.....■■•■••.•■■• 

' 

Rinhanl  rrFPAn  ...........■..■•■•>..■■• 

•  •  •  • 

1 
1 

•  •  •  • 

RAraroant'  fimif'h ......  .....■.....■....■• 

"2' 

1 
2 

Peter  Fauconnier 

1 

1 

.... 

DOCK 


Phillip  fiVench 

Mrs  Mogon 

Zacharie  Angeum . . 

Anthony  Davis 

Elias  Budinot 

Johan :  Hardenbrok 

John  Parmiter 

Samuel  Bayard 

Nicholas  Jamin  . . . . 

JnoCasall 

Johannes  Hoglandt. 


WARD 
1 


1 


1 

2 

•  •  •  • 

2 
2 
3 
1 
1 
2 
1 
2 

3 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 
■  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 

2 
1 

t  •  •  * 

1 

-  •  •  • 

•  ••• 

1 

1 

1 

•  •  •  • 

1 

.... 

•  •  •  « 

622 


CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


MASTERS    OF  FAMILYS 

0) 

41 

1 

73 

1^ 

^6 

-a 

s 

i 

1 

5" 

1. 

3 

Wlildow  Alkfleid 

1 

1 
1 
1 
2 
3 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
2 

1 
2 

•  •  •  • 

1 
1 
3 

"i' 

1 

2 
1 

1 
.2 

1 

2 
2 
2 
1 
3 
1 
1 
1 

- 

Garret  Dyking 

.... 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  ■ 

1 
. ... 

1 

Catharin  Potter 

Dttv  1)1  JanieMun 

MoBes  Levey  

1 
1 

Uobert  Lurting 

Samuel  Veach 

2 
2 

Widilow  Tavlor 

1 

•  •  •  • 

David  Villat 

Mrs  Allie 

1 

David  Losrall 

1 
1 

2 
2 

1 
1 

.... 

1 
1 
1 
2 

"3' 

XhoB  Burrouflrh * 

Ctint  Sillies. ..•*•*.« 

1 

Robt  Skulton 

Charles  Woolev   ', 

.... 

Chirret  Vanhorne ' 

1 
1 
3 
1 
1 
3 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
2 
1 
2 
2 

•  •  •  • 

3 

1 
4 

4 

3 
1 
2 

1 
2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
2 
3 
1 
1 

1 

2 
2 
2 

2 
4 
2 

f  1  •  ■ 

Paul  Drulett 

Lewis  (Tarree 

1 

1 

Stenhen  D'lancev 

1 

1 

Jno  James  Vanvfialfl  ■..■ .:..... 

Widdow  fiaKett 

.... 

Hendrick  Vand :  Hall 

1 

1 

John  ShackmaDle 

Peter  Hemoims 

"2" 

1 

2 

1 

.... 

1 
1 
2 

1 

Ul 

2 

1 

"i' 

1 

John  Van  home 

3 
2 

4 

1 

Ul 

1 

1 
1 

Jacobus  vancourt*  nilt    

Jacobus  Decay  • 

Mrs  Cuvlnr 

Jacob  Ten  Evck  

1 

Abraham  Governere 

Enrliah  Smith  

Cornelius  Jacobs •  •  •  • 

5 
3 

"2' 

. ... 

1 

David  Provost  Junr - 

Widdow  Sanders 

3 

Affev  Tuder 

1 
3 

1 

Widdow  D  Roblus 

.... 

1 
6 

•  •  •  • 

Widdow  Lillies  &  Nathaniel  t 

Masston    in     Ditto               ) 

Widdow  Vanhorne 

1 

... . 

Abfiiham  Sanford.  .•••... 

3 
1 
1 
3 
1 
1 
3 
1 

•  •  1  • 

2 

"2 

.... 

2 
.... 

William  Walton 

1 

.... 

Christoiiher  Gillin 

Wi Ilium  Chumbpra.  •  ■ 

1 

1 
1 

Johanni>8  outnin.n 

Isaac  D  Markeys  

Peter  Lakerma'n  ...*• 

1 
1 

. 

John  Gurnpv 

Coll.  Nich:  Bavard 

1 
.... 

2 

•  •  •  • 

2 
1 
2 
1 

2 
2 

William  Barklev 

Nipholim  fflptiinn 

Darlhnlrtinpiir  TTart 

2 

Overin • •■ 

1 

^hOTnaa  ^Vpnham ...•■■....^ . 

1  1    1 

1    .... 

1 
2 

2 

1 

Tlibon • •• • 

"Vfinilpriinnr. ..................    .- 

IV  rinnlf 0rfl  ..................     ... 

1 

1 

•  •  •  • 

Widdow  D.  Pyater 

"2 

1 

CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


023 


11^* 


* 


u    - 


MASTERS  UF  FAMILY8 


John  Lorrinf 

Nicholas  Oarretts 

Abraham  V  :  L):  waters... 

Ilarmanes  Hurf^er 

Marlines  Criger 

Andris  Tenbruok 

Kug^crt  Waliiron 

John  Davis 

Wiildow  TImUlinot 

Richard  Willit 

•  visOomas 

John  Harpcnling 

Avert  Elbcrseye 

Roger  Jones 

Johannes  Thiebout 

Martin  Cloock 

Albert  Clooclc 

Lawrence  Vanhoock 

Cornelius  Veilin 

Abrahm  Mettelares 

John  Lansing 

Evert  Van  D.  watr 

William  Echeles 

Edward  Marshall 

.1  ohn  Wanshares 

John  Vansent 

William  Bradford 

Conrad  Ten  Eyke 

•  rd  Provost  Senr  . . . 

John  Everts 

Gee^je  ten  Eges 

Hugh  Grow 

Anthony  Rutgers 

John  Whitt 

Mr  Legrand 

^ficholas  Materbe 

Samll  Leveridg 

William  White  Junr 

Mary  Wakham 

Henry  Money  

John  Stephens 

Richd  Green 

•  n  Varickbookhouse.. 

•  rence  Vessells 

•  aham  Lawkerman. 

Everdas  Borgadas  

William  Bickley 

Jannetie  Van  briekelen. . . 

Abraham  Splinter 

Gabrll  Thiebod 

Widdow  Colie 

Mrs  Mashett 

Johannes  Burger 


Is 


I 

it 

a 


I" 


*  S 
15 


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2  1 
2 
1 

1 


I  •    • . . 


*  These  names  cannot  be  made  out  on  account  of  the  MS.  being  torn 


^24 


CENSUS  OF  NEW- YORK  CITY. 


OUT  WARD. 


&         1 


I* 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 


•  Ritman 

•  Kip 

•  elus  Bak  .... 

•  idsWidd 

Peter  Bokho 

John  Barr 

■■  Solojnon .... 

•  hn  Peter 

•  nl  Carpenter 
Abraham  Brimer... 
— —  Gunoson  .... 
JohnDikman 

Tunsedes. . . . 


John  Devor 

Cornelius  Drk 

Cornelius  Aker 

Tuns  Cornelius 

Oranout  Waber 

Wolford  Waber 

Solomon 

Will  Da 

Hendrick  Bordis 

•  Moor 

•  Griggs 

•  Thomas  

•  Gracklin 

Sam'l  Mountaine > . 

Capt  Sidmen 

.Tohn  Bronod 

Kebeceah  Van  Scyock  . 

Wases  Peterson 

Thorns  Akerson 

Solomon  Widdow 

Anianuel  Franson 

Jacob  Cornelius  

Thoms  Sekis 

John  Clapp 

Abraham  Bolt 

Capt  Lock 

Hendrick  Van  Scoyock. 
Philip  Minthorne 

ou 

eabor 

way 

noute 

Thomas 

Walter  Lamaa 

David  Minvel 

•  lin  Pierson  

Agar  Harman 

Jacob  Conant 


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o 


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iz: 

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ifpni^xeAft  m  trs^  ovrqa ;  vfiV9»¥m  cpuaepEt-         ^ 


NAMES  OF  THE  MINISTERS  OF  THE  DUTCH  REFOMPSD 
^       CHURCHES  IN  NEW-YORK  AND  NEW  JERSEY. 

[Naamregisterder  Predikanten;  Te  Leidanflce.] 


1.768. 


.1     '  1 


Jfew  York 


Jbhe^nes  Ritzema 

Lambertus  de  Ronde  ^ 

Reinhard  Erichson    Freehold       -        -        -        -        - 

Fridcricus  Muzelius    Tuppan    Emeritus        ... 

Gerard  Haagboort    Second  River  .... 

Qeorgius  Wilhelmus  Maircius^    Kings  Totone 

Jbbannes  Schuiler    Hakkingsachj  ifc  ... 

Jbhannes  Casparus  Fryenmoet,    Menissinkj  Mhchakomickj 

Walpek  and  Smitsfield     ----.. 
Benjaniin  Meinema)     Pakeepsie  &  Fishkil     .        .        - 
Theodorus  Frielinghausen,  Theod.  Jac.  Gl.fMevoMbany  > 
Ulpifanus  Van  Sinderin,  Ulp.  fil.    Long  Island 
Johannes  Henricus  GoetBchius,  Hakkmgsak  and  SchraUn^ 

Iktrg  -.-.--.-- 
Johannes  Lyecht,  Brunsmch  ..... 
Benjamin  Van  der  Linden,  Paranes  -  -  -  - 
Samuel  Verbryk,    Tappan  -        -        -        .        . 

B^ftyid  Marinus,    Jhhquechnouch  .... 

B&rent  Vromans,     Schonegtade  .... 

Thomas  Romein,    Queens  Counij^,  Oyster  hay 
Johan.  Caspar  Rubel,  Job.  Casp.  fil.,    Rhynbeck    - 
Johannes  Schenema,    Kats-KU  fy  Cogsackie 
William  Jackson,    Bergen  fy  Staten  Island 

New  Paltz  ^  ^  Kinderhook 

Schoggarie  >  Vacant  <  Klaverack 
Manor  of  Livingston  }  (  Kings  County 

40 


1744 
1761 
1786 
1726 
1736 
1732 
1769 

1744 
1746 
174a 
1746 

1748 
1748 
1748 
1748! 
17625 
1756 
1763 
1756 
1753 
1757 


! 


! 

i , 
i   1. 


686 


Wl^^'^' 

IM-f     i 

K# 

B'^' 

1    ' 

H^gw  *# 

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m 

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m 

1* 
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m 

f  ) 

s    1 

MINISTEBS  OF  THE  DUTCH  REFORMED  CHUROIES. 


1796. 


Johannes  Ritzema    J^ew  York    Emeritus,  1784     -        -  1744 
Ulpianus  Van  Sinderen,  Ulp.  fil.  Kings  Co.  Long  Island^ 

Emer.  1784  1746 

Johannes  Lyecht,    Brunswick      -----  1748 

Benjamin  Van  der  Linden,    Paremes    -        -        -        -  1748 

Samuel  Verbryck,    Tappan         -----  1750 

Lambertus  de  Ronde,    JVeto  York    Emeritus  1784        -  1750 

Barent  Vrooman,  1752     Schonectade    -        -        -        -  1756 

Thomas  Romein,  1753    Mmissinck     -        -        -        -  1761 

Joh.  Schenema,    Kats-Kil  Sf  Cogsackie         -        -        -  1763 

William  Jackson,  A.  L.  M.  Bergen  fy  Staten  Island         -  1757 

Jacob  Rutsen  Hardenberg     Old  Raritans       -        -        -  1758 

Eilardus  Westerloo,  Is.  fil.    JVcto  Mhany      -        -        -  1760 
Johannes  Martinus  Van  Harlingen,     Millston  fy  JVeto 

Schonnick       --------  1761 

Gerardus  Daniel  Cock,     Camp  Sr  Rhineheck  -        -  1762 

Hermanus  Meyer,  1763  Pomian  fy  Totoa       -        -        -  1775 

Isaacus  Rysdyk,    JVeio  Hakkingsack  fy  Hopwel     -        -  1765 

Warmoldus  Kuypers,  1769  Hakkingsak  Sf  Schralenhurg  1771 

Johannes  Levingston,  Th.  Doct.     Jfew  Yorkj  Eng  Lang.  1770 

Johan  Daniel  Gross,    Kings-Town        -        -        -        -  1773 

Christianus  Fredericus  F  bring,  1770  J^Tew-Yorkf  German 

Lang. 1773 

Joh.  Gabriel  Gebhard,  1772  JVcmj- For  A:,  German  Lang. 
Martinus  Schoemaker,    JVew  Haarlem  8f  Gravesend 
[Dirckj  Romein,  Thom.  fr.     Marbletown  Sf  Momhack. 

[Will™.]  Linn,    JVew  York,  Eng.  Lang.        -        -        -  1784 

.     .     ,  Kuypers ,  Warm.  fil.     JVeio  York  -        -  1784 

.'     -  Some  Places,  Vacant. 


}. 


and, 

Xl%% 

- 

1746 

- 

1748 

f!.:^  - 

1748 

«  ,,  - 

1750 

- 

1750 

- 

1756 

•  - 

1761 

;  ,  : :  - 

1753 

<«'.  '■  " 

1757 

i  -       ^ 

1768 

I  -t   <■ 

1760 

JVew 

.-,  ■.'> 

, 

1761 

- 

1762 

,-" , 

1775 

- 

1765 

nhurg 

1771 

Lang. 

1770 

- 

1773 

erman 

- 

1773 

ing. 

I 

ich. 

a    ■ 

.  1784 

m 

.  1784 

XXII. 


PAPERS 


SBATW •  T» 


3Cnng  Sslonh. 


1 ; 

■;^, 


-t  ,* 


DIRECTOR  KEEFTS  PATENT  TO  THE  TIDWN  OF  GRAVESEND. 

ANNO  1645. 

J-.  •  ■ 

^  [Onresetid  Betordi.] 

Whereas  it  hath  pleased  the  High  &  Mighty  Lords  the  Estates 
€tenl  of  the  United  Belgick  Prov=«» — His  Highness  Fredrick 
Hendrick  by  y«  grace  of  God  Prince  of  Orange,  &c.  and 
'the  Rt  Honourable  y^  Lords  Bewint  Hebbers  of  the  W.L  Com- 
'pany  by  theyr  several  Commissions  under  theyr  hands  and 
'seales  to  give  and  grant  unto  me  W"  Kieft  sufficient  power 
^afld  authorities  for  the  general  rule  &  gouvemment  of  this 
Ptouince  called  the  New  Netherlands,  &  likewise  for  yo  Set- 
tling of  townes,  collonies,  plantations,  disposing  of  y®  land  with- 
in this  prouince,  as  by  ye  said  Commissions  more  att  large  doth 
and  maye  appeare,  Now  Know  yee  whomsoever  these  Presents  may 
any  ways  concerne  that  I,  William  Kieft,  Gouvernor  General!  of 
this  Prouince  by  vertue  of  y^  authoritie  abovesaid  &  with  y« 
ndtiice  &  consent  of  yo  Councell  of  State  heere  established  have 
giVfen  and  graun^ed  &  by  virtue  of  these  presents  doe  give  grant  & 
cdiffrrme  unto  yo  Honoured  Lady  Deborah  Moody,  S'  Hennry 
'Moody  Barronett,  Ensign  George  Baxter  &  Sergeant  James  Hub- 
bSa^d  theyr  associates,  heyres,  executors,  administrators,  successofirs, 
asbighes,  or  any  they  shall  join  in  associati  ^  ith  them,  a  certaine, 
4jantitie  or  p'cel  of  Land,  together  with  all  y«  hauens,  harbotrs, 
Wtfers,  creeks,  woodland,  marshes,  and  all  other  appurtenances 
thw^unto  belonging,  lyeihg  &  being  uppon  &  about  y«  Westerhmfest 
parte  of  Longe  Island  &  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  a  Creeke  adja- 
bfeht  to  Coneyne  Island  &  being  bounded  one  y®  westwards  parte 
thtfeof  with  ye  land  appertaining  to  Anthony  Johnson  &  Rob* 
PfeiiOyer  &  soe  to  rvn  as  farre  as  the  westerftmost  part  of  a  cerbin 
pond  in  an  ould  Lidian  field  on  the  North  side  of  y*  plantation 


^»j'  f^- 


630 


PAPEBS  RfXATING  TO 


I 


I  t 


of  y^  said  Robbert  Pennoyer  &  from  thence  to  runne  direct  East 
as  farre  as  a  valley  begginning  alt  yo  head  of  a  flye  or  Marshe 
sometimes  belonging  to  y*  land  of  Hughe  Garrettson  &  being 
bounded  one  the  said  side  with  the  Maine  Ocean,  for  them  the  s' 
pattenteeS)  theyr  associates  hey  res,  executors,  adminis'*,  successourS) 
assigns,  actuallie  reallie  &  perpetuallie  to  injoye  &  pocesse  as 
theyr  owne  free  land  of  inheritance  and  it  to  improve  &»  manure 
according  to  their  owne  discretic  ns,  with  libertie  likewise  for  them 
the  s*^  pattentees,  theyr  associates,  heyres,  and  successours  and 
assignes  to  put  what  cattle  they  shall  think  fitting  to  feed  or  graze 
upon  the  afores^  Conyne  Island,  forther  giving  granting  &  by 
rertue  of  these  presents  Wee  doe  give  &  graunt  unto  the  s^  Paten- 
tees theeir  associates  beyrs  &  successours  full  power  &  authoritie 
uppon  tho  said  land  to  build  a  towne  or  townes  <with  such  neces- 
sarie  fortifications  as  to  them  shall  seem  expedient  &  to  haue  and 
injoye  the  free  libertie  of  conscience  according  to  the  costome  and 
manner  of  Holland,  without  molestation  or  disturbance  from  any 
Madgistrate  or  Madgistrates  or  any  other  Ecclesiasticall  Minister 
that  may  p'tend  iurisdiction  over  them,  with  libertie  likewise  for 
them,  the  s^  pattentees,  theyr  associates  heyres  &c  to  erect  a  bodye 
pollitique  and  ciuill  combination  amongst  themselves,  as  free  men 
of  this  Province  &  of  the  Towne  of  Grauescnd  &  to  make  such  civill 
ordinances  as  the  Maior  part  of  y«  Inhabitants  ffree  of  the  Towne 
shall  thinke  fitting  for  theyr  quiett  &  peaceable  subsisting  &  to 
Nominate  elect  &  choose  three  of  y"  Ablest  approued  honest  men 
&  them  to  present  annuallie  to  y^  Gouernor  Generall  of  this  Pro- 
uince  for  the  tyme  being,  for  him  y^  said  Gouern'  to  establish 
and  confirme  to  Wh  s^  three  men  soe  chosen  &  confirmed,  wee  doe 
hereby  give  &  graunt  full  power  &  authoritie,  absolutelie  &  defi- 
nitiuely  to  determine  (w*''out  appeal  to  any  superior  Court)  for 
debt  or  trespasse  not  exceeding  ffiftie  Holland  Guilders  ffor  all 
such  act"*  as  shall  happen  wt^^in  y"  iurisdict"  of  the  above  said 
limitt  with  power  likewise  for  any  one  of  the  said  three  to  exam- 
ine uppon  oath  all  witnesses  in  cases  depending  before  them  &  in 
case  any  shall  refuse  to  stard  to  the  award  of  what  the  Maior  part 
of  the  s<*  three  shall  agree  unto,  in  such  cases  wee  doe  hereby  ^ve 
and  graunt  full  power  and  authoritie  to  any  two  of  y*  s^  three, 


LONO  ISLAND. 


681 


ctEast 
Nlarshc 
t  being 
a  the  8* 
icssours, 
cesse  as 
;  manure 
for  them 
sours  and 
lor  graze 

ting  &  by 
gd  paten- 
authoritic 
ach  neces- 
3  haue  and 
)stome  and 
J  from  any 
lU  Minister 
likewise  for 
rectabodyc 

as  free  men 

;esuchcvviU 

the  Towne 

listing  &  ^0 
honest  men 
of  this  Pro- 
to  establish 

^ed,  wee  doe 

[utelie  &  defi- 
,r  Court)  for 

jlders  ffor  jU 
le  above  said 
.iree  to  exam- 
ore  them  &  in 
[he  Maior  part 
,e  hereby  giv« 
,f  va  8*  threC| 


to  attache  &  celse  uppon  y"  lands  goodS)  catties  &  chatties  of  y* 
parties  condeinried  by  their  said  sentence  &  fourteen  days  after  the 
s**  ceizure  (if  y^  partie  soe  condemned  agree  not  in  the  interim  &, 
submitte  himself  unt)  y*  sentence  of  the  s^  three  men)  the  said  three 
or  three  appointed  men  as  affors''  to  take  or  ioyen  to  themselves  two 
more  of  iheyre  neighbours  discreete  honest  men,  and  w^i>  the 
advice  of  them  to  apprise  the  lands,  goods  catties  &  chatties 
wt'^in  the  above  s^  jurisdict"  &  belongs  to  the  partie  condemned 
as  afores"^  to  y«  full  valleu  &  then  to  sell  ihem  to  any  that  will 
paye,  that  sattisfactlon  &  paiement  may  be  made  according  to  the 
sentence  of  y^  appointed  men ;  Likewise  giuing  &  graunting  & 
by  virtue  hereof  wee  doe-  give  &  graunt  unto  y°  said  Pattentees, 
Iheyre  associates  heyres,  successours  &c  full  power  &  authoritie 
to  Elect  &  nominate  a  certaine  officer  amongst  themselves  to 
execute  the  place  of  a  Scoute  &  him  likewise  to  present  annuallie 
to  the  Gouernor  General!  of  this  Province  to  bee  established  and 
confirmed  to  w"**  s"^  officer  soe  chosene  confirmed,  Wee  doe  hereby 
give  &  graunt  as  large  &  ample  power  as  is  usuallie  given  to  y« 
Scoutes  of  any  Village  in  Holland  for  the  suppression  or  preven- 
tion of  any  disorders  that  maye  theyr  arise,  or  to  arrest  andnpp'hend 
the  body  of  any  Criminall,  Malefactouer  or  of  anye  that  shall  by 
worde  or  act  disturbe  the  publick  tranquilletie  of  this  Province  or 
civill  peace  of  the  inhabitants  wt''in  the  above  s'l  jurisdict"  &him, 
them  &  her  so  arrested  or  apprehended  to  bring  or  case  to  be 
brought  before  the  Gouernor  Gen'i  of  this  Province  &  theyre  by 
way  of  Processe  declare  against  the  P'tie  soe  offending  ;  farther 
Wee  doe  give  &  graunt  unto  the  P'tentees  theyr  nssociates  heyres 
&c  free  libertie  of  hawking,  hunting,  fishing,  fowling  within  the 
above  s''  limitts;  &  to  use  or  exercise  all  manner  of  trade  &  com- 
merce according  as  *he  Inhabitants  of  this  Province  may  or  can  by 
Virtue  of  any  Priviledge  or  graunt  made  unto  them,  inducing  all  and 
singular  y«  s^  patf^*  theyr  associates,  heyres  &c  with  all  &  singular 
the  immunities  &  priueledges  allready  graunted  to  y"  Inhabitants  of 
this  Prov<=«  or  hereafter  to  be  graunted,  as  if  they  were  natives  of 
the  United  Belgick  Provinces,  allways  prouided  the  s'^  patten*'^* 
y""  associates  heyres  &c  shall  faithfully  acknowledge  &  reverently 
respect  the  above  named  High  Mightie  Lords  &c.  for  they'  Supe- 


1  n 


I  I 


h 


VAttta  liEIlATtNG  TO 


M'4 


riottr  Lords  &  patrons  &  in  all  loialtie  &  fidellitie  demeane  them- 

ii^y<!8  towards  them  &  theyr  successours  accord'g  as  the  Inhabi- 

tantsof  this  prouince  in  dutye  are  bound,  soe  long  as  they  shall  [be] 

"trilSiin  this  iurisdict"  &  att  the  experat"  of  ten  y  eares  to  beginne  from 

'^e  daye  of  the  date  hereof  to  paye  or  cause  to  bee  paid  to  an 

iii^cer  thereunto  deputed  by  the  Gouern'  Gen^  of  this  Prov"'  for  the 

litne  being,  the  teiith  parte  of  the  reueneew  that  shall  arise  by  the 

gfoiund  manured  by  the  plough  or  howe,  in  case  it  bee  demanded  to 

bee  paid  to  the  s*'  officer  in  the  ffield  before  it  bee  housed,  gardens 

•m  orchards  not  exceeding  one  Hollands  acre  being  excepted,  end  in 

-tate  anye  of  the  s'  pattentees  theyr  associatsheyres  &c  shall  only 

^proue  theyr  stocks  in  grasing  or  breeding  of  cattle,  then  the 

|>krtie  soe  doing  shall  att  the  end  of  the  ten  yeares  afforesaid  paye 

at  cause  to  be  paid  to  an  officer  deputed  as  afores^  such  reasohable 

flattbfact°  in  butter  and  cheese  as  other  Inhabbat"  of  other  townes 

shall  doe  in  the  like  cases  :     LikeAvise  injoyning  the  said  patten- 

tentees  theyre  associates  heyres  &c  in  the  dating  of  all  public 

instruments  to  use  the  New  Style  vf^^  the  w*»  &  measure  of  this 

place.     Given  under  my  hand  &  Scale  of  this  Prouince  this  19*'» 

of  December  in  the  fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherland.     1645. 

Signed  Wilhem  Kieft. 

Endorsed) — ^Ter  oidonnantie  van  de  H'  Direct'  Generael  & 

Raden  van  Nieuw  Nederlandt. 

CoENELis  Van  TiENHouEN,  Secret!. 


iJMfa  IBLAKD. 


0S» 


tlaem- 
[nhabi- 
m  [be] 

dtoan 
sfortbe 
B  by  the 
andedto 
I  gardens 
id,  and  in 
lall  only 
then  the 
said  paye 
easohable 
ler  towncB 
Ad  patten- 
all  public 
ire  of  tlus 
le  this  19^'' 
id.     1645. 

A  KlEFT. 

ienerael  & 
SecretT. 


In  the  name  of  the  LORD — Amen. 

Dkbcription  of  the  Founding  or  Beginning  of  New  Utrecht| 

for  the  information  of  us  and  our  successors.    Together  with 

their  Grants  and  Privileges  likewise  the  names  of  their 

officers  and  magistrates  thereunto  added  and  that 

from  the  year  Sixteen  hundred  seven  and  fifty, 

also  the  names  of  the  first  Patentees  and 

farmers,  for  the  encouragement  and 

information  of  their  posterity. 

AD.  1657 
1668 
1659 
1660 

T%e  beginning  and  progress  of  Jfew  Vtreckt. 

This  land  was  originally  granted  to  the  Heer  Cornelis  Van 
Werckhoven,  who  was  born  in  Utrecht  in  the  Netherlands,  and 
who  here  personally  undertook  to  plant  a  colonic.  After  some 
years  he  returned  to  his  Fatherland,  where  he  died.  On  his  return 
to  the  Netherlands  he  left  in  his  place  as  his  agent  one  Jaques 
Cortelliau.  After  the  death  of  his  late  Lord,  Cortelliau  having 
no  means  in  his  hands  to  procure  settlers  to  plant  and  found  Uie 
colonic,  was  advised  not  to  allow  the  beautiful  land  to  lie  unfruitful 
and  without  inhabitants,  and  as  he  was  assured  that  such  a  course 
was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  orders  and  placards  of  the  Noble 
anh  Right  Honorable  LorJs  Directors  of  the  West  India  Company 
at  Amsterdam,  our  Patrons,  as  also  of  the  Noble  Lord  Director 
General  Petrus  Stuy vesant  and  the  Counsellors  Nicasius  DeSille, 
and  Johan  Montagne  Senor.,  he  concluded  to  present  to  the 
Director  General  and  Counsellors  the  following  Petition  : — 

To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  Director  General  and 
Council  of  New  Netherland  : 

Whereas  no  lands  here  can  be  laid  out  and  settled  except  with 
your  Honors'  approbation  and  consent,  therefore  the  petitioner 
addresses  himself  to  your  Honoiv^  for  consent  to  fonnd  a  Town  on 
Long-Island  on  the  Bay  of  the  North  River. 

was  lugned  Ja.  Cobt£lliav. 

Agent  for  the  heirs  of  the  deceased  Cornelis  Van  Werckhoven. 


634 


PAPERa  RELATIMO  TO 


If 


'?l 


i 


In  the  margin  stood,  "  let  the  petition  be  ■granted  provided  that 
they  di;liver  by  the  first  opportunity,  a  map  thereof,  to  the  director 
Genera!  .nd  Council.  Dated  fortress  Amterdara  in  New  Nether- 
land,  this  16th  January  A.  D.  1657. 

Underneath  which  was  written,  By  Order  of  the  Right  Honora- 
ble  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland. 

Subscribed  by  C.  V  Ruyven,  Secretary. 

Liberty  being  thus  given  to  commence  the  settlement,  Jaques 
Cortelliau  laid  out  and  surveyed  the  place,  and  divided  it  into  20 
lots  containing  25  morgen  (50  acres)  each,  which  lots  were 
granted  to  the  following  patentees  who  were  desirous  of  making 
a  settlement  j — 


Jaques  Cortelliau 

The  Lord  Councillor  &,  Fiscal 

Nicasius  de  Sille 
Fieter  Buys 

Jacob  Hellickers  alias  Swart 
Joncker  Jacobus  Corlear 
Johan  Tomasse 
Rutgert  Joosten 
Pieter  Roelofise 
Cornelis  Beeckman, 


Johan  Zeelen 
Albert  Albertsen 
William  Willemsen 
Huybert  Hoock 
Pieter  Jansen 
Jan  Jacobson 
Jacobus  Backer 
Jacob  Pietersen, 
Claes  Claessen, 
Teanis  Joosten. 


The  above  named  individuals  having  received  their  lots,  came 
together  so  as  speedily  to  advance  the  place  by  sowing,  planting 
and  building  on  their  lots.  Whereof  the  first  was  Jacob 
Hellekeers  Swart,  he  having  a  small  square  house  made  of  clap- 
boards standing  in  Gravesend  which  he  tore  down  and  removed 
to  the  town.  On  this  because  they  could  not  begin  altogether  and 
alike  and  for  the  purpose  of  setting  a  good  example  to  the  common 
people  and  for  their  encouragement,  the  Lord  Councillor  and 
Fiscal  (Attorney  General)  Nicasius  De  Sille,  Peter  Buys  and 
Rutgert  Joosten  on  the  8*  of  November  1657  sent  for  the  above 
named  Jacob  Swart,  who  was  a  master  builder,  for  the  purpose 
of  having  each  a  house  built,  and  warranted  completed  in  May 
1658.  This  could  not  be  accomplished,  because  the  hoifte  of  the 
Heer  de  Sille  was  designed  to  be  36  feet  in  length,  but  afterwards 
on  the  31*^  of  May  1658,  he  directed  6  feet  to  be  added,  making 


LONG  ISLAND. 


f.S5 


Udtbat 
DirectoT 
Nethe^ 

■  I     ' ' ' 

Honora- 

retary. 
it,  Jaques 
it  into  20 
lots  were 
of  making 


iir  lots,  came 
ing,  planting 
'^    was  Jacob 
uade  of  clap- 
and  removed 
iltogether  and 
to  the  common 
!ouncillor  and 
iter  Buys  and 
for  the  above 
pr  tbe  purpose 
[pleted  in  May 
le  boxfte  of  tbe 
but  afterwards 

idded,  making 


it  42  feet,  and  thi^*  was  tbe  first  house  in  the  town  which  was 
covered  with  red  tiles.  It  was,  including  the  garden,  enclosed 
with  high  palisades  set  close  together.  After  the  above  3  houses, 
Johnckeer  Jacob  Corlaer  also  erected  a  house,  and  then  Cornelis 
^iBecckman  with  his  companion  Willem  Willemse  erected  one  which 
shortly  after  was  burnt. 

Some  of  the  above  named  20  settlers  abandoned  their  lots,  and 
others  came  in  their  places  by  whom  the  cultivating  ibd  building 
were  undertaken. 

In  1659  it  was  evident  that  the  village  did  not  prosper  in  its 
buildings  and  agriculture ;  this  induced  the  wellwishers  of  the 
same  to  employ  Jacques  Cortelliau,  the  surveyor,  to  carry  to  the 
Director  General  and  his  council!,  in  the  name  of  all  of  them, 
the  following  petition : 

Petition. 
To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  and  Director  General 
and  Council  of  New  Netherland  : 

1.  The  town  of  New  Utrecht,  with  your  consent,  at  the  great  cost 
and  expense  of  some,  having  been  begun  and  founded,  wo 
therefore  humbly  desire  that  those  who  as  yet  have  only  gone 
to  the  expense  of  fencing  their  lots,  may  be  warned  also  to  build 
on  the  same,  on  pain  of  forfeiture  of  said  lots. 

2.  That  those  who  have  sold  their  lots  for  considerable  money, 
without  having  been  subject  to  any  cost  except  the  simple 
fencing,  may  be  ordered  to  restore  the  money  received  over  and 
above  the  cost  of  same. 

3.  That  every  lot  should  be  bound  to  have  a  man  who  shall  keep 
the  front  of  the  lot  in  repair  and  remove  whatever  falls,  so 
that  men  should  not  be  bound  to  look  after  absentees,  which 
cannot  be  done  without  incurring  expense. 

4.  That  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale  may  be  warned  to  drive  in  the 
woods  his  horses,  hogs,  and  cattle,  the  same  as  is  practised  by 
others,  so  as  to  prevent  their  spoiling  and  eating  the  pasture 
from  the  meadows,  by  which  the  whole  Town  is  injured,  and 
•wh  ask  for  power  to  place  them  in  the  pound  when  found  in 
said  meadows. 

5.  That  Antony  Jansen,  maintaining  the  meadows  to  be  his  which 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


^ 


m» 


PMMk'iktJMxa  TO 


iill 


lib  k'  ii^  ^Hi 


'^  b^  >ii4d  boN^t  of  die  Iiiditos  %hi6h  coold  not  be  ddne  witlidlit 

'    ^^e  >apJ)y6btitioti  ^of  j<ivL  libble  land  right  Honorable  Lofds, 

t    ^iSkd  &e'  tt^  bftyihg  Ibis,  may  be  ordered  to  allolw  us  the  peaceable 

'^Webfitiid'iiieadd^s  toiotiiiftieniciedby  us  tnth  yourtoMent,  and 

(^ptv&tkhlti  ^6l6i^\(m'  df  t^^h  Wiis  prbbiiied  to  the  mhabitarits 

of  the  town:  the  said  Antony  however,  havfttg  dwelt  mdtty 

^jHfi  liy|iie^)[Aiil«e;  toenjdy  his  lots  ttnd  piortibn  as'^^ell  as  bthers, 

""    'I^Ut  at  Wn^iAt  ll^e  to  be  liable  to  bear'  his  share  6f  tSie  costs 

and  expenses. 

"^S.  TtlfiatHie^nKMdawVfe'h&Ve  dommehced  Usmg  when  divided 

^m'23^'fl  l«/ts,  Is '<tt>t%if  enough 'to  ^^k^^    the  cattle; 'We 

^  ttei^fbre  |>etiti6n  ytJu,  noble'  lind  right  Ubnorable  Lords,  for 

'>i(iiol3ier'  *pieliie  to  be  giveh  us  tit  Citiari^y  mA  itataedliitely  tised. 

7.  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town  may  have  the  benefit  of  the 

same  exemptions  and  freeddm  thiat  other  new  towns  have. 
^    ^i^thig  liereupbn  for  a  i^vorable  ieinsWer  from  y6u,  hoble 
and  right  Honorable  L'brds,'  liremain  ybtir  liumble  servant  Jaques 
'^itrtifrnaiu ;  &hd  this  ihe  boniniiinity  isedk. 

€b' Vhi^  t^etition  to  ^he  Noble  and  ri^ht  Honorable  Lord  Director 

'HWftelral  Petals  Stuj^^ht  MA  Cbundl,  NlcasittS  de  Sille 'first 

^^tttttHbillbr,'  aiid  PetrUs  Toiineniaii  and  Johan  de  Decker  on  the  12th 

of  May  1659  gate  'the  follbWing'ali6Wer : 

^<Oh  fte  ^^'bbVe  re^t^st  beihg  received  and  read,  the  following 

a^i^r^W^yetii^ned : 

^hefeti^ter  to'the  1st  poiiht  Will  be  fbutid  published  in'the 

order  of  the  30th  of  January  last,  by  Which  it  is  ordained  that 

(V^ydf^e'bfWlAt  condition  or  qiiality  koeter  he  inay  be  should 

OBuMiile, 'build,  6nd  lite  bn  ihe  lot  he  had  bbtaincd,  or  cause  the 

4iKthitbbe  Mltivbted  and  dwelt  upon,  Within  the  period  bf  six 

weeks,  on  penalty  of  fbrfeiture  of -his  lot :  and  the  Fiscal  is 

*  ^tkbrtii^edf'in  the  "iltime  of  the  Erector  General ^nd  Council,  ki 

^e  «9t|>ii^tion  6f  Six  days  after  jproof  of  the  dsHnquency  of  any 

<i|MMdli,  tb  aHsign  hi^  laAds  to  such  other  individual  as  may  be 

NHWihg  to'cbtoplywlth^ese  tegulaitiohs  and  to  pay' the  iHrst 

%ihait  br  OCttli^nt  What  hiS  fencing  trtid '  other  itoprbvemehts  'fnay 

appear  to  be  worth. 

't>htf 'tb»Wet>  tb  the  Sd  ii<  inteyttSXed  in  the^bote ;  but  further. 


:i '.. 


»le  Lords, 
'peaceable 
nsent,  and 
iiibabitaiits 
vrelt  maiiy 
llasbtikers, 
)f  the  costs 

ten  di"vided 
^  cattle  }*^e 
c  L6ifdS|for 
diately  i<**d. 
leftefit  of  the 
as  have, 
n  you,  hoblc 
ervant  Jaques 

LotdDitector 
deSitle  first 
er  on  the  12th 

the  follovriiig 

iliAed  in  the 
ordaitfid  that 
Day  be  should 
1,  or  cause  the 
period  of  six 
the  Fiscal  is 
Id  Council,  ^t 
juency  of  any 
lal  as  maybe 
,  pay' the  first 

|6vemeW8'*n*y 
•  Ijttt  further, 


I4>Nai«bA|li>r 

^fiSm^ mifm% jnH^r/Bv th^i^ th^^tr^e t»1ii« of (hit,ieMsipe^  ud 
^^,h^,^8^eypeft4^4lin.hi8Cultilyatioi»i  oC  his'lotibcludiijgi  the 
^SfO^hWiiOy^^^^^Wir'J  All  re<jeiyediabQtve  the  ascertuned 
y^%  s^l|  b»  pi|^  ,ba.Ql»i  to  his  .siicfiesspr,  Tke  JUirectpr  Geaent 
afj/j^,qp^nfiij,j|f;f  by.nom^ns  hfweyef  to  |Hiu»derrto,Qd7as;a»thDih 
V^,  t^,  fijTft  occuppnts,,  -who  hftve  negject^d  either  personall j.or 
^^0  ^''^h  *^  ^^%  cvltiyate  an,di  lahpur  op,  t^ir  Und4}  tp,  ti^^^hUK, 
pay  or  profit  in  such  manner  as  to  retard  puljtj^yatiOQr. 

Qp^^tl^i^  3,d>  pplnjt ;  It  is  ordered  that  e,very  man,  as  well  in  the 
WJ^.  ^W^  "^OW,  0^  Utrep^  a?  ip,  olhpr.  Vi^  Jvm^:  cpp^fltjpg 
^jt  ^ffft  ^W^eyiflg  |0r  a  h^Jet,  who,  .obtains,  a  lot  .or .  bu^VUpg  pip|» 
pjjj^,  tftij^ti  all  ap4;cypry.,oneffomnQwfprth;Whp,hj»Si  so^^tiPR: 
obj^med,Ian.d8}musVspek  and  obtain  thef^foi;,pfoperiPffteiit«,  aq^ 
^i|^  obtawed  lapds  they  must  speedily,  und^rt^k^  to  plpn^,  a^^^-^ 
cultivate,  and  at  the  least  from  th,p  proce^g^  o;r;tb^,pf|jt^,b(]iff 
residing  and  kept  thereon  onp. able,, bodied  man. 

Q^  the.4thi  aj^  Sth^points ;  the,  FispaVw^s  ordpred.tp  np^y 
Jbl^opy  Va^ ^s^lee  to  k^cp  h?s  cattle  ap.d.hpg8  o^^,of  %<cp^7i 
mc^p  n^ea^Lofwip;  ancl  that  if  he  claimed,  any  ipore  right  tp.  t}|fi^ 
meacjtpws  ,tp  ma^pi  the  san^e  known  to  the  Director  Genera^  ap^,^ 
<?p]|ip9il;,thp, Fiscal  i$,4^fecteA  to.  impopp^  aU  ca,yj^  ap4.hQ8|^ 
foui^d,pn,%  ip^?^^p?«f^ 

j^  an8;^e|r  tp  thf^  6t||,ppii;^t  will  be  talpen  into  .con^ideri^tipiv* 

On  M^h^t  is  spug^t  in,the  7t^  ppintj  consentji^  given,  a^  inpjtjhej^, 
t|OwnS|.to  ai^  es^i^pjtipji  froip  t)ie  payment  of  the  tenth  ,fpr-th<}^ 
roaqe  of,  10  years^wiUi,  t|)|.e  exception  of  the  plantation  of  thf. 
%rWerekl^vpi^. 

ijljppe  ip  Fort  Am/jtfirdaw  ipNew-Netbprlapd|Op  the  i;2tl>  ^f^^ 
Mjfiy  1^9.    A^ipft^  t|ip  aboyp  stands?  By  order  of  thp  Nol^^fi, 
]^d  i^ght  Honorable  Lord,  anil  PijCpctp^  General  apd ,  Coppf^l.  of, 
the  New-Netherland : 

Witno^^    C.  y  %vvw^  Secret^. 

The  order  of  the  3Pth  of  January  1659  referred  to  in  the  aps?»er, 
t^^the.li^t^isas^fpllpws:  <   <<- 

.     f  ^  ,.    >  M  .  »         Prodatnafumr 

All  persons  agre  hereby  notified  and  informed,  that  those,  v^ijo 
h^v^pbjtaippd  Ip^  0/  plap^tioni?^  ip,  ik%  p^ew^y.spttlp^  To^p  ol 


:H 


I 


11  I 


638 


PAPKM  BXLATINO  TO 


Utrecht,  are  hereby  directed  within  six  weeks  from  the  date  hereof, 
to  prepare  to  plant  and  fence  the  same,  also  to  seek  and  obtam 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Director  General  and  Council  proper 
Deeds,  on  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  the  lots,  which  will  be  given 
to  others  who  may  desire  them.    Of  this  all  are  hereby  warned. 

Done  by  order  of  the  Right  Honorable  Director  General  and 
Oouncil  of  New-Netherland,  at  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New-Nether^ 
land  this  30th  January  1669. 

Witness        C.  V  Rttyven,  Secretary. 

After  the  preceding  there  was  another  Proclamation  applying 
to  the  Town  of  Utrecht,  first  published  by  the  Director  General 
and  Council  on  the  9th  of  October  1655,  republished  and  renewed 
on  the  80th  December  1658  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  again  on  the 
7th  of  January  1659  proclaimed  from  the  Stadt-house  at  Fort 
Amsterdam  for  the  benefit  of  the  farmers. 

Proclamation. 

The  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland  daily 
hear  great  complaints  that  the  posts,  rails,  clapboards,  and  other 
fencing,  made  with  great  cost  and  trouble  of  the  inhabitants,  (for 
the  preservation  of  the  crops)  around  their  sowed  lands  and  gardens, 
are  stolen  during  both  night  and  day,  the  efiect  of  which  is  that 
the  cattle  come  in  and  destroy  the  crops,  which  discourages  future 
planting  and  sowing,  and  we  also  fear  that  it  will  happen  that 
in  consequence  of  all  the  lands  and  gardens  being  bare  of  fencing 
during  the  coming  winter,  the  sowed  grain  will  not  flourish,  and 
that  next  season  the  crops  will  not  be  worth  mowing :  Therefore 
the  Lord  Director  General  and  Council  notify  the  Burgomasters 
and  Schepens  of  their  Towns  not  to  allow  and  expressly  to  forMd 
injuries  of  this  kind,  and  they  also  hereby  notify  all  of  what  state 
or  condition  they  may  be,  that  they  are  hereby  warned  and 
expressly  forbid  from  this  time  forth,  not  to  make  bare  or  strip 
any  gardens,  sowed,  or  planted  places,  of  posts,  rails,  clapboards, 
or  other  fencing,  on  pain  when  found  doing  the  same  in  part  or 
in  whole,  for  the  first  offence  of  being  whipped  and  branded,  and 
for  the  second  offence  of  being  hung  with  a  cord  till  death  follows, 
without  favour  to  any  person :  and  whoever  after  the  date  hereof 
shall  give  information  of  any  person  guilty  of  robbing  the  land  of 


m<  I 


LOHOItLAMD.    ^ 


639 


date  bereofi 
:  and  obUdn 
mcil  proper 
(rill  be  given 
reby  warned. 
General  and 
New-Nether- 

,  Secretary, 
ition  applying 
rector  General 
1  and  renewed 
d  again  on  the 
house  at  Fort 


►therland  daily 
ards,  and  other 
nhabitants,  (for 
[ds  and  gardens, 
which  is  that 
icourages  future 
nil  happen  that 
ibare  of  fencing 
ot  flourish,  and 
jing:  Therefore 
Burgomasters 
>ressly  to  forbid 
[ll  of  what  state 
ty  warned  and 
■ebare  or  strip 
lils,  clapboards, 
ime  in  part  or 
id  branded,  and 
[1  death  follows, 

the  date  hereof 
(ingthelandof 


posts,  rails,  or  clapboards,  shall  be  rewarded  therefor  and  his 
name  concealed :  every  one  is  hereby  warned. 

All  done  in  the  Assembly  at  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Nether- 
lands on  the  9ti>  of  October  1655. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Town  being  diligent  in  the  obserrance 
of  the  foregoing  order  or  command,  the  Fiscal  thereupon  drew 
out  of  the  Company's  book  the  following  copy  concerning  the 
meadow  land,  not  knowing  in  whom  it  was  lodged : 

Petrus  Stutvesant  Representative  of  the  Noble  High  and 
liTighty  the  Lords  States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands, 
and  the  Lord  Administrator  of  the  Priviledged  West  India 
Company,  Director  General  of  New  Netherland,  Cura^oa, 
Bonayre,  Aruba,  and  the  appendages  thereunto  belonging,  hath 
with  the  consent  of  the  Council,  on  the  petition  and  supplication 
made  to  us  on  the  date  underneath  written,  showing  the  need  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  new  begun  Town  of  Utrecht  and  of  those  who 
might  hereaAer  dwell  there,  allowed  untc  them  as  to  others 
a  parcel  of  meadow  land  lying  on  Long  Island  by  the  easterly 
Hook  of  the  Bay  of  the  North  River,  over  against  Conyen  Island, 
including  the  kills,  creeks,  ponds,  reeds,  drowned  and  sand  lands 
within  its  bounds.  Containing  130  morgen  (260  acres)  Bounded 
on  the  westerly  side  by  land  of  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale,  north- 
easterly by  the  kill  on  which  Gravesend  mill  is  situated.  East 
south-easterly  by  the  same  kill,  and  south-westerly  by  the  Bay  of 
the  North  River.  Hereunto  witness  my  hand  and  seal  (in  red 
wax)  in  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherland  this  27  August  1667. 

Thereupon  having  assembled  together  in  the  Town  of  Utrecht 
in  May  A.  D.  1659,  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  for  the  meadows, 
it  being  understood  that  the  Director  General  and  Council  directed 
that  the  plantation  of  the  Lord  Werckhoven  should  draw  two  lots, 
and  also  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale  two,  and  having  divided  the 
same  into  24  lots,  they  were  drawn  as  follows  : 

1.  Jonker  Jacob  Curler,  13.  Nicasius  De  Sille,  Fiscal, 


2.  Albert  Albertse, 

3.  Jan  Zelen,  ' 

4.  Jacob  Backker,   '  ' 
6.  Willem  Willemse, 


14.  Pieter  Roeloffe, 

15.  Jaques  Cortilliau, 
16   Teunis  Joosten, 
17.  RuthJoosten< 


PAPHM  HM<AflN»  TO 


18.*  Pietor  Buya,  r 

19.  WercVhoven,, 

ao,  Rnt^i  JooBtevi) 

21;  WerckhaTCB, 

22»  Corn8}isiBeeiBkiOMi^,i 

QA   Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale. 


i    'f 


eio 

5;  H«ybert  Hiioki,  w;  irieior  jjuya,  r  ,<{ 

7.  Peter  Jansenj 

8.  Jacob  Pieterse, 

9.  Jacob  Swart) 
10»  Jan  Tomasse, 
U«  lUaca  Bla«8en, 
IS*  Jan  Jacobsie^ 

In  the  meantime  the  inbabitaateoftea  disagreeing  aiad,  disputvigr 
about  their  plantations)  houseii  and  abotut  the  wat«b,  theDitiSfStor 
Qenonil)  and  Council  ordained  as  follows : 

The  Director  General  and  Council  notifythc  inhabitants  of  tbi» 
Town  of  New  Utrecht  to  keep,  good  wa^tch,  aod  for  the  pur^ 
pose  of  keeping  better  order  they  have  appointed  andrsety  atiin 
other  cases,,  the  person  Jan  Tomassen  to  the  office,  ol.  Seijeani; 
theiy;  therefore  order  the  inhabitaatSt  off  the  Townr  tOk  obey  andi 
askuowledg^  as  Serjeant  tbc  aboine  named  Jan  TbrntasawK. 

Pone  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  the  2^  of;  October  AI>.  16g9» 

Kereupon  did  the  Fiscal  N.  DeSillesend  a  Halbeid. 

Shortly  thereailer  the  inhabitants  of,  the  Town  coinp]»iqed>,thf|l{ 
they-  were  badly  provided  with  powder  and  lead',:  an4  als<i>  thi^f 
some  of  them  had  no  guns,  they  demred  that  the  Fieical;  wonldi 
pnovide  them  at  their  own  cost  with  the  same,;  thwy  haYiftg.recotirsi». 
to  him  inasmuch  as  theyhad  heard  the  Director  Qeneml  and,  Cqiwi^ 
Qil  |iad  appointed  him  Scout  (Sheriff)  over  the; To,woi of  Utreeh^A 

The  Lord  General  on  the  6^i>  of  October  1659,  withmany  soldicgrsi 
who  were  volunteers,  a  company  of  Citizens,  -with  this  Qrp.i^g^ 
banner,,  and  a  company  of  English  wellwishers,;  went  to  £s(9pns 
to  fight  the  Indians.  Thereupon  having  charge  of  the  Townron; 
beiialf  of  the  company,  I  sent  out  of  my  own  armoury  ai4.  follows : 
^,^^^  10  light  muskets,  25  lb  balls,  ^,,__ 

'J'      25  lb  powdery  10 cartridge boa(f%     •r^hca, 

2  bunches  gun  matches. 

The  Town  therefore  is  charged  at  the  following;  rate  :t^1  lb 
powder,  one  gwlder  in  bevers,  or  30  stuy vers  in  wampumi)  or  25 
stuyvers  in  wheat;  1  lb  lead,  6  stuyvers;  1  musket  andv cartridge 
box,  8  guilders  in  wampum  and  a  match  in  proportion ;  also  with 
one  hour  glass  and  a  writing  book.  ^.j^aitW  ItW  ,e 


fiv 


m' 


UKaioua,. 


LOQ ;  Also  with 


Thereaftfr  it  happened  that »!,.  •  i.  v  *' 

Albert  Albert.^,  Ha™«.  C«„t^5  *|"»'^«»'*  «^-'"* 

He«el.e,  Mrf  Jacob  Van  Curiae,  "i^^  ?*'"<»«.  Kete, 
umW  in  a  p.,iUon  to  the  Kt^I  ^  *•,""  ^  O«ob.r  1669 
wWohthey  handed  to  «,eRC'°'»«"i "«!««»«« f«r relief, 
t.  «,d  it  in  cn.e,«enc  .f ^.^,^1^5  ^r?'  ""*  "^8  abl 

The  Fidtal  then  gave  ordertnT-v"^  *• '""^ 
which  .l,n.  had  a  «,e  Jo'X f.^"^, """»''  «»  ho.^. 

M  J  Van  C„,he,,  .g.^,  „n "t  26^^?"'  ^"'""  ^"'"'»" 
««  Fboal  oomplaini^fof  . J'^  wrdlTb'^'  "»*•  "■ 
con«q„enc.  rf  the  inefficiency  o^hp  f  "^  *'  ■"«»'  » 

l»d  a  mind  to  b,  nedectful  i??„.v  """^  "  "»«  «''«y  al«, 

^The  above  and  «Liri!,^:,t"f„rd''rt''' """  *«  -" 
Fiacal  much  mnning  ,bo„t  ™d  „?•  i  ''"*"''»''««'  «"«ed  the 
aot  know  what  i»nfediate,v  to  do  .t^"  ^T'  «'*•«'»  W 
.cc.pt  the  .flic,  of  Sheriff  of  th.'-?^"'"?!?  '^«"'  «'  »<«  to 
-"Oh  as  be  conld  do  to  Bake  l!°      l"*^""'  ■»    <1«  a. 

U«»  were  nn^be^ed  on  the  6..  Ketl^t.^:;!.,^:;^''-"'^ 

H«t(r«Joort«,,  i"*'^^„ 

Jacob  Swart,  ^q»«  Cortillian  «  b«» 

'  j.»b Pi.,.,.e,  '       :i/.,. 

Teuni,Yd.„e  Aelbert  jUlbert*. 

«.»■.«.  KlaesSmit, 

41        ■  -  ■■•"■ 


■  ft 


3 


643 


PAPERS  RELATIKG  TO 


•  t 


.,'      I  - 


plot  farm  and  meadows,  which  ia  as  follows :  A  lot  on  the  plain 
lying  South  East  of  the  shore  or  strand  way,  and  North-West  of 
the  land  of  Ruth  Joosten,  in  width  12  rods,  and  in  length  26 
rods:  tie  lantl  known  as  lot  No.  9  being  in  width  26  rods,  and 
lying  Northeast  against  the  land  of  Jacobus  Backer,  South-west 
by  the  \illage  of  NeW|-Utrecht,  stretching  Scuth-east  and  contain- 
i  ig  25  Mnrgens  (50  acres);  also  a  piece  in  the  meadows  numbered 
13,  containing  3  morgens. 

^'ow  I  shall  insert  in  full  the  Fiscal's  Patent,  so  that  all  persons 
mcy  understand  when  they  become  liable  to  pay  the  tenth  of  the 
produce  of  their  lands  to  the  governiuent,  to  which  provision  all 
are  liable  from  the  date  of  the  first  patent  whether  they  take  them 

up  or  not.  1^  .';; 

Pethus  Stuytesavt  on  the  behalf  of  the  Noble  High  and 
Mighty  Lords  the  States  General  of  the*^United  Netherlands, 
and  Noble  Lord  and  Director  of  the  Priviledged  West  India 
Company  of  the  Chamber  at  Amsterdam,  Director  General  of  New 
Netherland,  Cura^oa,  Bonayre,  Aruba,  with  their  appendages, 
with  the  consent  of  the  Noble  Lords  of  the  Council  witness  and 
declare",  that  We  on  the  date  hereunto  underwritten,  have  given 
&  granted  to  Nicasius  de  Sille,  a  parcel  of  land  lying  on  Long 
Island  in  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht,  known  as  number  nine, 
in  width  26  rods,  bounded  on  the  north-east  by  land  of  Jacob 
Backer,  on  the  South-west  by  the  village,  and  stretching  South- 
east to  the  woods,  containing  25  morgens  (50  acres);  also  a  piece 
of  meadow  land  known  as  number  13  containing  3  morgens ;  also 
a  building  plot  on  the  plain  South-east  of  the  shore  or  strand  way, 
lying  North-west  of  Ruth  Joosten,  in  breadth  12  rods,  and  in 
len^  25  rods ;  on  the  express  condition  and  terms  that  the  said 
Nicasius  de  Sille,  or  those  who  hereafter  may  obtain  the  same, 
acknowledge  for  his  Lord  and  Patron,  the  Noble  Lord  Director 
above  mentioned  under  the  Sovereignty  of  the  Noble,  High  and 
Mighty  Lords  of  the  States  General,  and  in  all  things  as  a  good 
inhabitant  obey  the  Director  General  and  Council,  subject  at  the 
expiration  of  ten  years  after  date,  when  required  by  the  Lord 
Patrons,  to  the  payment  of  the  tenth,  also  to  the  other  charges 


V     LOIIO  ttLAKD. 


648 


I  the  plain 
h-West  of 
length  26 
}  ro(l8,  and 
South-west 
tnd  contain- 
rs  numbered 

tt  all  persons 
tenth  of  the 
provision  all 
ley  take  them 


)\c  High  and 
Netherlands, 
,d  West  India 
ieneralofNew 
[r  appendages, 
-U  witness  and 
'n,  have  given 
lying  on  Long 
number  nine, 
land  of  Jacob 
retching  South- 
})j  also  a  piece 
morgens  j  also 
or  strand  way, 
[2  rods,  and  in 
iS  that  the  said 
[tain  the  same, 
Lord  Director 
,ble.  High  and 
ings  as  a  good 
subject  at  the 
.d  by  the  Lord 
other  charges 


•ad  flenricet  to  which  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  are  liable 
when  occasions  arise  to  require  the  same ;  constituting  over  the 
same  the  beforenamed  Nicasius  De  Sille  in  our  place  the  actual 
possessor  of  the  aforesaid  parcel  of  land,  giving  him  with  the  same, 
complete  right,  authority,  and  special  charge  of  the  afores^d  parcel 
of  land  for  cultivadon,  dwelling,  and  use,  the  same  as  he  might 
have  with  his  other  patrimonial  lands  and  effects  vrithout  our  having 
any  further  claim  thereon  :  But  in  behoof  aforesaid  desistmg  from 
all  such  from  henceforth  and  forever,  promising  to  keep  firm, 
valid,  and  inviolable  this  conveyance,  and  to  perform  all  its 
engagements  justly,  and  to  stand  to  the  same  without  craft  or 
subtlety,  is  this  by  Us  subscribed,  sealed  in  red  wax,  and  confirmed; 
At  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherland  this  22'  day  of  January  1660. 

Signed  PBiaus  Stuyvebant. 

,    (Here  follows  another  Patent  to  De  Sille  for  No.  8.) 

On  the  16ti>  of  February  1660,  Jacob  Van  Curler,  and  Jan 
Tomassen  who  had  the  overught  and  charge  of  the  Town,  sent  to 
the  Fiscal  N.  de  Sille  a  letter  of  complaint  and  also  one  of  enquiry, 
in  the  first  of  which  they  complained  about  the  bad  management 
in  the  Town  of  Utrecht  to  the  injury  of  the  well  meaning ;  they 
also  complained  of  certain  ring  leaders  who  they  would  not  name, 
hoping  they  would  repent  and  do  better  in  future  ;  they  looked 
for  and  expected  to  have  sent  to  them  the  p^tiv^^d  Negroes  of 
the  Company  to  set  palisades  around  the  village  as  thought  and 
spoken  of  by  the  Director  Oeneral  and  Council :  if  they  are  not 
^nt  they  derired  to  resign  their  situations  and  to  have  others 
appointed  in  their  places. 

Herewith  they  send  to  the  Fiscal,  draughts  of  rules  which 
they  desire  to  have  put  in  operation  in  the  Town  and  which  in 
short  wre  as  follows : 

1.  An  order  relating  to  cattle  and  hogs  jumping  over  and  breaking 
the  fences. 

2.  An  order  relating  to  the  saving  of  powder  and  lead. 

3.  An  order  relating  to  the  building  plots  of  the  inhabitants. 

4.  An  order  relating  to  those  who  own  lands  but  neglect  to  culti- 
vate and  build  on  the  same,  and  who  remain  outside  the  place. 
When  the  Fiscal  had  read  the  above  he  drew  the  following 


6A4 


PAVIU  ULATUIO  TO 


Pttition  and  joined  to  the  aame  an  Ordinance  according  to  kis- 
Qwn  judgioent)  and  on  ikt  23  day  of  February  1660  delivered 
tlie  aame. 

T»  the  NoUe  and  Right  honorable  Lord  and  Dueetor  QeyMral 
and  Council  of  New  Nethcrland. 

It  is  repreaented  to  your  Honor  by  the  orderly  iBhabitantn  of 
the  Town  of  New  Utred^i  that  they  have  among  them  some 
abacnteea  and  evil  doera,  who  refuse  to  listen  to  reason  and  aet 
in  an  orderly  ^tanner,  but  always  are  contrary  ami  troublesome, 
yea,  will  not  obey  the  Serjeant  Jan  Tomas^e,  of  which  some 
tiiBO  ago  notice  was  given  to  you  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable 
Lord ;  several  times  the  Fiscal  haa  been  written  to  in  relation 
to  the  great  trouble  and  injury  caused  by  horses,  cattle  and  hogs 
and  consequent  damages,  also  that  they  refuse  to  listen  to  and 
obey  the  orders  of  Jacob  Curlear  and  Jan  Tomasse  in  relatiOB  to 
cutting  palisades ;  we  therefore  humbly  seek  in  the  first  place 
that  you  Noble  and  lUght  Honorable  Lord,  will  be  pleased  to 
send  the  promised  Negroes  for  8  days,  and  also  to  approve  of  the 
aoeompwying  ordinances  dr^iwn  for  the  Town,  and  to  favour  ua 
with  such  others  as  you  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord,  may 
ttiiRk  necessary: 

This  do,  kc.  Was  subscribed, 

i)  To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  in  the  name  of  the 
orderly  Uihabitanta  of  New  Utrecht  by  your  humble  servant 

»'  "'  NlCASIUB  D£  StLLM,  ' 

Amsterdam  in  N.  Netherland  this  23d  Feb.  1060. 

On  the  above  written  date  the  Fiscal  personally  delivered  the 
fbllowing  to  the  Council  which  was  ordered  to  be  enforced. 

1.  Those  who  have  obtained  lots  and  plantations  in  the  Town  of 
*  New  Utrecht  are  notified  properly  to  fence  the  same. 

2.  They  shall  acknowledge  and  obey  as  Serjeant  the  person  Jan 
Tomasse. 

3.  Also  to  acknowledge  the  same  Jan  Tcnnasse  and  Jacob  Van 
Curlear  as  overseers  over  all,  and  to  obey  the  orders  they  receive 
of  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  IXrector  General  and 

^  Council,  and  to  proceed  in  the  first  place  with  all  hands 


txumuLAxn. 


iig  to  ki» 
delivered 


or  Qe)M»^ 

abiiantn  of 
them  89ine 
ion  Md  aet 
Liottblitome, 
whioh  tome 
Hi  HoBowWe 
,o  iu  relfation 
Ule  and  bogs 
Vieten  t*  and 
5  in  »eVat*ott  to 

1  be  pleased  to 
approve  of  the 
a  to  favour  ua 
b)e  liiwdj  may 

«bacnbad> 
he  name  of  the 
le  servant 

ly  deBvered  the 

k  enforced  ► 
i»  the  Town  of 

[same, 
the  person  Jan 

land  Jacob  Van 
Iderstbey  receive 

Ijtor  General  and 
1  vitb  all  hands 


^th  posts  and  rails  properly  to  fence  in  the  village,  alto  the 
plantations. 

4.  Also  that  Village  or  Building  lots  be  properly  fenced,  to  pM- 
vent  one  and  another  receiving  damage  from  horses,  cattle  or 
hogs. 

<5.  So  therefore  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  Town  and  for 
the  benefit  of  the  in-dwellers  and  of  those  who  may  hereafter 
come,  the  Director  General  and  Council  directs,  that  they  from 
now  henceforth  obey  the  person  Nicanus  de  Sille  asthmr  oiRcer 
and  Jacob  Corker  and  Jan  Tomassf  as  his  assistants  for  the 
purpose  of  allaying  all  differences  that  may  happen. 

6.  Another,  that  all  the  inhabitants  assist  in  inclosing  the  village 
(with  palisades,)  and  that  the  work  be  divided  among  them,  so 
that  everj  one  may  know  the  portion  he  is  to  keep  in  order. 

7.  And,  that  every  person  who  neglects  to  keep  his  part  in  order 
or  tight,  80  that  others  in  consequence  receive  damage,  shall  be 
liable  not  only  to  make  good  the  damage,  but  also  be  fintd  It 
.guilders  for  the  first  neglect  and  double  that  amount  for  the 
second. 

B.  Also,  every  person  shall  properly  iuclose  his  village  plot,  to 
prevent  the  neighbours  receiving  damage  from  cows,  horses  or 
hogs,  on  pain  of  the  above  mentioned  penalty,  but  if  the  cattle, 
break  through,  one  or  two  of  them  may  be  caught  and  shut  up 
in  the  public  pound  until  the  damage  is  made  good  and  the 
penalty  paid. 

9.  Also,  the  inhabitants  shall  build  in  the  middle  of  the  Village 
a  good  Blockhouse,  in  which  they  shall  make  provision  for  a 
grain  mill  for  the  convenience  of  the  people,  on  the  penalty  of 
12  guilders  for  every  one  that  neglects  to  assist. 

10.  In  like  manner  they  shall  build  a  public  pound  for  the  cattle 
which  commit  damage,  on  the  penalty  of  2  guilders  for  each 
person  who  refuses. 

11.  Also,  they  shall  cut  down  all  the  trees  standing  within  gnn 
shot  of  the  village,  so  that  they  may  see  afar  off,  on  penalty 
of  6  guilders  a-day. 

12.  Also  those  to  whom  powder  and  lead  are  given  for  the  ptiblio 
are  forbid  to  use  it  for  shooting  venison  or  game,  nor  tAiall 


• .  A 


646 


PAPCml  AlLATlltO  TO 


9    they  laTishly  squander  it,  on  penalty  of  restoring  four  timet  as 
much  as  given  to  them  by  the  officer  or  his  assistants. 

13.  And)  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  and  obtaining  good 
ammunitioni  the  Director  General  and  Council  order  for  the 
Town  of  New-Utrecht,  that  they  who  slaughter  oxen,  "'    ". 

)  calves,  hogs,  or  goats,  for  consumption  in  the  town,  shall  be 
1  taxed  for  each  guilder  (40  cents)  of  their  value,  one  stnyver 
,  (2  cents);  and  those  who  do  not  produce  their  animals  for 
•  valuation  previous  to  slaughtering  shall  forfeit  the  same  for  the 
f   benefit  of  the  officer,  tl\e  Town,  and  the  informer. 

14.  And,  those  who  absent  themselves  are  notified  to  perform  the 
'  part  of  the  work  which  is  allotted  to  them,  for  neglect  of  which 
c  their  lots  will  be  taken  from  them,  and  furthermore  those  who 
'  neglect  to  build  around  their  village  plots,  will  have  the  same 
'  *:   given  or  allowed  for  building  purposes  to  those  who  live  outside 

'    the  village. 

15.  And,  that  no  man  may  pretend  ignorance  hereof,  we  direct 
'   that  these  our  ordinances  be  immediately  made  public  and  that 

the  Scout  Fiscal  and  Assistants  be  notified  to  proceed  to  execute 
the  same.    And  that  without  conniving,  they  proceed  against 

'   those  who  transgress  said  ordinances,  they  being  promulgated 

'    for  the  benefit  of  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht. 

q    :  Thus  done  &c.  23d  Feb.  1660. 

'  On  the  25*1>  of  February  accompanied  by  my  deputy  Resolveertt 
Waldron,  I  came  to  the  village  of  New-Utrecht  with  the  above 
ordinances,  and  made  the  same  public,  and  also  posted  a  copy  of 
the  same,  signed  with  my  hand  and  dated  as  above,  on  my  house. 

NicAsius  DB  Sills. 

The  original  of  the  preceding  is  in  the  hand  writing  of  the 
Secretary  Jacob  Curlaer  and  dated  as  above  written. 

N.B.ThUwM forgotten)     The  Director  General  and  Council  of  New 

to  bo  ontdf  od  lu  lit  nropof  \ 

p>Mc.  )  Netherland,  hereby  authorize  and  qualify  the 

Noble  Lord  Nicasius  de  Sille,  member  of  the  Council  and  Fiscal 
to  appoint  a  substitute  to  perform  his  duties  as  Scout  (sheriff)  in 
the  Town  of  New  Utrecht,  until  the  Director  General  and  Goun 
dl  see  fit  to  commit  the  same  to  some  other  suitable  person. 


"•OWO  WLAJIB, 

The  Lord  General  P  <s»  Pbtrus  SrvYrMaAXT  A^ 

g«ye  good  direction,  .„d  Lvce  hi  ?'"•?,""''  ""^  """I  »f  moutk 
•«- -|n,o„i,hed  ever,  Jn  Tn'  L~T  f '^''«''''''»8''^«' 
«»ke  In,  own  d,,,,;  ,„,  to  keep  7'  '  '"  ""'»"  --1 
""7  "■»•  i  »'»o  to  enclose  the  vill.l  T  "  """■■' «'"«  «• 
"dM,  for  which  latter  purpo«  rtln^        ''  "  «'""^  """^  P-U- 

-p™»i«d_,K^rrSeotrrr^^^^^ 

■  <«f«rled  to  the  breeze.  MoCv  "h IT"  "'  «"  "'V  .ad 
orpuWie  entertainment  in  a  g^Ta^^  °T';"^''^'*»^ 
">  which  he  was  assisted  bv  the  ill'  .  ""IP'"*  <»uld  afford, 
'"I  and  hi. attendants  regained  b„fasr.  .^'  ^''«"" Oe.- 

began  with  much  strength  to  c  t  S,.*''"  "I  "«  26"  inst! 
forP.l«ades.  There  came  howerr.  "m''1"""' »P«' 'l-'m 
wo  consequently  couldnotrem!  „;:'•■'" '»  ''"="  «■«  *-«caI, 
with  the  Bui^omaster,  Paul„s  r     '7^    „  "' "«  ^mmissioned 

Backer  Schepen,  to  ^o.:^  n  Z 'r;!!"  «  ''"''  ""'  *«»^ 
W  (Delaware).  When  he  reto™t  !  ,*'"•"'  ""«  South 
..dosed  with  pa,«adea  to  his  l;^!^^  found  the  Vil^ 

At  this  time  Jacob  Backer  m,j    i 
•ccept  of  his  improved  lot  I     ,    .      """  '^'  •«  "o-W  "ot  • 
Scout  and  officer  ^Nical  t  Sn't:;  ""  f  °™««-i  "^ 
of  the  consequences,  on  „h,ch  he  ai       !  T""""^  ™'™«'  Wm 
.othing  to  do  with  tie  Cd    muZlT    •"''  "'  *"'"<'  bav. 
"".  Lord  General  gave  it  toWl        X '?"•   ''»  «"" 

uuicer  de  tulle  and  on  the  27tii 


#1. 


I 


M8 


PAPEES  RSLATIN6  TO 


]'"  -m 


;l* 


of  May  issued  an  order  to  the  surveyor,  to  survey  the  same  as 
follows :  One  lot  known  as  No  8,  in  width  26  rods,  lying  oh 
the  Southwest  side  of  the  land  of  the  said  Fiscal  and  on  the 
Kortheast  side  of  the  land  of  Arien  Willemse,  stretching  South 
East  towards  the  woods  containing  26  morgens  (50  acres);  and 
also  a  lot  in  the  meadows  known  as  No  4,  containing  3  morgens. 
Besides  the  above,  the  Village  plot  attached  to  the  aforesaid  lands 
is  also  to  be  includdd  in  the  patent. 

At  this  time  we  discovered  that  we  had  an  insufficient  quantity 
of  meadow  to  supply  the  wants  of  our  increased  quantity  of 
cattle.  We  were  advised  to  apply  to  the  Lord  General  and 
Council  for  another  piece  of  meadow  for  the  use  of  the  Town 
situated  in  the  Canarse  meadows.  We  therefore  several  times 
spoke  to  the  Lord  General  in  relation  to  said  meadows. 

On  the  12th  of  June  1660,  the  General  with  the  Fiscal  and 
Van  Ruy  ven  came  over  and  taking  Curlaer  and  Jan  Tomasse,  went 
to  the  Canarse,  where  the  meadows  were  shown  to  the  Lords. 
Upon  this  the  Lord  General  and  Council  made  provision  for  the 
Town,  and  gave  them  a  piece  of  meadow  extending  from  Varcketis 
(Hogs)  hook  to  the  Vischers  (fisher's)  hook,  where  the  fisherman 
Hoom  had  placed  his  house.  The  Secretary  Cornells  Van  Ruy  ven 
was  notified  of  this  and  directed  to  deliver  to  the  Town  a  writing 
securing  to  them  the  aforesaid  meadows.  '  ; 

In  February  1660,  as  well  as  previously,  several  proclamations 
and  ordinances  had  been  published,  in  which  those  who  lived 
separately  and  outside  the  villages,  were  charged  in  the  name  of 
the  Director  General  and  Council  of  the  New-Nethevland,  to 
abandon  their  separate  dwellings  and  destroy  them,  or  at  least  to 
unroof  them,  and  to  transport  themselves  and  their  gOods  into 
the  adjoining  villages,  on  the  penalty,  in  the  first  place  of  the 
confiscation  of  all  their  goods  upon  all  who  from  the  aforesaid 
time  are  found  residing  in  separate  dwellings  or  farm  houses. 
Those  who  do  not  remove  by  the  18  of  May  will  also  be  liable 
to  a  penalty  of  50  guilders,  to  be  paid  immediately  and  also  to 
have  their  houses  unroofed  at  their  expense. 

After  this  it  happened  that  several  persons  who  resided  outside 
the  village  paid  no  attention  to  the  above  order,  among  whom  was 


sk 


LdKG  iixuitd. 


m 


B  same  as 
,  lying  on 
ind  on  the 
aing  Scfuth 
aicres);  an^ 
3  inoTgexis. 
resaid  lands 

lent  quantity 
quantity  of 
General  and 
of  tbe  Town 
several  times 

iWS. 

he  Fiscal  and 
Toma88e,went 

to  tbe  Lord*, 
ovision  for  the 

fTomVarclcens 

B  the  fisherman 
V,sVanRnyv8«» 
Town  a  writing 

il  proclamations 
hose  who  live^ 
1  in  the  name  of 
j-Nethevland,  to 
[m,  or  at  least  to 
[their  gdodsinto 
iirst  place  of  the 
am  the  aforesaid 
[or  farm  houses. 
Ill  also  be  liable 
[ately  and  also  to 

io  resided  outside 
imong'w^o*"'^* 


a  Mr.  Stilwel,  who  hid  purchased  the  hnd  of  Antony  Jwisfen  Van 
Sake,  Turck,  but  he  made  satisftition  to  the  Dir6ctorGenettil  4ttd 
Council  for  the  same.  Also  another  was  Albert  Albertse  whb 
hired  a  part  of  the  plantation  of  C.  Van  WerckhoTeA  on  the 
Najack  j  he  excused  himself  on  the  ground  of  being  on  hii'fed 
land,  and  regarded  not  the  Lords  order,  in  consequence  of  which 
the  Fiscal  ex  officio  brought  him  on  the  19th  of  August  1660, 
before  the  high  Council  in  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  complained  of 
his  refusal  to  obey  the  ordinance.  He  was  condemned  and 
sentenced  as  follows,  afler  which  he  came  and  resided  in  the  vil* 
lage  of  Utrecht  which  lay  near  his  lands  : 

By  the  Director  General  and  Council  of  Ihe  New  Nttherlaftd 
on  a  hearing  of  the  parties ;  We  condemn  Albert  Alberts^  n\h)i 
Lintweyer,to  amends  by  paying  the  penalty  of  60  guilders  ad  ^^ir 
proclamation,  and  to  stand  imprisoned  until  the  fine  be  paid. 

On  this  sentence,  after  being  imprisoned,  he  paid  the  fin^  aAd 
then  removed  within  the  village  of  New  Utrecht.  , 

In  this  year  it  happened  that  one  Picter  Roeloffe  sold  his  htivlik 
and  building  plot  in  the  villdge  of  Utrecht  to  oiiie  Jan  Zeeldr, 
and  was  about  selling  his  farm  and  meadows,  on  which  he  UkA 
performed  very  little  labour,  to  another  man ;  on  this  Jan  Zeelen 
applied  to  the  Director  General  and  Council  to  have  the  said  lands 
given  to  him,  knowing  that  under  the  circunistances  such  lands 
fell  to  the  Director  General  and  Council.  They  granted  his 
request  and  allowed  and  permitted  to  the  said  Jan  Zeelen  the  lot 
in  question  known  as  No.  18,  no  man  being  allowed  to  sell  lands 
for  which  he  had  no  patent,  without  liberty  first  obtained  from  the 
public  authorities,  neither  was  it  lawful  to  alienate  the  same. 
This  took  place  on  the  16th  of  Jan.  1660. 

In  the  month  of  October  of  this  year  it  came  to  the  eaf^  6f 
the  Fiscal,  that  an  individual  had  done  amiss  in  the  village,  frotn 
which  evil  consequences  were  likely  to  flow.  To  punish  etil 
doers,  frighten  the  vicious,  and  produce  tranquillity  for  the  go6d, 
the  Fiscal  sent  to  the  Village  half  a  dozen  shackels  with  an  iroh 
rod  and  a  good  lock. 

Oderunt  peccare  Mali  formidine  poense. 
Oderunt  peccare  Boni  Virtutis  amore. 


'A. 


(^  PAPERS  RELATIMG  TO 

In  this  year,  1660,  the  Fiscal,  Jan  Van  Cleef  and  his  friend, 
bought  of  Jacob  Wolfertse  Van  Couwenhoven,  for  the  use  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Utrecht,  a  Horse  Mill  with  the  appur- 
tenances which  had  been  used  for  grinding  in  Amsterdam  on 
the  Manhattans.  The  mill  stones  and  the  mill  work  were 
brought  and  set  up  in  the  Village  of  Utrecht.  The  friend 
of  Jan  Van  Cleef,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Fiscal,  sold 
out  his  third  part  to  said  Jan  Van  Cleef,  the  Fiscal  being 
security  for  both  of  them,  and  having  paid  out  already  more  than 
400  guilders  (|160)  on  account  of  the  mill.  The  Fiscal  seeing 
that  Jan  Van  Cleef  did  not  prosper,  and  that  the  last  day  of  pay- 
ment was  near  at  hand,  threatened  to  prosecute  and  compel  him 
to  act  justly.  On  this  Jan  Van  Cleef  sought  a  buyer  to  sell  the 
mill  to,  at  the  same  time  the  people  desired  the  Fiscal  to  buy  the 
mill,  but  he  reAised,  neither  would  he  sell  his  third  part,  having 
in  view  the  benefit  of  the  Town  and  the  eonvenience  of  the 
,  inhabitants.  In  consequence  of  this  Jan  Van  Cleef  was  under  the 
necessity  of  selling  his  two  thirds  to  Albert  Albertse,  and  the 
mill  remained  in  the  town  of  Utrecht,  the  Fiscal  remaining 
unwilling  to  sell  his  third  part.  .  >  u 

■'^'•^^^  Proclamation  on  Slaughtering. 

The  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland  : 
To  all  who  see  this  Edict  or  hear  the  same  read  Health.  Be  it  known 
that  daily  complaints  are  made  to  us  confirmed  by  proofs,  of  the 
taking  from  the  plains,  cows,  hogs,  and  other  cattle,  belonging  to  the 
various  nations  of  Indians,  and  slaughtering  and  selling  of  the 
same  by  Christians,  or  by  men  who  go  by  the  name  of  Christians; 
to  prevent  such  acts  this  Edict  is  promulgated.  The  Director 
General  and  Council,  to  prevent  the  above  mentioned  evil  prac- 
tices, from  this  time  forth  hereby  expressly  interdict  and  forbid 
the  slaughtering  any  cattle,  calves,  hogs,  sheep,  or  goats,  by  any 
person  or  by  the  owners  of  the  same,  in  the  Towns,  plains,  villa- 
ges, and  Hamlets  of  this  Province,  unless  the  owner  of  such 
animals  on  the  same  day  on  which  he  intends  to  slaughter  them 
informs  either  the  magistrate  of  the  town  under  whose  jurisdiction 
he  readesi  or  such  person  as  may  be  authorized  by  the  magistrate 


LONG  ISLAND. 


kn 


6&1 


A  friend, 
tse  of  the 
le  appuT- 
erdam  on 
ork  vrere 
he  friend 
i8cal,  sold 
}cal  being 

more  than 
seal  seeing 
day  of  pay- 
compel  him 

to  sell  the 
il  to  buy  the 
part,  having 
lence  of  the 
yas  under  the 
rtse,  and  the 
lal  remaining 


to  act  in  his  place,  of  his  intention  and  obtains  a  permit  for 
slaughtering  said  animal,  on  the  penalty  of  the  confiscation  of  the 
slaughtered  animal,  and  also  of  paying  double  its  value.  For 
every  permit  the  owner  shall  pay  to  the  magistrate  or  to  the 
receiver  appointed  for  that  purpose  for  the  benefit  of  the  commu- 
nity, one  stuyver  (2  cts.)  on  every  guilder  the  slaughtered  animal 
is  justly  valued  at.  In  all  places  the  money  obtained  for  such 
permits  shall  be  reserved  for  times  of  need  or  diflBculty,  and  then 
be  used  to  pay  those  who  may  be  employed  by  the  villages,  to 
levy  soldiers,  and  to  purchase  such  ammunition  as  the  occasion 
may  require.  The  penalty  for  killing  animals  without  a  permit 
shall  be  divided  as  follows :  one  third  to  the  informer,  one  third 
to  the  officer,  and  one  third  to  the  Town. 

Done  in  Fort  Amsterdam  in  Ne\'  Netherlands,  this  IS'h  January 
1660. 

The  above  is  the  ordinance  of  the  Noble  Lord  IMrector  General 
of  New  Netherland. 

Witness        Cornelius  Van  RuTviaf,  Secretary. 

On  the  e^h  of  Dec.  1660,  I  sent  a  petition  to  the  Director 
General  and  Council,  in  which  in  consequence  of  my  being  con- 
fined to  my  house  with  a  sore  leg,  I  requested  them  to  commit  the 
supervision  of  the  town  of  New  Utrecht  to  the  Heer  Tonneman, 
Scout  of  New  Amsterdam,  and  to  authorize  him,  in  my  stead,  to 
settle  all  controversies,  misdeeds,  and  difficulties,  also  to  stimulate 
the  people  to  build  dwelling  houses,  a  block  house  and  public 
pound,  and  to  dig  wells  for  the  benefit  of  the  community.  My 
petition  was  sent  to  the  General  by  my  son  Laurens  de  Sille,  on 
which  he  sent  me  word  that  in  4  or  5  days  he  would  personally 
go  to  New  Utrecht  for  the  purpose  in  the  fiist  place  of  putting 
every  thing  in  good  order.  The  Lord  General  in  the  mean  time 
became  sick  and  matters  remained  as  they  had  been  :  I  waited  for 
his  recovery  and  intend  to  wait  and  see  what  will  follow. 

I  now  close  this  Introduction  or  Commencement  of  the  Records 
the  Town,  all  the  preceding  having  been  written  by  myself  and 
my  son  Laurens  as  gathered  from  various  sources  and  memory. 
I  now  deliver  this  book  over  to  Jacob  Van  Curlaer,  Secretary  of 
the  town  of  Utrecht,  and  to  his  assistant  Jan  Tomasse,  who  I 


if 


«59 


tAWBM  ll£LATINO  tO 


dfeure  for  our  benefit  and  that  of  our  successors  to  continue  the 
•ame  in  the  manner  in  which  it  is  begun. 
Cloaed  this  I5th  Deer  A.  D.  1660  in  Amsterdam  by  me 

NiGASIUS  DE  SiLLK. 

(In  the  back  part  of  the  book  from  which  the  above  was  trans^ 
lated  is  the  following :) 

Short  abstracts  of  proclamations  or  edicts  relating  to  misde- 
toetmonk 

Sahhath  ^iays  not  to  be  broken. 

lit.  All  persons  are  forbid  selling  Beer^  Winci  or  strong  drink 
during  divine  service  on  the  Sabbath,  neither  riiall  they  allow 
it  to  be  drank  in  their  houses,  as  per  edict  of  the  last  of  May, 
1647,  the  26ti>  Sept.  1656,  and  12t)'  July  1657. 

ServatUs  nfttr  9  o'clock.  ■  ■-  ' 

£'.  AH  persona  are  (Ot\M  rfellmg  it  to  servmts  after  9  o'ddck. 
Ultimo  May  1647. 

To  the  Indians.  ^-^^ 

3'.  All  persons  are  forbid  selling  strong  drink  to  the  Indians, 
according  to  the  edict  of  the  26ti>  Sept.  1656,  and  W^  July 
1666. 

'^'  Fences  not  to  be  i^jured. 

4*^.  All  persons  are  forbid  entering  into  the  gardens,  farms,  or 
orchards  of  others ;  they  are  forbid  injuring  the  fruits  growing 
in  the  same,  also  to  break  off  the  clapboards  or  other  fencing 
with  which  the  premises  are  enclosed.  They  are  all  directed 
to  keep  their  fences  in  good  order  so  that  others  receive  no 
injury  in  consequence  of  their  neglect,  according  to  the  edict  of 
July  1"',  1647.  ...iy..,  .,h'i-)ii-- 

Fighting  and  itriking. 

5*11.  All  fighting  is  forbid,  drawing  of  knives,  striking  with  the 
fist  and  wounding.  Offenders  to  be  punished  as  ordained  in  the 
edict  of  16th  DeCi  '->  '       '  '  '^ 

Itinkeep&s.    '  -:  <-;xS^na>l  ^u-  :-' : 

All  tavern  keepers  to  be  held  liable  for  willingly  permitting 
fighting  or  wounding  in  their  houses,  and  when  such  breaches  of 


iONG  IBLAKD. 


653 


atinae  tike 

me 

j-wagtrans^ 
g  to  misdc- 


strong  drink 
il  they  ailow 
last  of  May, 


the  tniiahs, 
and  12*^  J^i^y 


,0 


■   "ill  hu «■'*'• 

lens,  farmsj  or 

fruits  growing 

r  other  fencing 

U  all  directed 

^crs  receive  no 

to  the  edict  of 


Hiring  ^A  the 
Is  ordained  in  the 


..  •  ■  'V  ,  -f  .■  ■'■' 


fingly  permitting 
suchhreachesof 


the  peace  take  place,  they  shall  inform  the  officer  of  the  same,  on 

penalty  of  having  their  trade  stopped,  and  making  the  amends 

customary  in  Amsterdam,  according  to  the  edict  of  the  15^^  Dec'. 

1657. 

g  Barheri. 

The  same  law  to  operate  in  case  fighting  &c.  should  happen  is 
the  houses  of  Barhers  according  to  the  order  of  Amsterdam. 

Servants. 

Item.  No  person  to  criate  difficulties  between  Master  and 
Servants,  nor  induce  Servants  to  come  and  live  with  him, 
neither  shall  he  take  in  his  service  or  harbour  them  in  his  house 
more  than  24  hours  without  acquainting  the  Officer  or  Fiscal  of 
the  same,  for  servants  shall  be  obliged  to  fulfil  their  contracts  and 
to  follow  the  order  of  the  6^>>  of  Qct.  1648,  and  the  custom  of 
Holland. 

Highways. 

Item.  No  person  may  encumber  or  obstruct  the  highways  by 
falling  trees  in  them,  or  stones,  but  they  shall  be  kept  passable 
according  to  the  etUct  of  the  23<>  May  1660. 

'^  ■'  Waggon  racing. 

No  person  shall  race  with  carts  and  wagons,  in  the  streets  within 
the  villages,  but  the  driver  while  passing  through  villages  must 
walk  by  the  side  of  his  horses  or  vehicle,  according  to  the  ^4i<4 
of  the  12t'>  of  July  1667.  v 

.  :^  _  ■  J , ..  -  :>  ,  J)tad  animals.  '^ 

Item.  No  person  shall  have  his  dead  beast  on  the  highways  or 
streets  but  must  bury  the  same,  on  the  penalty  of  3  guilders  for 
the  first  offence,  6  guilders  for  the  second,  and  imprisonment  for 
the  3^  offence  if  he  remain  obstinate. 

'  '  Privies. 

No  person  shall  place  privies  on  the  highways  or  streets  so  as 
to  allow  the  hogs  to  root  up  the  filth  in  the  same,  on  the  penalty 
of  6  guilders  for  the  first  offence,  6  guilders  for  the  second,  and 
imprisonment  for  the  third  offence. 


■f»l  - 


% 


654 


PAFSSS  BELATIN6  TO 


i'«i:.    }■ 


H 

1 

i  'ti 

1 

s  ■*»' 

^ 

^^i^*€K^ 

'■*      1 

1 

^t     ' 

|_ 

ii 

t  ■ 

» 


Weights  and  Measures. 
^  Yard  stick,  measures  and  weights  must  be  sealed  and  made 
alike,  according  to  the  custom  of  Amsterdam  in  Holland,  on  the 
penalty  of  10  guilders  for  the  first  offence,  20  guilders  for  the 
second,  and  40  guilders  for  the  third  offence,  and  also  in  addition 
to  have  their  trade  stopped.  ,  fT 

Wages  or  hire  of  Indians,  « 

Those  who  hire  Indians  for  money,  must  pay  them  promptly 
and  fulfil  the  engagement ;  for  failure  they  shall  be  condemned  to 
pay  the  hire  and  be  punished  according  to  the  edict  of  the  28th  of 
September  1648. 

Concubinage.  • 

All  persons  to  be  kept  to  the  thiee  publications  of  the  bans 
before  marriage  and  to  wait  one  month  thereafter  so  as  to  give 
opportunity  for  the  making  of  legal  objections  if  any  exist ;  if 
after  the  expiration  of  that  time  either  party  refuse  to  marry 
without  giving  lawful  reasons,  they  shall  be  liable  to  a  penalty  of 
10  guilders  for  the  first  week  and  20  guilders  for  every  succeeding 
week  until  lawful  reasons  for  refusal  are  given. 

Further  no  man  or  woman  may  live  together  as  husband  and 
wife  without  being  married,  on  the  penalty  of  100  guilders,  or 
of  as  much  more  or  less  as  the  quality  or  ability  of  the  offenders 
will  warrant ;  if  continuing  to  offend  to  be  liable  every  month  to 
pay  the  same  penalty  to  the  officer,  according  to  the  edict  of  the 
16th  of  Jany  1658. 

Cmvmticles.  ^'«'^  la -^  ^r  yifcr  u 

No  person  may  surreptitiously  hold  a  meeting  for  public  wor- 
ship, or  sing,  read,  or  preach  in  the  same,  on  the  penalty  of  100 
pounds  Flemish ;  and  the  hearers  to  be  each  liable  to  a  penalty  of 
25  pounds  Flemish,  without  regard  to  the  religion  or  sect  they 
may  be  of,  as  per  the  edict  of  the  Ist  of  Feby.  1657.  iid  »t,  y;i; 
Brewers  not  to  he  retailers  of  liquors. 

These  two  occupations  may  not  be  followed  by  the  same  in- 
dividual, neither  shall  they  sell  by  the  can,  on  the  penalty  of  all 
the  beer  which  may  be  found  in  their  houses,  and  in  addition  of 
having  their  trade  stopped  for  6  months,  according  to  the  edict  of 
the  12th  of  Jany  1648. 


LOnO  ISLAND.  ^'^ 


666 


I  and  made 
land,  on  the 
Iders  for  the 
0  in  addition 


em  promptly 
condemned  to 
of  the  28th  of 

18  of  the  bans 
,r  80  as  to  give 
f  any  exist ;  if 
refuse  to  marry 
to  a  penalty  of 
very  succeeding 

as  husband  and 
.00  guilders,  or 
of  the  offenders 
every  month  to 
the  edict  of  the 


for  public  wor- 
>  penalty  of  100 
e  to  a  penalty  of 
;ion  or  sect  they 
1667. 


Di; 


)fS 


by  the  same  in- 
the  penalty  of  all 
[nd  in  addition  of 
Ing  to  the  edict  of 


Ooatt. 

The  Goats  which  run  at  large  without  keepers,  in  consequence 
of  their  injuring  fruit  and  other  trees,  may  be  seised  by  the  officer 
and  taken  possession  of  according  to  the  edict  of  the  16th  of 
March,  1648. 
**^  Public  instruments  or  papers. 

No  man  may  draft  public  documents  or  papers,  unless  au- 
thorized by  the  Director  General  and  Council ;  offenders  shall  be 
brought  to  trial  before  the  high  court  of  judicature  according  to 
the  edict  of  May  1649. 

Receiving  articles  in  pawn  for  liquor  forbidden. 
No  man  may  take  anything  in  pawn  for  liquors,  op  penalty  of 
restoring  the  goods,  and  paying  in  addition  26  guilders  for  the 
first  offence,  60  guilders  for  the  second  and  double  (100  guilders) 
for  the  third  offence,  and  also  to  have  his  license  taken  away  and 
trade  stopped,  according  to  the  edict  of  the  3rd  of  Dec.  1667. ' 


:('■'■ 


^  GOV.  COLVES  CHARTER  TO  THE  SEVERAL  TOWNS  ON 
^-  LONG  ISLAND.    ANNO.  1673 

PBOYISIONAL  INSTRUCTION  FOR  THE  SHERIFF  AND  MAGISTRATES  OF 
THE  VILLAGES  OF  MIDWOUT,  (fLATBUSh)  AMERSFOORT  (fLAT- 
LANDS)  BREUKELEN,  NEW  UTRECHT,  GRAYESEND  AND  BOSWYCK, 
SITUATE  ON  LONG  ISLAND. 

[Flatbush  Bee. ;  also  Alb.  Ree.] 

Art.  1.  The  Sheriff  and  Magistrates  shall,  each  in  his  quality, 
take  care  that  the  Reformed  Christian  Religion  be  maintained  in 
conformity  to  the  Synod  of  Dordrecht  without  permitting  any 
other  sects  attempting  any  thing  contrary  thereto. 

2.  The  Sheriff  shall  be  present,  as  often  as  possible,  at  all  the 
meetings  and  preside  over  the  same ;  but  should  he  act  for  him- 
self as  party,  or  in  behalf  of  the  rights  of  the  Lords  Fatroons  or 
of  Justice,  he  shall,  in  such  case,  rise  from  his  seat  and  leave  the 
Bench  &  in  that  event  he  shall  not  have  any  advisory  much  less  a 

1  For  the  Tranalation  of  the  above  paper,  the  public  la  indebted  to  Teunii 
O.  Bergen,  Esq.,  of  Kings  Co. 


^:<p.,>  n 


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PAPKWI  ESLATIHO  TO 


concluding  vote,  but  the  oldest  Schepen  shall,  then,  preside  in  his 
place. 

3.  All  cAses  relating  to  the  Police,  Security  and  Peace  of  the 
inhabitants;  also  to  Justice  between  man  and  man,  shall  be  finally 
determined  by  the  magistrates  of  each  of  the  aforesaid  Villages, 
to  the  amount  of  sixty  florins,  Beaver,  and  thereunder  without 
appeal :  In  case  the  sura  be  larger  the  aggrieved  party  may  appeal 
to  the  meeting  of  the  Sheriff  and  Councillors  delegated  from  the 
Villages  subject  to  Us  jurisdiction,  for  which  purpose  one  person 
shall  be  annually  appointed  from  each  Village  who  shall  assemble 
in  the  most  convenient  place  to  be  selected  by  them,  and  who  shall 
have  power  to  pronounce  final  judgment  to  the  amount  of  fl.  240 
Beavers  and  thereunder.  But  in  all  cases  exceeding  that  sum 
each  one  shall  be  entitled  to  an  appeal  to  the  Governour  General 
fgpid  Council  here. 

4.  In  case  of  inec^uality  of  votes,  the  minority  shall  submit  to 
the  majority ;  but  those  who  are  of  a  contrary  opinion  may  have 
it  recorded  in  the  minutes  but  not  divulge  it  without  tho,  meeting 
on  pain  of  arbitrary  correction. 

5.  Whenever  any  cases  occur  in  the  meeting  in  which  any  of 
the  Magistrates  are  Interested,  such  Ma^strate  shall,  in  that 
instance,  rise  and  absent  himself,  as  is  hereinbefore  stated,  in  the 
S^d  article,  of  the  sheriff. 

6.  All  Inhabitants  of  the  abovenamed  Villages  shall  be  citable 
before  said  Sheriff  and  Schepens  or  thdr  delegated  Councillors 
who  shall  hold  their  meetings  and  courts  as  often  as  they  shall 
consider  requisite. 

'^7.  All  criminal  offences  shall  be  referred  to  the  Governour 
General  and  Council,  on  condition  that  the  Sheriff  be  obliged  to 
apprehend  the  offenders,  to  seize  and  detain  them  &  to  convey 
them  as  prisoners  under  proper  safeguard  to  Chief  Magistrate  with 
good  and  correct  informations  for  or  against  the  offenders. 

8.  Smaller  offepces,  such  as  quarrels,  abusive  words,  threats, 
fisticuffs  and  such  like,  are  left  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Magis- 
trates of  each  particular  Village. 

9.  The  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  have  power  to  conclude  on 
some  ordinances  for  the  welfare  and  peace  of  the  Inhabitants  of 


» 


I    v! 


LOKQ  ItLAMD. 


667 


eside  in  Ws 

eacc  of  th« 
ill  be  finally 
id  ViWftgW) 
der  without 
y  may  appeal 
ted  from  the 
le  one  person 
,ball  assemble 
and  who  shall 

unt  of  fl.  240 
ling  thalt  sum 
.tnouT  General 

shall  submit  to 
inion  may  have 
put  thcmeeting 

which  a»y  0^ 
.  shall,  in  that 
re  stated,  in  the 

,  shall  be  citable 
ated  Counallo'* 
[en  as  they  shall 

the  Governour 
[iiff  be  obliged  to 
lem  &  to  convey 
If  Magistrate  with 

1  offenders. 
c  words,  threats, 
lion  of  the  Magis- 

ker  to  conclude  on 
L  Inhabitants  of 


their  district  such  as  laying  highways,  setting  off  lands  and  gar- 
dens and  in  like  manner  what  appertains  to  agriculture,  observance 
of  the  Sabbath,  erecting  churches,  school  houses  or  similar  public 
works.  Itemj  against  fighting  &  wrestling  and  such  petty  offen- 
ces— provided  such  ordinances  are  not  contrary  but  as  far  as  is 
possible,  conformable  to  the  Laws  of  our  Fatherland  and  the 
Statutes  of  this  Ptovince;  and  tht^refore,  all  orders  of  any  impor- 
tance shall,  before  publication,  I it.^  presented  to  the  Chief  Magis- 
trate and  his  approval  thereof  requested. 

10.  The  said  Sheriff  and  Schepens  sh  11  be  bound  strictly  to 
observe  and  cause  to  be  observed  the  Placards  and  Ordinances 
which  shall  be  enacted  and  publisihod  by  the  supreme  authority, 
and  not  suffer  any  thmg  to  b  done  against  them,  but  cause  the 
Transgressors  therein  to  be  proceeded  against  according  to  the 
tenor  thereof;  and  further,  promptly  execute  such  orders  as  the 
Governour  General  shall  send  them  from  time  to  time. 

11.  The  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  be  also  obliged  to  acknowl- 
edge as  their  Sovereign  Rulers  their  High  Mightinesses  the  Lords 
States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  his  Serene  High- 
ness the  Lord  Prince  of  Orange  and  to  maintain  their  sovereign 
jurisdiction,  right  and  domain  over  this  country. 

12.  The  selection  of  all  inferior  officers  and  servants  in  the 
employ  of  said  Sheriff  and  Schepens,  the  Secretary  alone  excepted, 
shall  be  made  and  confirmed  by  themselves. 

13.  The  Sheriff  shall,  by  himself  or  deputies  execute  all  the 
Magistrates'  judgments  nor  discharge  any  one  except  by  advice 
of  the  Court ;  he  shall  also  take  good  care  that  the  places  under 
his  charge  shall  be  cleansed  of  all  mobs,  gamblers,  whorehouses 
and  such  like  impurities. 

14.  The  Sheriff  shall  receive  the  half  of  all  civil  fines  accruing 
during  his  term  of  office  together  with  one  third  part  of  what 
belongs  to  the  respective  Villages  from  criminal  cases  j  but  he 
shall  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  receive  any  presents  forbidden 
by  law. 

15.  Towards  the  time  of  election,  the  Sheriff  and  Schepemi 
shall  nominate  as  Schepens  a  double  number  of  the  best  qualified, 
honest,  intelligent  and  wealthiest  inhabitants,  exclusively  of  the 

48 


t 


668 


PAPERS  HELATIVO  TO 


Reformed  Christian  Religion  or  at  least  well  affected  thereunto, 
to  be  presented  to  the  Oovernour,  who  shall  then  make  his  election 
therefrom  with  continuation  of  some  of  the  old  ones  in  case  his 
Honour  may  deem  it  necessary.  Done  in  Fort  Willem  Hendrick 
l"'  October  1673. 

NoTK.  Similar  Initruetlon  wtt  sent  to  Fluthing,  Hemtted,  MiddlebnrKh, 
Januiea,  Oyitarbay,  Eouthanptoii,  Southold,  SMUleot,  HuntingtoD  and  Batt 
Hampton,  on  L.  I.,  to  Swanenburfr  Hurlejr  tt  Marbletown  in  the  Eaopiui  to 
Elizabethtown,  Woodbridg«,  Shrewibury,  Newarke,  Bergen,  Plicattawajr  and 
Middletown,  behind  Aohter  Cul;  and  to  Staten  Island  tt  Wettotaetter. 


NAMES  OF  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  TOWN  OF  HEMPSTEAD 

1673. 


y»,.^ 


■ii.„;  -i: 


[Vanderkenip'a  Tranil.  of  Duteli  Reo.  XXII.] 


John  ^— — 
John  Smitii  Blew 
Richard  Oeldersly,  Sen 

Trolphert  Jacobs 
Jan  Carman 
John  Symons  jun 
Robert  Jackson 
Symon  Tory 
John  Smith 
Peter  Janse  Schol 
Richard  Oildersly 
Robbert  Beedill 
Oeorge  Hallet  \ 

S&muel  Allen 
Richard  Valeniyn 
Kaleb  Carman 
John  Williams 
Thomas  Richmore 
John  Kllesson 
Edward  Spry 
William  Osborne 
Edward  Remsen 
John  Fossaker 
John  Sorram 
James  Payne 
William  Fixton 
Samuel  Denton 
Robberd  Hobbs 
Thomas  Sodderd 
John  Smith  jun 
Joseph  Williams 
Ralph  Haal 
Daniel  Beedell 
John  Jackson 
Johnathan  Smith 
John  Champion 


John  Hobbs 
John  Langd 
Jonathan  Semmps 
John  Bordes 
Robbard  Marisseu 
Mos  Hemmery 
John  Beets  carpenter 
Samuel  Embry 
Matthew  Beedel 

Comes 
Thomas  Ellison 
Philip  Davis 
■  Hopkins 

Adam  View 
Edward  Titus 
Richard  Ellison 
John  Seavin 
Thomas  Teasay 
Thomas  Ireland 
Thomas  Ellison 
Joseph  Oem 
Thomas  Champion 
Joseph  Pettet 
Richard  Fotter 
John  Beddell 
Thomas  Southward 
John  Beates 
Calvet  Ooullet 
Christofifbl  Yeomanx 
John  Woully 
Edward  Banbury 
Thomas  Oowes 
John  Mavein 
Wm  Thorne 
Joshua  Watske 
Benjamin  Symenson 


Jan  Roelossen 
Elbert  Hubssen 
Lewis  Niot 
John  Ellison  jun 
Thomas  Seabrook 
Samuel  Jackson 
John  Pine 
Peter  Jansen 
William  Ware 
Solomon  Semmar 
Tennis  Smith 
Richard  Valentin  jon. 
Joseph  Wood 
Herman  Flouwer 
William  Dose 
Symon  Foster 
Henry  Mott 
Wm  Fourmer 
Joseph  Small 
Walter  pine  V    > 

Josia  Carman 
John  Peacock 
John  Quakerson 
Thomas  Daniels 
John  Napper 
Richard  Osbora 
Oeorge  Robbert 
Charles  Abram 
Thomas  Appelbe 
Samuel  Smith 

Persell 

Adam  Mott  Junr. 
Samuel  Jackson  3   ,■. 

Joseph  Truax 
Joseph  Hoyt  h 
Nine  others  whose  name* 
are  lost 


f  ■ 


Mm 


lAMC  III.A1I0. 


669 


thereunto, 
his  election 
I  in  case  his 
m  Hendrick 

Mlddlebnrgh, 
(ton  md  B««t 
the  SMpiUi  to 
'licatUway  and 
Iter. 


HEMPSTEAD 


■tu.'    f 


yum  .  , 

ibBMB 

lot 

isonjun 

Seabrook 

aekson 

e 

lien 

War* 

Seminar  . 

mith    ,    . 
Valentin  Jun. 

Vood 
Flouwer 

Dow 

orter      '      • 
ott 

n&er  -;  . 
imaU 
ine 
xman 
laeoek 
lakerson 

Paniela        -  '^    ' 
,pper 

Oabom 
Robbert 

Abram 

Appelbe 

Smith 

eraell 

ott  Jonr. 

Jackson 

Truax 

I  Hoyt  fc  .^-, 

Itheri  whoie  nama» 

«t 


"i 


THE  ROLL 

OFF  THOSE  WHO    HAUE   TaKEN  THE  OATH  OFF  ALLXOIANCK  IM   THI 

KINGS  County  i\  the  Province  off  New  Yorke  the  26  :  27  : 
28 :  29  AND  30'h  day  off  September  In  the  Third  years  off 
BIS  MAYt'i"  Raigne  annoq»»«  Domine  1687. 

[MSS.  in  Sec'i.  Offloe.] 


?''t  • 


<lffflaekiu$h 
Willem  Jacobs  Van  boerum  was  in  ttiis 

country  38  Jeare 
Ctiristofl^l  Probasco  33  Jeare 
hendrick  Riicken  24  Jeare 
Pieter  Stryolter  native  oflT  this  Province 

offN:Torke 
Cornells  Pieterse  native 
Cornelia  Peters  Luijster  native 
Direk  Jansn  Van  Vliet  23  Jeare 

Serrit  Labberse  native 
nth  Albertse  25  Jeare 
ferrardus  beakman  native 
aeob  henk.  hafften  23  Jeare 
gerrit  Dorlant  native 
Engelbert  Lott  native 
Simon  hanssen  48  Jeare 
Jacob  Willem  Van  bueren  38  Jeare 
Reynier  aertsen  34  Jeare 
Pieter  Lott  35  Jeare 
Cornells  barense  Van  Wyek  27  yeare 
Jacob  Remsen  native 
Janharmenssen  Van  amesfoort  29  Jeares 
Willem  hendrickse  native 
Joseph  heeeman  37  yeare 
Claes  Willkens  25  yeare 
Willem  ffuil  Janse  47  yeare 
Auke  Regnierse  native 
Jooris  Remssen  native 
Jan  Wouterse  Van  bosch  28  yeare 
Lambert  Jansen  native 
Jan  Remsen  native 
Jan  Dircks  Van  Vliet  23  yeare 
hendriekus  hereman  36  yeare 
Jan  Spigelaer  25  yeare 
adriaen  iiend  aaten  36  yeare 
Lefferd  Pieterse  27  Jeare 
Isaack  hereman  native 
Pieter  guil  Janse  45  Jeare 
Pieter  Willemsen  native 
Cornells  Jansse  Seen  27  Jeare 
hendrick  Lott  native 
Daniel  Polhemius  native 
Jan  Van  Ditmaertz  native  . 
DenHs  theunissen  native 
Jan  Strycker  35  yeare 
Isaack  Van  Cassant  35  Jeare 
Jan  barenae  blom  native 
Adriaen  Reyerse  41  Jeare 
Aris  Vandcrbilt  native 
Auke  Janse  Van  Nuys  36  Jeare 
Elbert  adriaense  native 
Daniel  Remsen  native 
Jacob  Vandebilt  native  * 

Marten  adriaense  native 
('hristiaen  Sncdiker  native 


Abram  hegeman  native 
Jan  Cornelissen  Vander  Veer  nativ* 
Theodorus  Van  Wijok  native 
Thomas  aaten  native 

gerrit  Snediker  native 
endrick  Janse  native 
Roeloff  Verkerck  24  Jear* 
barent  Janssen  native 
Jacobus  hegeman  36  Jeare 
hendrick  V^illemse  38  Jeare 
Direk  Jan  hooglant  80  Jeare 
Jan  Dircks  hooglant  native 
Willem  Dircks  hooglant  natire 
Jan  oake  36  Jeare 
gerrit  Janse  Striker  85  Jeare 
Rem  Remssen  native 

off  BnuckUJn 

Thomas  Lamberse  36  Jeare 
Jooris  hanssen  native 
hendrick  Vechten27  Jeare 
Claes  Arense  Vechten  27  Jeare 
Jan  Aertsen  26  Jeare 
hendrick  Claasen  33  Jeare 
Jacob  hanssen  bergen  native 
Jooris  Martens  native 
hendrick  thyssen  21  Jeare 
Mauritius  Converts  native 
Willem  huiicken  24  Jeare 
theunis  gysbertse  bogaert  35  Jear* 
Willem  bennitt  native 
hendrick  Lamberse  native 
Jan  ffredricks  35  Jeare 
Jan  Converts  native 
LuijcasCouverts  24  Jeare 
ffransabramse  native 

ferrit  aerts  middag  native 
imon  Aertsen  23  Jeare 
Matthys  Cornel  isen  24  yeare 
Ephraim  hendricks  33  jeare 
Claes  thomas  Van  Dyck  native 
Jeronimus  d'Rapale  native 
Jeronimus  Remsen  native 
Casper  Janssen  native 
Achias  Janse  Vandijck  36  yeare 
Jacob  Joorissen  native 
Jacobus  dlieauvois  28  Jeare 
harmen  Joorissen  native 
Jacob  Willemse  bennit  native 
Jacob  brouwer  native 
bourgon  broulaet  12  Jeare 
Jan  Damen  37  Jeare 
Comelis  Subrink  native 
hendrick  Sleght  3d  Jeare 
Juriaen  Vanderbreets  native 
Pieter  Staata  native 


fiOO 


PAPEaM  RIXATING  TO 


\\  if: 


Abrani  RpinMfn  natlv* 

Muchici  hansscn  niitivc 

t)i<>iiiu»  CobiaNxcn  nati«e 

Pieter  C'orsen  native 

IhAUiiii  JunneCouvcrtiSti  Jearo 

Aert  Kinioniison  native 

Adam  Imniu'cr  Juniur  native 

Alexander  Bchaeri  native 

Wlllem  Pot  native 

)an  gerriie  dorland  30  Jeare 

•lohannia  Caapeme  35  Jeare 

Claes  bareutie  blom  native 

Pioter  brouwpr  native 

Abram  brouwer  native 
Jan  bennitt  native 

Parent  Sleg^ht  native 
Jacobus  Vande  Water  29  Jeare 
benjamin  VandeWater  native 

Pieter  Weijnanti  native 
Jooi^t  ffranisen  33  Jeare 
nendriolc  aaten  native 
Jan  Janie  Staatt  native 
Claes  Simona  native 
AntiioniJ  Souao  fi  Jeare 
Joost  Caipene  3fi  Jeare 
thijs  Lubberae  60  Jeare 
Paulua  dirckae  36  Jeare 
Adam  bruuwer  45  Jeare 
Josiaa  Dretha  20  Jeare 
Pieter  Van  Nesten  40  Jeare 
Jan  thcunisen  native 
DIrck  Janae  Woertman  40  Jeare 
Daniel  d'Rapale  native 
rijsbert  boomgaert  native 
Volkert  Vandcrbrata  native 
Jan  buija  39  Joare 
gerrit  DorUnt  native 
Adriaen  bennit  native 
Thomaa  Verdon  native 
Pieter  Janae  Staata  native 

(#  New  Dijtruht 

Tielman  VandermiJ  13  Jeare 
karel  Janae  Vandijck  30  Jeare 
Jan  Janae  Vandijck  35  Jeare 
thomas  tierckse  35  Jacr 
Wouter  Van  Pelt  24  Jeare 
Jacob  Chriatiaense  native 
Lambert  Janae  22  Jeare 
Jan  Van  Deventcr  25  Jeare 
Cornelia  Janae  Vandoventer  native 
Brt  thyaen  Laenen  24  Jeare 


u 


tf-^M- 


theunia  Janae  Van  Pelt  Laenen  24  Jeare 

Anthony  Van  Pelt  24  Jeare 

Jan  Clement  22  Jeare 

Cornelia  wijnhart  30  Jeare 

kreijn  Janae  Van  M eeteren  24  Jeare 

Jooat  Rutaen  Van  brent  native 

Aert  theuniasen  Van  Pelt  native 

AnthoniJ  du  Chaine  24  Jeare 

Jan  thijasen  Laenen  native 

Jacob  thijasen  Laenen  native 

Laurens  Janse  native 

Jan  Van  Clecif  34  Jeare 

Wellem  klinckenberg  native 

Nicolasc  Vandergrifft  native 

Jan  Van  kerck  junior  native 

Jan  Van  kerck  senior  24  Jeare 

narent  Jooaten  Ridder  35  Jeare 


hendrick  Mathysaft  flmaek  33  Jeare 

Cornelia  Van  kleeflf  native 

Dirck  Junvn  Van  Sutphen  3G  Jeare 

Jan  kiorRcn  38  Jeare 

Ucrrit  Courtcn  Van  Voorhuya  native 

Ruth  Jooston  Van  brunt  34  Jeare 

Pieter  ffransitco  native 

Jacquea  Cortejou  36  Jeare 

Jacques  Corteljou  Junior  native 

Cornelia  Corteljou  native 

Pieter  Corteljou  native 

Willcm  Cortoljouw  native 

rerrit  Cornelia  Van  Duyn  38  Jeare 

Cornells  gerria  Vunduyn  native 

Denijs  gorrise  Vunduyn  native 

Laurens  Janse  de  Camp  23  Jaer 

Pioter  thysson  native 

Swaen  Jansscn  33  Jeare 

ferrit  StoflTclse  36  Jeare 
an  hansscn  bruynenburg  48  Jeare 
StofTel  gerritso  native 
Joost  debaono  4  Joare 
hendrick  Janse  kamminga  9  Jaer 
Cornells  Rutsen  Van  brunt  native 
barent  Verkerck  native 

off  Botuiiell 
Volkert  Dirckse  native 
Pieter  Janae  deVVitt  35  Jeare 
Pieter  Daniel  10  Jeare  ' 

Adriaen  La  flbrge  16  Jeare 
Joost  kockuyt  27  Jeare 
Isaack  La  ITebrc  4  Jeare 
Pieter  Schamp  15  Jeare 
Wouter  gysbert  Verachier  38  Jaer 
Pieter  Loyse  native 
Jacquea  fibntaine  native 
Pelgrom  klock  31  Jeare 
Volkert  Witt  native 
Daniel  Waldron  35  Jeare 
Simon  haecks  16  Jeare 
Cornelia  Loyse  36  Jeare 
Jean  Le  quie  30  Jeare  ' 

Alexander  Cockevaer  30  Jeare 
Albert  hcndrickae  25  Jeare 
Jean  Miseroll  Junior  20  Jeare 
Claes  Cornel  iasen  Kat25  Jeare 
Michiel  Palmentier  23  Jeare 
Vincent  bale  4  Jeare 
Pieter  Para  28  Joare 
Johannis  ffontaine  native 
Jean  de  Consilie  25  Jeare 
Josst  durie  12  Jeare 
Jan  Janse  36  Jeare  .' 

Jacob  Janse  native 
Pieter  Simonse  native 
Jacob  dirckse  Rosekrans  natlre 
Jochem  VerSchuer  native 
hendrick  Verschuer  native 
Laurens  koeck  26  yeare 

qfffflaeklattd 
Elbert  Elbertse  50  Jeare 
Rod  off  Martcnse  Schenck  37  Jeare 
Jan  RoelufTs  Schenck  native 
Jan  Martensc  Schenck  37  Jearea 
Jan  thcunis  Van  dyckhuys  34  Jeare 
Court  Stevcnsc  Van  Voorhuya  27  Jearf 
Pieter  Neviua  native 


LOMO  IfLAMO. 


fi61 


)3  Je»r« 

G  J ear* 

uyt  natlv* 
I  Jear* 

native 


t  38  J*"* 

native 
natlv* 
i3  Jaar 


248Jear« 

sa  9  Jaer 
iTnt  natlT* 

i 
iJeare 


\^ 


tare 

re 

Sler38J»« 

ve 

ire 

lare 
e 
ire 


itlve 
leare 


fans  nalW« 

latlve 

[native 

bare 

tkland 

few®    M  «..» 
fchenck37  3eM* 

Ik  native 
lek  37  Jeare« 

fvoorhuy«27Je»i« 


Abrtm  Willemten  26  J«ar# 
Marten  Roeloffo  .Schonck  native 
ham  JanM««n  47  J  care 
Albert  Gourten  Van  Voorhuijt  na(iv«t 
Pieter  Claaien  wijckoff  ^|  iaere 
dimon  Jante  Van  Aerti  Daa  ''>n  34  Jeure 
Oornelii  Simonien  Van  Aerts  Ua^len  na- 
tive 

ferrit  Pieterie  wijckoff  native 
an  brouwer  'M  Jeare 
verrlt  hanuen  native 
Kvnrt  Janiien  Van  VVickelen  23  Jeare 
Claei  Pieterse  wijckoff  native 
DIrnk  brouwer  native 
(errit  hendriokie  breue  native 
Pieter  brouwer  native 
Dirck  Januen  Ammerman  37  Jeare 
adrlaen  kume  27  Jeare 

ferret  KIberts  Stoottioff  native 
aoob  Strijcker  36  Jeare 
Dirck  StofTnlio  3U  Jeare 
Stoflbl  DirckRo  native 
flkniinandus  Van  Sichg^elen  35  Jeare 
hendrick  Pieterie  wiJckolT  native 
Willpm  forritie  Van  Couwenliooven 

native 
ferrit  Willemien  Van  Oouwenhooven 

jiative 
Jan  Pieterie  wijckoff  native 
Anthony  Waniliaer  native 
LuyoaiStevenie  27  Jeare 


Pletrr  Cornell!  Luyiter  31  Jeer* 

Jan  >■  evenie  27  Jeare 
Ruth  i.niynsen  34  Jeare 
NViUem  Willrmie  bnrcklo  native 
Pieter  Pieterie  Tuii  30  Jaer 
hemlrick  brouwer  native 
Pieter  Moiiffoort  native 
(heunli  Janie  Van  amanh  14  J*ar* 
Tiiyi  Pieterie  luyiter  3l  Jeare 
Jan  albertio  terhuen  native 
Wiltcnt  Davlei  34  Jeare 
Johannii  Willemse  'iti  Jeare 

off  gravent  End 
Renter  Van  Hiegelen  native 
StiilTol  Janie  Romeyn  34  Jeare 
Johannii  Machielie  native 
John  boiibiilund  2  Jeare 

hail  Lottcri  olT  IJeniiatle 
baront  Jurlacnio  29  Jeare 
Jan  barcnio  Van  Zutphen  30  Jeare 
Marten  Pieterie  native 
Jochem  p^ulick  34  Jeare 
Curnelii  buys  native 
Jan  Willemien  Van  boroklo  natlv* 
Rem  gerritie  native 
Adam  Machielie  Meucher  40  Jetre 
Willem  Willemie  30  Jeare 
Jan  Caritense  native 
Johannii  brouwer  native 


AN  EXACT  LIST 

OF  ALL  Y«  INHABITANTS  NAMES  w'l'IN  Y«  TOWNE  OF  ffluSHiNO  AND 
P'CINCTS  OF  OLD  AND  YOUNG  fTREEMEN  &.  SERUAMTS  WHITE  & 
BLACKE  &C.       1698. 


1 


.  Ooll  I  Tho  Willett  and  Mtri 
I  Alena  hii  wire 
I  Elbert       ^ 

John         J 
E!l"abethi^-««Wer. 

John  Clement :  Servt 

Nevros  ffrancis     ") 

JefiVey  Harv  Jack  w 

and  Dick  Mary      ) 

Justice  Tho :  Hukcs  &  . 

Mri  Mary  his  wife 

Isaac :  Benjamin — Charles  >  q_„-, 

Wm  Stephen  Charely  J  "'"'" 

Mary;  daui;t 

Negros:  WillCuffeo      /g 

Sherry  ffreegeft  &  Jane  s 
Majr.  Wm  Lawrense 
It  Deborah  his  wife 
William  Richard 
Obadiah  Darnell 
Samuell  John  < 

Adam  Debo :  Sarah 


II 


Negroi  James  Tom  { a 
Leyv  Besi2child     \° 
Richard  Cornell 
&  Sarah  his  wife 
Sone  Richard 
(Sarah         ) 
64  Elizabeth  VDang 
(&Mary      ) 
NegrosTom  ) 
Lewi  Toby     [6 
Sarah  &  Dina  ) 
^  John  Esmond  & 
kK  Elizab:  his  wife 
\  John  &  Mary 
C  Wm  Jewell  serut 
Samll :  Thome  ft 
Susana  his  wife 
)  Benjamin  ") 
Samuell  &  VSone 
Nathan       ) 
Jane  Kcsia  )  -fvi . 
feDeborahJ^' 
Ncgros  Cone  ") 
Dinah  Kate      V6 
Charles  Tony) 


662 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO 


fPt'':    hi 


^M 


JamM  Clement 

&  Sarah  bis  wife 

Thomas 

Jacob 

Joseph  &  t  wo  V  Sones 
12  Samll  & 

Nathan 

Mary  -^ 

.    Hannah' 

Margarett 

Briilgett        * 

Negros  Toby 


■Daug 


DufcA  Inhabitantii. 


Cornelius  Barnion 
k,  Anna  his  wife 
Johannis  sone 
AIke  Anna     ") 
7  Elizabeth  ft    V-Da: 
Arante  ) 

Negros  Antony') 
Jaclc  Gorose       >6 
Mary  Isabella    j 
Martin  Wiltsee  tt 


6 


Maria  his  wife 

Gonwlius  Hendriek 

Johannis  ft  Margrett. 

Elbert  Arinson  & 
g  Cataline  his  wife 

Rem  &  Elbert  sones 
,     Anncke— negro  Dick'r 

Oarratt  Hanson  & 

Janneke  his  wife 
,,,  Hance  Rem  Jan     l  ~ 
'"  Peter  Danll  Jores J  '* 

Janake  Cattaline  Dau 

Negro  Jeffrey  1 

Lorus  Haff 

Canuerto  his  wife 

Jewrin  Peter        ?«„„„ 
11  Johannis  &  Jacob  \  '^^^ 

Stinchee  Maria        ) 

Tuntee  Margaretta  VDan 

Sauta  ) 

Edec ;  Van  Sksragg  & 

Ebell  his  wife 

7  Cornelius  ffrancis 
&  Arian 

Elizabeth  Rebecsa 
Poulas  Amarman 

3  and  Abiena  his  wife 
Abena  :  Daughter 
Bam  Bloome  & 

4  fl&mmily  his  wife 
Oarratt,  Johannis. 
Eliz  Bloodgood      '      . 

&  Wm  &  Elizabeth 
one  negro  Will 
Dirick  Poules 
&  Sarah  his  wife     ,. 

8  Peter  Thynis  i    ■ 
Rich'd:  Wm  Jon 
Charles  Sarah 

one  negro  Tom 
2  John  Bloodgood 

k,  Mary  his  wife 
2  Powell  Hoffb 

Rachejl  his  wife      ''' 


2  John  Jores  k, 
Maria  his  wife 
Derick  Brewer  It 

3  his  wife  Hannah 
1  child 

Prtnch  Inhabit* 
Jolin :  Genung 

3  &  Margreta  his  wifet 
John: sone 

negros  2 
ffrancis  Burto  k 
Mary  his  wife 
5  John  ffrancis 
Abigal :  Dang 
Sarah  Doughty 

4  Benjamin )  c„„.. 
William  r°"" 
Sarah  Seruant 
Negros :  Okee  8l  Mary 

2  Mary  Perkins 
Abigale  Daug 
Bess :  Robin  Maria  )  » 
Hanes  \* 

2  Ann  Noble 
Abigale  serut 
Negros  :  Jack  Jan  2 

3  Mar;^  Bowne 
Annis  Ruth ;  Daug 
Negros :  James  &  ? .. 
Nell  l"^      ■ 
Arther  powell  & 

4  Margrett  his  wife 
Richard  Arther  sonea 
John  Hinchman 

&  Sarah  his  wife 
7  John  James 
Mercy  Mary  & 
Sarah 

Negroo  Hetchtor  1 
Richard  Chew  k 
ffrances  his  wife 

7  Rich'd  Henry  Tho 
Hannah  Charely 
Mary  Elizabeth 
Thomas  Runley  k 

4  Mai/  his  wife 
Thomas  sone 
Hannah 

ffrancis  Doughty 
&  Mary  his  wife 

8  Elias  palmer  \\ 
ffrancis  Obadi ah 
Sarah  Charely  Mary 
Negros  Vester  Rose  2 
John  Talman  &, 

Mary  his  wife 

7  John  James  peter 
Mary  Elizabeth 

Charles  Tom 
Sarah  2  ch  5 
John  Thome  Senr  fit 

5  Mary  his  wife 
Hannah  &  Sarah  Wm 
Negros  Alex  wo :  3 
William  ffowler  Carp 
and  Mary  his  wife 

8  William  John 
Joseph  Benj 


1; 


I      LONG  ISLAND. 


663 


2 

ines 


i 


|8e2 


3arp    , 


Mary  Rebeea 

Negro  Jack  1 

John  Thorne  Jnn'r 
6  JCatherin  hia  wife 

John  Mary 

Eliz:  Deborah 

Henry  Taylor  & 
6  Mary  Sarah  his  wife 

Suah  phebe 

Negro  Tonny  1 

Edward  Greffln  ju 
4  Deborah  his  wife 

Edward  Mary 
2  William  Owen  & 

Mary  his  wife 

1  Hugh  Cowperthawt 
Mary  Southicic 
Negro  Anthony — 1 

2  Henry  ffranklin 
&  Sarah  his  wife 

1  negro 

3  Patience  Cornelias 
Elias:  Mary — 
Tho:  ffkrrin^n 

ft  Abigale  his  wife 

Thomas  Robert 

Benjamin — 
8  Elizab :  Bridgett 

Abigale 

Negros— Mingo )  q 

Winnee  \* 

Harman  Kinge 
6  &  Mary  his  wife 

John  Joseph 

Ben],  ffrancis 
Tobyl 

William  frowler  wva 
3  &  Judeth  his  wife 

William  sone 

Thomas  Willett 

3  &  Sarah  hio  wife 
Sarah — Daughter 
Negro  Lay — 1 
Thomas  Hinchman 

4  &  Meriam  his  wife 
Thomas  &  Sarah— 

2  George  Langley  & 
Rebeca  his  wife 
Mary  &  Sampson— 2 
Matt  ffarrington 

5  ft  Hannah  his  wife 
Matthew  Sarah  & 
Edward 

John  Mariton 
ffrancis  John 

5  Cornelius 
Deborah  Ebell— 
Thomas  Yeates 
&  Mary  his  wife 

6  Mary  ye  mother 
Wm  Benj  Jane. 
Elias  Doughty 
Elizabeth  nis  wife 

5  Elias  Eliz:  Thomas 
Negro:  Jack — 1 
Charles  Doughty 

fc  Elizabeth  hin  Wite 

6  John  Charles— 
S&rah  Elisabth 


I  negro  black  boy  1 

John  Harrington 

&  Elzbth  his  wife 

John  Edward  Matthew 
13  Thomas  Sam'U  Robert 

Mercy  Margrett 

Dorythy  Anna- 
Elizabeth 

Sam'U  Bowne 

&  Mary  his  wife 
ff  Sam'U  Thomaa 

Ellmer  Hannah 

Negros  Simon 

Nany  mingo  3 

Joseph  palmer 
6  &  Sarah  his  wife 

Dani'U  Esther 

Ric'h  pricilla 

Tho:  Hedgerfc 

Elizabeth  his  wife 

Eliakim  Thomas 
11  Mary  Hannah — 

Jane  Sarah  Deborah 

Elizabeth 

Joseph  Theme  It 

Mary  his  wife — 

Joseph  Willian 
11  Thomas  John- 
Benjamin  Abraham 

Hannah  Mary  Suauu 

1  Negro  Tom: — 1 

Sam'U  Haight  fc 

Sarah  his  wife— 
10  Nicholas  Jonathan 

Dauid  John  Sarah  Marf 

Hannah  phebe — 

and  one  negro  1 

Thomas  ffoid  aad 
3  Sarah  his  wife — 

Thomas    Child 

2  Esther  fford 
William 

Negro  Anthony— 1 
John  Embree  and 

6  Sarah  his  wife 
Robert  John  Samll 
Sarah 
Hatham'll  Roe  and 

3  Elizab'th  his  wife 
Dauid 

Charles  Morgan 

&  Elizabeth  his  wife 

7  Charles  James  Thomas 
Sarah  Ephraim  Sophy 
Negros :  peter  Jamea 
John  Cornelius  i& 
Mary  his  wife — 

10  John  Dani'll  Sam'U 
Joseph  Deborah 
Mary  phebe  Sarah    , 
Negro:  Zambo:  1 
Jona  Wright  Senr 
and  Sarah  his  wife 
9  Sam'll  Richard  Charles 
Job :  Mary  Hannah 

John 
Henry  Wright  and 

4  Mary  his  wife 
Hannah  Sarah 


!* 


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664 

Jona :  Wrifht  Ja 

i  &  Wine  his  wife 
Jonathan  Elizabeth 
Dauid  Wright  and 

4  Hannah  his  wife 
Daaid  phebe 
Joseph  I^awrense 

4  &  Mary  his  wife 
Richard  Thomas 
1  negro  Jaclc — 1 

2  John  Hopper  Peintr 
fii  Christopher 

2  John  Hopper  Jun 

&  Margarett  his  wife 

John  Harrison 

&  Elizabeth  his  wife 

7  William  Edward 
Henry  Eliz  Ann 
Negros  Hetchtor  )  n 
Kate  S 
Margery  Smith 

3  Judeth  Hannah 
Samuel  Tatem  ft 
Iil!:=:ibeth  his  wife 

6  Sam'U  Eliza  patience 
Mary — negro  1 
Benj  Heauileind  h 

6  Abigaile  his  wife 
Adam  Benj  John 
Abigale  Bethia 
William  Benger  ft 

5  his  wife  Elizabeth 
John  Jacob  Elii 
John  Heauiland  & 

3  Sarah  his  wife- 
John 

Thomas  Wildee 
&  Elizabeth  his  wife 

8  Edward  Rich'd 
Tho  Obadiah 
Isaaih  Eliz'bth 
Edward  Grefiein  Se 

3  and  Mary  his  wife 
Deborah 
Negro:  Jask: — 1 
John  Rodman 
&  Mary  his  wife 

y  John  Samuell — 
Joseph  William 
Thomas  An  Eliz : 
Negros — 11 
John  Lawrence  & 
his  wife  Elizab'th 

7  William  Richard 
Eliz :  Mary  Deborah 
Negros  James  Rose 
Bess  Robin  Moll— 6 
Benj  fiPeild  and 
Hannah  his  wife 

6  Benj  John  Antho 
Sam'U 

Negros  Jo:  Betty— 2 
John  Greffln  & 
Elizabeth  his  wife 


PAPERS  ttiXATING  TO 


I      r,(' 


5  John  Benj  Isaac 
Joseph  Elizab'th 
Rich'd  Greffln  and 

5  Susan  his  wife 
Sam'll  Sarah  Rich'd 
Dauid  Roe  Mary 

3  his  wife 

Mary :  Negro  Sam  1 
Rebeca  Clery 

4  Athelana  Rebeca 
phebe  Negro:  1 
Philip  Odall  & 
his  wife  Mary 

7  Philip  Mary 

John  Elizab'th 

Deborah 

Joseph  Hed^er 

&  Hannah  his 
7  wife — Joseph 

Margrett— 

Uriah  Sarah 

Hannah 

Antnody  Badglcy 

5  Elizabeth  his  wife 
Anthony  Georg — 
phebe :  1  Negro  1 
Dan'll  Patrick  & 

4  Dinah  his  wife 
Sarah  James  ffeke 
Une  Negro  1 
John  Ryder  &  his 
wife,  John  Robert 

6  Hartie  Wintle 

one  negro  1 

2  Dennis  Holdrone 
SariUi  his  wife 
Josiah  Genning 

3  &  Martha  his  wife 
one  child 

Edce  Wilday 
3  Rebecca  &  Mary 

ffreemen-men 

Tho:  Lawrense 
James  Clement  Ju'r 
John  Clement 
John  Hulier 
Jacob  Cornell 
Thomas  fifeild 
Joseph  ffeild 
Derick  Areson 
John  Areson 
John  Yeates 
John  Man 

James  ffeke  „    . 

Robert  Snelhen 
Tho:Steuens         .     ,  •; 
John  Dewildoe 
Abraham  Rich 
Robert  Hinchmcn 

Inhabitants  530 

Negros  113 


According  to  ye  best  of  onr  Knowledges 


JONATHAN  WRIGHT 
JAMES  CLEMENT 


1 .  V 

'I 


(i4llfcj(t»,f   OM^.jit 


-LONG  ISLAKS. 


665 


[Endorted.]    a  trew  Lest  as  it  is  retamed  to  us  by  the  above  Constable  and 


ClerJce  this  Last  of  augost  1698 


THO:  HICKS 
DAN'LL  WHITE 

JOHN  SMITH 

EDWARD  WHITE 

SAMUEL  MOWETT 

JOHN  TREDWELL 

WILLIAM  HALLETT 


A  LIST  OF  Y^  INHABITANTS 


OF   y"    TOWNE    or    SOUTHAMPTON    OLD    AND    YONG    CHRISTIANS    AND 
HETHEN  FFREEMEN  AND  SERVANTS  WHITE  AND  BLACK  A"*""  1698 


^ 


.,.-.< 


(.men 
iu'r 


IAN  WRIGHT 
I'cLEMSaJT 


William  Jennings 
Samuell  Jennings 
Benjn  Haines 
Benjn  Haines  Jur 
John  Haines 
James  Haines  Jur 
Thomas  Shaw 
David  frances 
Frances  Shaw 
John  Shaw 
Samuell  Clark 
Samuell  Clark  Jor 
Elish  Clark 
Eliphelett  Clark 

Clark 

Clark 
Jerbamiah  Scott 
John  Scott 
George  Haris 
George  Haris  Jur 
Joseph  Smith 
Will  Smith 
Thomas  Smith 
Abiell  Davis 
Balhariah  Davis 
John  Davis  Jur 
Eldad  Davis 
John  Davis 
Thomas  Lupton 
Joseph  Lupton 
Richard  minthom 
Jeremiah  Jager 
Jeremiah  Ja^  <*  Jur 
John  Jager  Jui 
John  Erie 
David  Erie 
Samuell  Cooper 
James  white 
Ichabod  Cooper 
Peeter  White 
James  Cooper 
James  Cooper  Jur 
John  Cooper 
Nathan  Cooper 
Abraham  Cooper 
John  Reeves 
John  Reeves  Jur 
Thomas  Reeves 


Gershum  Culver 
Jerimiah  Culver 
David  Culver 
Jonathan  Culver 
Moses:  Culver 
Nahum  Culver 
John  Bishope  Jur 
Joseph  Poast 
Will  Mason 
John  Poastt 
Richard  Poast 
Thomas  Sayre 
Will  ffoster 
Charles  Topping 
ffrancis  Sayre 
Ichabod  Sayre 
Caleb  Sayre 
Caleb  Gilbord 
Daniell  Sayre 
Ephraim  Sayre 
Nathan  Sayre 
John  Bishop 
Samuell  Bishope 
Josiah  Bishope 
John  Bishope 
Joshew  Barns 
Samuell  Barns 
Robert  Wooly 
JohnWooly 
Wooly  Joseph 
Isaac  Bower 
Jonah  Bower 
David  Bower 
Daniell  Bower 
John  foster 
John  foster  Jur 
David  ffoster 
Jonathan  foster 
John  ffoster  Terts 
Jermiah  foster 
Joseph  Hildrith 
Joseph  Hildrith  Jur 
nathan  Hildrith 
Isaak  Hildrith 
Ephraim  Hildrith 
Daniell  Hildrith 
Jonathan  Hildrith 
John  Woodrufe 


Samll  Woodrufe 

Joseph  woodrufe 

Benjn  woodrufe 

nathanl  woodrufe 

Jonathan  woodrufe 

Isaac  woodrufe 

John  Burnat 

Samuel  Butler 

Gidian  Butler  I 

nathaniell  Butler 

Obedia  Roggera  ' 

obadiah  Jonnson  ' 

Ensn  Joseph  Peirson 

Henry  Peirson 

Joseph  Peirson  '; 

Ephraim  Peirson 

Samll  Peirson  ' 

Thomas  Parvino 

Thomas  Pcrvine  Jur 

Lift  Thomas  Stcephens    j 

Isaack  Willman 

James  Willman 

Daniell  Davis 

and  Will  Hcricke  ^ 

Will  Hericke  Jur 

John  Herick  '  i 

Herick 
Thomas  Hericke  ■ 

Robertt  Patin  '< 

Ephraim  Topping 
Thomas  Toping  t 

Thomas  Toping  ' 

Mr.  William  Barker  Esq 
Mr.  John  Wick 
Job  Wick 
Arthcr  Davis 
John  Carwith 
Joseph  Howell 
Zebulon  Howell 
Joseph  Howell  Jur         • ' 
James  Howell  -^^^ 

John  ware 
Jacob  ware 

John  Ware  Jur  ■   <  '• 

JohnJcssup  •  ' 

Isaac  Jessup:  _    '■'■ 

Jcr:  Jessup  '  ;<       »> 

Henry  Jessup     li    ■  ■    wi 


;. 


rvft 


^>*j 


^ii 


' :  !  •'■■ 


666 


ThomM  Jflnran 
Mr.  Edward  How«U 
Samuoll  Howell 
Jonah  Howell 
Edward  Howell  Jur 
Benjn  Howell 
Thoi  Howell 
Joseph  fofter 
Ohriatopher  flbiter 
Joseph  foster 
Daniell  fibster 
nathan  fibster 
John  Howell 
Manassa  Kompton 
Riohard  Howell 
Rlehard  Howell  Jur 
Heieokia  Howell 
Edward  Ho  well 
obadia  Howell 
Ohris:  Howell 
Joseph  Goodale 
Jonathan  Goodale 
Joseph  Goodale 
Will  goodale 
Be^Jn  marshal  1 
Jonathan  Rayner 
Jonathan  Rayner  Jur 
Riohard  Wood 
Isaac  Halseyt 
Ephraim  Halsey 
NathanioU  Howell 
nehemiah  Howell 
Henry  Howell 
Ensn  Joseph  flbrdham 
Joseph  flbrdham  Jur 
miatia  flbrdham 
John  WlUman 
Mr.  Jonali  fordham 
Jonah  fordham  Jur 
Mr.  Joseph  Whltln 
SamneU  Whitin 
Joseph  whitin  Jur 
Benin  whitin 
Win  Blyeth 
Be^Jn  Hildrith 
Job  Sayre 
BeqJnSayre 
John  Maltby 
Ephrm  whit 
Stephen  white 
Oharles  white 
Isaac  Halsey 
Isaac  Halsely  Jur 
Isaac  Halsey  Ters 
Joshua  Halsey 
Thomas  Halsey 
Samuflll  Halsey 
Samell  Johnes 
Bamuell  Johnes  Jur 
nathan  Howell 
Israeli  Howell 
Bsekiel  Howell 
John  Jager 
John  Jager  Jur 
Samuell  Jager 
Jonathan  Jagor 
Benjn  Jagger 
Joslah  Howell 
Daniell  HowtU 


PAPBUI  RXLATIVO  TO 

Timoth  t  Hileyrd 
Thomas  Hongson 
John  Mowbry 
Anning  Mowbry 
Samuell  Clark 
Jermiah  Clark 
Charles  Clark 
Will  Clark 
Richard  Kounesfield 
Richard  Rounesfield 
David  Howell 
John  Rayne 
Ephraim  Howell 
Ephraim  Howell 
Samuoll  Howell 
Isaac  Rayner 
Daniell  Halsey 
Richard  Halsey 
Daniell  Hallsey  Jur 
Lift  abraham  Howell 
Abraham  Howell 
Charles  Howell 
Philip  Howell 
Ebenezer  Howell 
John  Sayre 
John  Sayre 
Thomas  Sayre 
Lott  Burnot 
Joseph  Burnott 
David  Burnott 
nathan  Burnott 
Jonathan  Buiiiot 
Samiel  Burnot 
Isaac  Burnott 
Thomas  fibster 
Benin  fibster       ..    »;, 
David  fibster 
Jonathan  fibster 
Isaac  fibster 
nathanel  Hasey 
Jonnathan  Howell 
Jonathan  Howell  Jur 
Isaa  Howell 
David  Howell    • 
Josiah  Hals0y 
•Tosiah  Halsey  Jur 
Jonathan  Halsey 
Benjn  fiiister  Jur 
Henry  Ludlom 
Will  Ludlom 
Henry  ludlom  Jur 
Jeremiah  ludlom 
Aibiell  Cook 
Abiell  Cook  Jur 
Josiah  Cooke 
Thomas  Rose 
Israeli  Rose    . 
Humphrey  Huse 
John  Parker 
abncr  Huse 
William  Rose 
Uriah  Huse 
John  mason 
Jedadia  Huse 
James  fibster 
John  Huse 
David  Halsey 
abraham  Halsey 
David  Rose 


James  Rose. 
David  Rose  Jnr 
Anthony  hidlom 
James  Herick 
Aron  Burnot 
Aaron  Burnot  Jur 
moses  Burnat 
Jonah  Rogers 
Jonah  Rogers 
Rogers 
James  Haines 
Samuell  Haines 
Ellis  Cook 
Charles  fordham 
John  Cook 
John  Cook  Jur 
EUias  Cook 
obadia  Cook 
Ellijah  Cook 
Ensn  John  lupton 
Christopher  Luptoa 
Benj  lupton 
Samuell  Loom* 
mathew  Loome 
Samuell  Loome  i 

Isaac  Mills  \ 

Isaac  mills  Jur 
Thomas  Cooper 
Thomas  Cooper  Jur 
Jonathan  milea 
Richard  Cooper 
Joseph  more 
Joseph  more 
Bei^n  more 
Elisha  Howell 
Lemuell  How^ 
martine  Rose 
Jacob  Wood      <  - 
Lenard  Hasy 
William  Tarbill 
Will  Tarbill  Jur 
John  michill  < 

John  michill  Jnr 
Jermiah  Halsey 
Jere :  Halsey  Jur 
Benony  nutton 
Benjn  nuton 
Isaac  nuton 
Jonathan  nuton 
John  nuton 
James  Hildrith 
James  Hildrith  Jur 
Joshua  Hildrith 
Ezekill  Sanford 
Ezekill  Sanford  Jur 
Thomas  Sanford 
Samuell  Barbur 
Jonathan  Striokling 
nathaniell  Resco  Jur 
Josiah  hand 
natha:  Resco 
Amij  Resco 
Peregrin  Stanbrongh 
James  Stanbrougb 
Doet  nath.  Waoe 
Simon  wade 
Alexander  Wilmot    '■ 
Joseph  Wiokham 
Joseph  wiaUiam  Jur 


LONG  ISLAND. 


667 


ir 
>m 


iJur 

I 

B 

n 

B 

SB 

ineB 


Jur 

i 

ik 

ok 

et  Luptoo 

m 
joom* 

[lOOlB* 

LtOOiaB 
lis 
118  Jur 

Cooper 
Cooper  Jt* 
n  mile* 
[  Cooper 
more 
more 

Howell 
11  Howell 
e  Rose 
hVood 

Im  TarbiU 
''arbiU  J«t 
nichiU  , 


W 


Thomaa  Diamond 
Capt.  ]£lnathan  Topping 
Stephen  Topping 
Sillvanus  Topping 
Edward  Petty 
Ellnathan  Petty 
Edward  Pety  Jur 
Joaiah  Topping 
Josiah  Topping  Jur 
Hezekia  Topping 
Robert  Noria 
Robert  noris  Jur 
olirer  noris 
Mr.  Ebenezer  white 


Ann  Peirkins 
Hannah  Hainea 
Lidia  Hainea 
mary  Haines 
mary  Shaw 
SusanahShaw 
Jeane  Shaw 
Sarah  Clark 
mary  Clark 
Ester  Clark 
Sarah  Olark 
mary  Scott 
Sarah  Haris 
Eunice  Haris 
mary  Davis 
mary  Itevis 
Mary  lupton 
mary  lupton 
Hanah  luptons 
abi^aill  luptons 
Abigail)  Riose 
Hanah  kose 
Abigaile  Rose  Jur 
Sarah  Rose: 
Hanah  Rose 
martha  Rose 
debro  Rose 
Hanah  Jager 
Sarah  Jager 
Hanah  Jager. 
Elizabeth  Davis 
mahitable  daviB 

Jager 
mary  Erie 
Mary  Cooper 
Sarah  Cooper 
mary  Cooper  Jur 
Elisabeth  Cooper 
Elisabeth  Cooper  Jur 
Jerash  Cooper 
Phebe  Cooper 
Elisabeth  Co(H>er  Jur 
Johana  Cooper 
mahitable  Cooper 
mary  Culver 
mary  Culver  Jur 
Racnell  Reeves 
Lidia  Rishop 
abigaile  Rishop 
marey  Bishop 
Eunis  Bishop 
Sarah  Poast 
mary  PoHt 


Elnath  white 

Lift  Coll  Henry  Peirson 

John  Peirson 

David  Peirson 

Theophilus  Person 

Abraliam  Peirson 

Josiah  Peirson 

Bennony  flint 

John  fflint 

John  morehouse 

John  morehouse  Jur 

Peter  noris 

Lift  Theophilus  Howell 
Theoph :  Howell  Jur 

FFEAMALES. 
mary  Post  Jur 
Patience  Sayere 
mary  Davis 
Sarah  Say re 
mary  Sayre 
mary  Sayre 
An  Halsey 
Abigaile  Reeves 
EUisabeth  gilbord 
Cethia  Gilbord 
mary  gilbord 
Hanah  Sayre 
mary  Bishop 
Susanah  Bishope 
Susanah  Bishop  Jur 
Sarah  Bishop 
maij  Bishop 
Patience  Barns 
Sarah  Barns 
ann  Woolly 
Ann  Woolly 
Elisabeth  woolly 
Hanah  woolly 
Phebe  wooly 
mary  woolly 
Hanah  Travely 
Susanah  Bcswik 
Ruth  bower 
mahitabell  Bower 
Sarah  Erie 
Sarah  ffoster 
Phebe  foster 
Hanah  foster 
Hanah  foster 
Hanah  foster 
Hana  ffoster 
Hanah  Hildrith 
Hanah  woodrufe 
Sarah  woodrufe 
Hanah  Woodrufe 
abigaile  woodrufe 
Elisabelh  woodrufe 
EUisabeth  Butler 
martha  Buler 
Sarah  Butler 
Amy  Butler 
mary  butler 
mary  Rogers 
mary  Rogers  Jur 
mary  Rogers  ter 
Sary  Roegers 
debro  Rogers 
Patience  Rogers 


Cniey  Howell 
Theoder  Peirson 
Theoder  Peirson 
John  Stanbrough 
John  Stanbrough  Jur 
Daniell  Sayre  Jur 
Daniell  Sayre  terts 
Dan  Burnot 
Ichabod  Burnot 
Dan  Burnot  Jur 

The  numbr  of  male  ) 
Christians  \ 


mary  Peirson 
Rebeika  Parvin 
Elisabeth  Steevena 
Phebe  Stecphens 
Susanah  Stevena 
Susana  willman 
hanah  willmans 
Elisbeth  wlUmans 
mahitable  hericke 
Ireniah  Hericke 
Phebe  Hericke 
mahitable  Herick 
Martha  Herick 
Debro  Toping 
Hanah  Reeves 
Temprance  wick 
Temprance  Wick 
Lidia  Howell 
Bothia  Howell 
ffreelove  Howell 
EUisabeth  ware 
Elisabeth  Jesup 
mary  Jessup 
Hanah  Jessup 
martha  Davis 
Sarah  Jussup 
mary  Howell 
mary  Howell 
Ireniah  Roggera 
mindwell  Erie 
Mrs.  mary  Howell 
Sibell  HoweU 
Elisabeth  Simpkint 
Johanah  Howell 
Abigaile  ffoster 
Sarah  ffoster 
mahitabell  foster 
Damary  ffoster 
Penellopie  ffoster 
EUisabeth  Howell 
Dorkis  HoweU 
Sary  Howell 
Sarah  Howell 
abigaile  Howell 
Elisabeth  goodale 
mary  goodale 
Hanah  goodale 
Sarah  Rayner 
debrah  Rayner 
Hanah  Rayner 
Sarah  ffeild 
mary  Halsey 
mahitable  Halsey 


i; 


■  I 
if , 


m 


t\ 


\  m 


«68 


V  r 


PAPERS  BELATING  TO 


mary  Halsey 
Sarah  minthorn 
Mrs.  Susanah  Howell 
Prudence  Howell 
Hanah  Howell 
mahite  Howell 
martha  Howell 
mary  fordham 
mary  fordham  Jut 
mary  fordham  3d 
Phebe  fordham 
Allath  fordham 
Deborah  Whiting 
Rebecca  Whiting 
Hanah  whiting 
Ellisabcth  whiting 
Susannah  Maltbey 
Susanah  Sayre 
Ester  fordham 
Keziah  fordham 
Hanah  fordham 
Ruth  White 
Sarah  white 
mary  Halsey 
Elisabeth  Halsey 
Pheby  Halsey 
Hanah  Erie 
mary  Poast 
Sarah  Poast 
Dorithee  Post 
martha  Poast 
Deborah  Poast 
Ester  Johnes 
Phebe  Johnes 
Airs,  mary  Howell 
Eunis  Howell 
Jerusha  Howell 
Hanah  Jager 
I<idia  Jag'ger 
Hanah  Melvino 
margret  Hilyard 
mary  Howell 
Mistris  anning 
Hanah  Clark 
Pheebe  Clark 
Hanah  Rounsifleld 
Martha  Rounsifield 
Abigaill  Wilson 
Hanah  Howell 
Sarah  Howell 
Hanah  Howell 
Judith  Howell 
Ann  Howell 
Grisill  Howell 
Amy  Halspy 
Hulda  Erie 
Ellisabeth  Halsey 
Debro  Halsey 
mary  Ranr 
Phebe  Raynr  '  ,_ 

Hanah  Raynr 
Sarah  Sayre 
Sarah  Sayre 
Damorus  Sayre 


Will 
John 
Poter 


Dick 
Tom 
Guie 


Phebe  Burnatt 
Lidia  foster 
Elisabeth  whit* 
Debro  foster 
Zeruiah  foster 
Annah  Halsey 
Hanah  Howell 
Zcrusah  Howell 
mary  Howell 
Temprance  Halsey 
Sarah  Halsey 
Temprance  Halsey 
abigaile  Halsey 
martha  foster 
Bothy  foster 
martha  foster 
Sarah  foster 
Rachell  Ludlom 
Jane  Ludlom 
Abigaile  ludlom 
Rachell  Ludlom  Jur 
ffrances  Cooke 
fTrances  Cooke  Jur 
Hanah  Rose 
Hanah  Rose 
Sarah  Hericke 
Elisabeth  Burnot 
Elisabeth  Burnott 
Hanah  Burnot 
Mary  Parker 
Ester  Rose 
Hanah  Halsey 
Hanah  Halsey 
Prudence  Halsey 
Patience  Ludlom 
Patience  Ludlom 
Piiebe  Rogers 
Phebe  Rogers 
Sarah  Haines 
Sarah  Haines 
Sarah  nichill 
Elisabeth  Cook 
Susanah  Cook  ^, 

Hunah  Shaw 
Ellisabcth  Cook 
martha  Cook 
Hanah  Lupton 
Hanah  Lupton 
Lidia  Lupton        ' 
mary  laughton 
Hanah  Lome 
Abigaile  Lome 
Hanah  Loome 
Johanah  nuton 
Johanah  nuton 
Ester  leeming 
Hannah  Cooper 
Sarah  taping 
Sarah  more 
Elisabeth  more 
8arah  more  Jur 
mary  more 
Hanah  Sayre 
Damones  Howell 

NEGRO  MALES. 

Jack  Ceaser 


Elliner  Howell 
Penellopie  Howell 
abiecah  Howell 
mary  Tarbill 
mary  tarbill 
mary  Harls 
mary  haris 
Deborah  Hildrith 
Deborah  Hildrith 
Hanah  Sanford 
Hanah  Sanford 
Elisabeth  nuton 
Phebe  nuton 
annah  Halsey 
annah  Halsey 
Johanah  Resco 
mary  barbur 
deliverance  priest 
mary  barbur 
mary  Strickland 
Mary  hand 
Abigaile  wade 
Sarah  Stanbrough 
OUive  Stanbrough 
Eimis  Stanbrough 
Ellisabeth  Stanbrough   t 
mary  Willmott  > 

Sarui  Wickham 
mary  Topping 
mary  Baylee 
Hannah  Topping 
Hanah  Toping 
Temprance  Toping 

Toping 
martha  huse 
Hanah  noris 
Hanah  noria 
mary  noris 
£arah  noris 
hanah  leeming 
mrs  mahitable  white 
Elisabeth  langton 
mrs  Susanah  Peirson 
Abigaile  toping 
Hanah  Peirson 
Sarah  Peirson 
mary  flint 
mary  flint  ' 

Hanah  flintt 
Sarah  noris  [ 

Hanah  noris 
Elisabeth  noris 


Jack 
Dick 


Jethro 
Jack 


Debro  Howell 
Phebee  Howell 
hanah  noris 
fil-ances  Peirson 
Am  Peirson 
martha  StanVroi'gh 
martha  C'.inbrc.igh. 
Sarah  Sayre 
Hanah  Sayre 
Sarah  Sayre 
Abigaile  burnot 
feamale  Christians  34 

Titus  minffO 

Jefery  Dick    ,   " 

Lewis  Tittos    '  ^^ 


LONO  ISLAND. 


669 


•u 


Ith 

Ltb 


o 

iriett 

md 

de 

ough 

rougb 

rough 
tanbrougn   i^ 

lOtt 

ham 
ing 
)e 
pping 

ting  . 
B-lToptag   : 
oping 


["able  wblte 
langton 
lah  Peirton 
toping 
(ir>on 
Irson 


[itt 

bris 
norw 

lowell 

loweU 
kris 

>eir8on 

Irson         . 

inbrctgn 

lyre 

^ayre 
lyrc 

Vie  Christian*  *» 
mingo 
Tilttt* 


Tom 
Will 
Jaok 


Ann 

betT 

IsabeU 

bety 

Elisabeth 

Perle 

Abee 


ffranck 

Ceser 

Samson 


Sarah 

Hanah 

'Joane 

Sarah 

bety 

Joane 

Hager 


Jehue 

Nero 

George 


Sambo 

ned: 

Tobee 


Peter 

Cisto 


brigitt 
40 


■:»Tfl 


[7  names  destroyed.] 


NEGRO  FEMALES. 


bety 

Hanah 

Rachel 

Judith 

Judith 

Jinny 

Simony 


Rueth 

Rueth 

Dorekis 

Smony 

Pegee 

Philis 

hiUbell 


Bess 

mariah 

Simony 

females  negro 
persons  & 


The  number  of  Christian  Males  is         ... 
The  number  of  Christian  ffeemalca  is  . 
The  number  of  negro  Slaves  men  is      .        .        . 
The  nuber  of  women  negro  Slaves  is    . 
Indian  males  that  are  upwards  of  fifteen  years — The 
whom  have  any  nam 


Sarah 

Sarah 

Rose 

margery 

hanah 

moUv 

Dinah 

[6  names  destroyed.] 

.       .    389 

.    040 
.        .    043 
Squas  and  c' 


.•  ;«i 


Chice 
Johnson 


Indian 
Indian 


Arther  Indian 
Anthony  Indian 
Thamanty  Indian 
Johnaquan  Indian 

Jueegano  Indian 
lenard  Indian 
Pisacomary  Indian 
Jefery  Indian 

Rhichoam  Indian 
Redhedwill  Indian 
Pomquaneo  Indian 
Simon  Indian 

Canady  Indian 
Tohemon      Indian 


Coyemow  Indian 
ffranck  Indian 
Toby  Indian 

macrobow  Indian 
nabamacow  Indian 
Philip  Indian 

Sam  Indian 

Tom  lenard  Indian 
Dick  Indian 

Plato  Indian 

Tom-hodge  Indian 


Denitt 

obedia 

Cuttwas 

Abraham 

Isaac 

Sam 


Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 


Steephen 

nodian 

Judas 

Weegon 

Cough 

Sam 

William 

na 

Chitty 

Hary 

Joseph 

Tom 

waynantuck 

wancno 

Titus 


Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 
Indian 


■     I 


i;- 


The  nuber  of  Indians  upwards  of  15  years 

The  Indians  Informes  there  is  about  The  same  number  of  woomen  i 


and  as  many  Children 


100 

The  hethcn  are  So  Scattered  To  and  frow  that  they  can  neither  be  Sumonsed  in 
[Manuscript  torn.] 
The  above  listt  of  the  Inhabitants  of  ye  Town  of  Southampton,  Taken  p  me 
this  15th  day  of  September  1698 
-  MATHEW  HOWELL. 


i*  ;■!-.! 


::  f 


A  LIST  OF  THE  NAMES 

OF  OLD  AND  YOUNG,  CHRISTIANS,  AND  HEATHENS,  FFREMEN,  AND 
SERVANTS  ;  WHITE  ;  AND  BLACK  ;  &C.  INHABITTEINGE  WITHIN  THE 
TOWN-SHIP?  OF  SOUTHOLD  VIZ 


Isaac  Arnold 
Sarah  Arnold 
Rachel  Arnold 
Sarah  Arnold  Junjr 
Susannah  Arnold 
Susannah  Washboui-n 
John  Wushboum 


Thomas  Mapes 
Mary  Mapes 
Abigail  Mapes 
Margarett  Edwards 
Joshua  Hobart 
Peter  Ilnbart 
John  Hobart 


Ebenezer  Way 
Irene  Way 
Eliezer  Way 
J  ^nathan  Horton 
Bath  i  a  Horton 
Jonathan  Horton  Junjr 
William  Horton 


670 


PAPERS  RBXATINO  TO 


,    ♦ 


1         I 


Jamei  Horton 
Mehitobel  Horton 
Mary  Horton 
AbigaU  Horton 
Patlenee  Horton 
Stephen  Bouyer 
Jonas  Holdsworth 
Joahna  Horton 
Mary  Horton 
^ibraia  Horton 
Mary  Horton  Junjr 
Bathia  Horton 
Elizabeth  Horton 
Zerviah  Horton 
Jasper  Orifllng 
Hannah  Grifflng 
Robert  Orifflnf 
Susanna  OriAng 
Edward  Orifflng 
Robert  Gkifflnir  J^njr 
Samuel  Orifflng^ 
John  OriiBinf 
John  Youngs 
Wm  Walter 
Theoder  Ballens 
Marr  Oriflng 
Pruaence  Smith 
John  Booth 
Hannah  Booth 
Mohitophel  Booth 
John  Booth  Junjr 
Obadiah  Booth 
Daniel  Booth 
Hannah  Booth  Junjr 
Patience  Booth 
Thomas  Emmons 
Mary  Emmons, 
Obatliah  Emmons 
Ellzth.  Emmons 
TItomas  Paine 
John  Tatthill 
Sarah  TutMiill 
Daniel  Tutthill 
Nathaniel  Tutthill 
Ephraim  Youngs 
Mai'y  Youngs 
Ruth  Terry 
Thomas  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs 
Christopher  Itradly 
John  Edwards 
William  Barnes 
Mary  Mayhew 
Benjameu  Lhummedieu 
Patience  Lhommedieu 
Benjamen    Lhommedieu 

Junjr 
Hosea  Lhommedieu 
Eliza  Sylvester 
William  Booth 
Hannah  Booth 
Wm  Booth  Junjr 
famuel  Booth 
George  Booth 
Hannah  Booth  Junjr 
Thomas  Terry 
Eliza  Terry 
Thomas  Terry  Junjr. 
Daniel  Terry 


Joseph  Terrjr 
Abigail  Terry 
Hannah  Martin 
John  Rogers 
John  Conckline 
Sarah  Conoklin 
Sarah  Conckline  Junr. 
John  Conckline  Junjr. 
Henry  Ooaokline 
Rachel  Ooncklin 
Thomas  Coneklin 
Mary  Coneklin 
Joseph  Coneklin 
Abigail  Coneklin 
Joseph  Coneklin  Junjr 
John  Coneklin 
Phillip  Gooding 
Sarah  Gooding 
Amos  Gooding 
Phillip  Gooding  Junjr. 
fiTreelouo  Gooding 
Christopher  Youngs 
Mercy  Youngs 
Abraham  Youngs 
Nathaniel  Youngs 
John  Youngs 
Charity  Nashbourne 
Thomas  Terrell 
John  Terrell 
Richard  Terrell 
Abigail  Terrell 
Nicholas  Terrell 
Catharine  Terrell 
Peter  Hallock 
Eliza  Hallock 
Bathia  Hallock 
Abigail  Hallock 
Peter  Hallock  Junjr 
William  Hallock 
Noah  Hallock 
Richard  Benjamen 
Eliza  Benjamen 
Anna  Benjamen 
John  Beqjamen 
Richard  Benjamen  Junjr. 
Jonathan  Benjamen 
David  Benjamen 
Joshua  Benjamen 
Joseph  Benjamen 
Daniel  Terry 
Sarah  Terry 
Daniel  Terry  Junjr. 
Samuel  Terry 
Eliza  Terry  ' 

James  Terry 
Isaac  Ouenton 
John  Ouenton 
Thomas  Ouenton 
Thomas  Goldsmith 
Bathia  Goldsmith 
Joshua  Goldsmith 
Richard  Terry 
Prudence  Terry 
Abigail  Coleman 
Caleb  Horton 
John  Reeue 
hannah  Reeue 
Walter  Reeue 
John  Rceuc  Junjr 


ElishaRMa*  ^>' "" 

Abigail  Reeae  '  <   ' 

Bathia  Reeue 
Margarett  Giles 
Peter  Dickerson 
Naomy  Dickerson 
Philemon  Dickerson 
John  Dickerson 
Mary  Dickerson  Juqir 
Naomy  Diekferson 
Thomas  Dickersoa 
Mary  Dickerson 
Mary  Monjoy 
Jonathan  Reeue 
Martha  Reeue 
Margarett  Reeue 
Mary  Reene 
Martha  Reeue  Jaqjr 
Mathew  Reeue 
Jonathan  Mapes 
Hester  Mapes 
Beqjamen  Voungt 
Mary  Youngs 
Grover  Youngs 
John  Bailey 
Lott  Johnson  [ 

Gideon  Yonngt  \ 

Sarah  Youngs 
Joseph  Youngs 
Jonathan  Youngs 
David  Youngs 
Gidion  Youngs 
Sarah  Youngs 
Hannah  Youngs 
Margarett  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs, 
Hannah  Wlgp^in  widdotr 
James  Wiggin 
Annis  Wiggin 
Eliza  Wiggin 
Patience  Ryder 
Thomas  Hallock 
Hope  Hallock 
Thomas  Hallock 
Kingsland  Hallock 
Ichabod  Hallock 
Zerobabel  Hallock 
Anna  Hallock 
Patience  Hallock 
Richard  Hallock 
Richard  Howell 
David  Howell 
Jonathan  Howell 
Richard  Howell  Juqjr. 
jHsiac  Howell 
Jacob  Howell 
Eliza  Howell 
Dorathy  Howell 
MaryYoungsJunjr  widdow 
Christopher  Youngs  Juiyr 
Anna  Youngs 
Phebe  Youngs 
Eliza  Youngs 
John  Gattin 
Sarah  Gattin 
Anna  Gattin 
Jonathan  Brown 
Eliza  Brown 
Jonathan  Brown  Junjr 


1 1 


LOVO  ULAMD. 


671 


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Hallock 

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Hallock 

Hallock 

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,  Howell 
Howell  Junir. 
well 
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ungs 

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lattin 
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^rown  . 

in  Brown  Jun)r 


Dlsa  Brown  JiH4r 
Hannah  Brown 
Rachel  Brown 
Mary  Oilea 
Edward  Oattin 
Marv  Youngt  widdow 
Daniel  Youngt 
William  Youngt 
Joshua  Younga 
Samuel  Tnrner 
If  ary  Wiggana 
Nathaa  Langdon 
Hannah  Langdoa 
Eliza  Langdon 
Nathan  Langdon  Jui\]r 
Jamea  Langdoa 
Samuel  Younga 
Joseph  Sweaty 
Uary  Sweaty 
Johanna  Sweaty 
Joaeph  Sweaty  JuB|}r 
Marv  Swazy 
Sarah  Swazy 
Samuel  Swaiy 
Richard  Swazy 
Stephen  Swazy 
Bathia  Swaay 
Thomas  Moor  Juqir 
Jean  Moor 
Mary  Moor 
Rachel  Moor 
Isaac  Osmond 
Chaterine  Osmond 
Martha  Osmond 
Prudence  Osmond 
Isaac  Osmond 
William  Downs 
Abigail  Downs 
Ab^ah  Downs  Junjr. 
Samuel  King  Jui\jr. 
Hannah  King 
Samuel  King 
Zacharias  King 
John  Swazy 
Mary  Swazy 
Jno.  Swazy  Junjr 
Susana.  Swazy 
Mary  Swazy  Junjr 
Joshua  &  Phebe  Swazy 
Jacob  Conckline 
Mary  Conckline 
Jacob  Conckline  Jui^r 
Samuel  Conckline 
John  Concklioe 
Gideon  Conckline 
Mary  Conckline  Juqjr 
Joseph  Conckline 
Joseph  Conckline  Juqjr 
Mary  Baily 
Tlieophilus  Corwin 
John  Harwood 
William  Brown 
Catharine  Brown 
Wm  Brown  juiyr 
John  Brown 
Walter  Brown 
Silvanus  Brown 
David  Brown 
Mary  Brown 


Sarah  Martin 
John  Corwin 
Matthias  Oorwia 
Samuel  Oorwia 
Anna  Corwin 
Abigail  Oorwia 
John  Corwin  Ju^Jr 
Sarah  Oorwia 
Sarah  Corwin  Jui\)r 
Eliza  Corwin 
Heater  Corwin 
Jacob  Otmond 
Sarah  Otmond 
Mary  Otmond 
Sarah  Otmond  JuAJr 
Eliza  Otmond 
Heater  Otmond 
Pinnina  Otmond 
Hannah  Otmond 
Martha  Otmond  widdw 
Sarah  Otmond 
Dinah  Blyth 
Jno.  Howel 
Thomaa  Clark 
Mary  Clark 
Thomas  Clark  Junir 
Elitabeth  Clark 
Mary  Otmond  widdow 
Deborah  Otmond 
Phebe  Otmond 
Johanna  Otmond 
Mercy  Otmond 
i^amuol  Otmond 
William  King 
Abigail  King 
Wm  Kinff  Jui^Jr 
Hannah  King 
David  King 
Sarah  Younga 
Daniel  King 
Robert  Labo 
Caleb  Curtjea 
Eliza  Curtfes 
Joshua  Curios 
Mary  Curves 
Samuol  Curtjoa 
Sarah  Curtjea 
Hannah  Curtjoa 
Richard  CurQea 
Stephen  Baity 
Mary  Baily 
Hannah  Bailey 
Israel  Baily 
Temperance  Baily 
Jonathan  Baily 
Christian  Baily 
David  Gardiner 
Martha  Gardiner 
Mary  Gardiner 
Mehitober  Corwin 
Samuel  King 
Abigail  Kinff 
Theophilus  Case 
hannah  Case 
William  Case 
Icabod  Case 
John  Case 
Eliza  Robertson 
Jasper  Grifflng  Jui^r 


Ruth  Griflinf  >-  i 

Jasper  Griflmg 
Ruth  Grifflng 
Abraham  Corey 
Mkrgarett  Corey 
Mary  Corey 
Abraham  Corey  Jui^i 
Jno  Corey 
Dorathy  Oorer 
Patience  Maynew 
Isaac  Corey 
Sarah  Corey 
Isaac  Corey  Ju^Jr 
David  Corey 
Jonathan  Corey 
Sarah  Corey  Ju^jr 
Phebe  Corey 
Deborah  Corey 
Peter  Aldridge 
Annia  Roeue  widdow 
Walter  Browa 
Joaeph  Brown 
Daniel  Brown 
Oeraliam  Aldridgo 
Jamea  Pattay 
Experience  Pattay 
Jamea  Pattay  Junjr 
Mary  Pattay 
nymon  Pattay 
Experience  Pattay 
Thomaa  Ryder 
Joseph  Ryder 
Providence  Ryder 
Jeremiah  Ryder 
Hefcter  Ryder 
Mehitobel  Ryder 
John  Budd 
Hester  Budd 
John  Budd  Junjr 
Joaeph  Budd 
Susannah  Budd 
Mary  Budd 
Martha  Moor  widdow 
John  Trusteen 
Jonathan  Moor 
William  Moor  ' 
Mary  Trusteen 
John  Pain  Junjr 
Sarah  Pain 
Nathaniel  Pain 
John  Pain 
Samuel  Crook 
Joseph  Crook 
Sussannah  Crook 
John  fiVancklin 
Phillai  fiVancklin 
Jno  firancklin  Juqjr 
Mary  fiVancklin 
Samuel  ffVancklin 
Martha  flVanoklin 
fiVancis  Noise 
Perrsha  Noice 
Catharine  Noise 
Eliza  Lewis 
Mary  Reeue  widdow 
Wm  Reeue 
Abigail  Reeue 
Margaret  Reeue 
Saran  Reeue 


-^f 


3       ^i  t 


,i^' 


. 


1.' 


I    ■ 


J'lif  ! 


it]r»,' 


672 


PAPERS  RKLATINO  TO 


1:' 


Thomas  Reeue 
Henry  Tutthill 
Batthia  Tutthill 
Henry  Tutthill  Junjr 
Jonathan  Tutthill 
Nathaniel  Tutthill 
Darnabaa  Tutthill 
Abigail  Martin 
Hester  Hoaman  widdow 
Hester  Hoaman  Jui\]r 
John  Joanes 
Thomas  Hunter 
Kliza  huner 
Eliza  hunter  JunJr 
Kervia  Hunter 
Hannah  Hunter 
SArah  Horton  Wlddw 
Pcanollope  Horton 
John  Pattay 
Mary  Pattay 
Edward  Pattay 
David  Pattay 
Mary  Pattay 
Joshua  Wells 
Hannah  Wells 
William  Wells 
Jno.  Wells 
Joshua  Wells 
Dcliuerance  Wells 
Abigail  Wells 
Ann  Wells 
Mary  Martin 
John  Owen 
Thomas  Booth 
Mary  Booth 
John  Booth 
Thomas  Booth  JunJr 
James  Booth 
Giles  Booth 
Mary  Booth  Junjr 
Abraham  Ozmond 
Rebecca  Ozmond 
Joseph  Ozmond 
John  Hzmond 
Damarass  Terrell 
John  AUowbin 
hannah  AUowbin  Junjr 
Mary  AUowbin 
Tabitha  AUowbin 
John  Goldsmith 
Eliza  Goldsmith 
John  Goldsmith  Junjr 
Thomas  Goldsmith 
Richard  Goldsmith 
Nathaniel  GoldsmitI; 
Mary  Goldsmith 
Henry  WeUs 
Mary  Wells 
Martha  Carr  •' 

Samuel  Glouer 
Sarah  Glouer 
8amuel  Glouer  junjr 
Martha  Glouer 
hanna.  Glouer 
Hester  Glouer 
William  Glouer 
Charles  Glouer 
Martha  Glouer 
Euan  Davis 


Mary  Davis 
Mordceai  hoaman 
William  Coleman 
Mary  Coleman 
Sarah  Coleman 
William  Coleman  Jui\]r 
Mary  Coleman  Junjr 
Sarah  Coleman  JuAjr 
Charles  Booth 
Abigail  Booth 
Mary  Horton  widdow 
Jean  Mappon 
Charles  Booth  Junjr 
Abigail  Booth  Juntr 
David  Booth 
Jacob  Aldridge 
Caleb  Horton 
Jonathan  Horton 
David  Horton 
Barnabas  Horton 
Phebe  Horton 
Samuel  Windes  ' 

Mary  Windes  * 

WmCoe 

Charley  Edwards        ' 
Lott  Johnson 
Joseph  Pattay 
Mary  Pattay 
Daniel  Pattay 
James  Reeue 
Deborah  Reeue 
Mary  Reeue 
Isaac  Reeue 
Thomas  Reeue 
Mary  Reeue 
Richard  Brown 
Dorithy  Brown 
Richard  Brown  Ju^jr 
Samuel  Brown 
Dorathy  Brown 
Abigail  Brown 
Mehitobel  Brown 
Henry  Brown 
Samuel  Hutcheson 
Elizabeth  Hutcheson 
Samuel  Hutcheson  Juivir 
Gersham  Terry 
Deborah  Terry 
Gersham  Terry  Juidr 
Deborah  Terry  Junjr 
Abigail  Terry 
Richard  Terry 
Rarsheba  Terry 
Mehitobel  Terry 
Eliza  Cleaues 
Jerediah  Cleaues 
John  Cleaues 
Eliza  Cleaues  Jur\jr 
Mary  Cleaues 
Hannah  Cleaues 
John  Cleaues  Junjr 
Abigail  Cleaues 
Thomas  Tusten 
Priscilla  Tuston,  Widdow 
Kliza  Tusten 
Mcroiam  Tusten 
Grace  Tusten 
Carteret!  Gillam 
Mary  Gillam 


Anna  Gilliam  '  < 

Arnold  Gillam 

James  Gillam 

John  Wiggam 

James  Pershall 

Margaret  Pershall 

Mary  Pershall  ; 

Israel  Pershall 

David  Pershall 

Beqjamen  Pershall 

Margarett  Pershall  Juntr 

Thofdas  Terrell  Junjr 

Sarah  Terrell 

Thomas  Terrell 

Sarah  Terrell  Jui^r 

Joshua  Horton  Ju^jr    ■''■■■ 

Eliza  Horton 

Eliza  Horton  Jui\]r 

Patience  Horton  '^ 

Deborah  Horton 

Martha  Horton 

Henry  Case 

Tabitha  Case  • 

Henry  Case  Junjr 

Samuel  Case 

Benjamn  Case 

Tabitha  Case  J  uiu**      \ 

Mary  Case  ^ 

John  Bond 

Sarah  Rodman 

John  Barnes  I 

Joseph  Reeue 

Abigail  Reeue 

Joseph  Reeue  Junjr 

Benjamen  Reeue 

Djvid  Reeue 

t''!  :ikias  Reeue 

Solomon  Reeue 

Abigail  Reeue 

Mary  Reeue 

Margarett  Hallnck  widdow 

Dorathy  Ozmon 

Barnabas  Windeu 

Mary  Windes  '' 

Barnabas  Windes  Jimjr 

Samuel  Windes 

Bathia  Windes 

Peanellopc  Windes 

Sussanna  Willman 

Bathia  Horton 

Susanna  Windes 

Martha  Hutcheson  widdow 

Thomas  Hutcheson 

Mathias  Hutcheson 

Martha  Hutcheson  Junjr 

Hanna.  Case 

John  Terry 

Hannah  Terry 

John  Terry  Junjr 

Nathaniel  Moor 

Jacob  Cory 

Ann  Cory 

Jacob  Corey  Junjr 

Ann  Corey  Jui^r 

Abigail  Cory 

Jehoada  Corey 

John  Corey 

Benjamn  Corey 

Christopher  Merrick 


UWQ  ULAVD. 


673 


\ 


'•'"■ 

n 

kU 

rshaU 

U 

111 

Ul 

BrthaU 

erihall  Jui^r 

xell  Juoir 

11 

rroU 

11  JunJr 

ton  Juiur 

m  , 

jn  JunJr 

[orton 

:orton 

irton 

le 

uo      . 

le  JunjT 

ise 

Case 

e 

111 

dman  ,         < 

Ties  ,         I 

Lecue 

Reeue 

leeue  JtuU' 

n  Reeue 

eeue 

Reeue 

I  Reeue 

Reeue 

auockwiddow 

r  0«no" 
IB  Windea 
hnilcB  , 

IS  WindeB  Junjr 

Wimles 

Windea 

iope  Windci 

laWUlman 

Horton 

a  Windes        , .  .„_ 
fHutchcsonwiddo^ 

■ts  Hutcheson 
I'S^erJunir 

Case 
Terry 
Yi  Terry 
Terry  JunJr 
nielMoor 

Cory 

lory       _     . 
Corey  Junjr 

lorey  Junjt 
lU  Cory 
ula  Corey 
Corey 
imn  Corey 
itopher  Merrick 


RuBfth  Merrlok 
Jcrtmiah  Vnl* 
Anne  Veale 
Thomaa  Veal* 
Jeremiah  Veala  Jui^ 
Mary  Veala 
Harjr  Moor 
JoakoaSylTMtiir   • 
JoMph  Moor 
Martha  Moor 
JoMpb  Moor  Jtti^r 
Sarah  Solmon  wia«low 
William  Bolmoa 
Sarah  Sploma  Jui^ 
Marjr  Solmon 
Amjr  Solno*^ 


Thomas  Moor 
John  Moor 
Nathaniel  Afoot 
Martha  Moor 
Eliia  Moor 
Srmoa  Orouar 
Eliia  Orouer 
Martha  Vaal* 
Benjamin  Bams 
BpiriiabasHortoa 
Samuel  Bodmaa 
Bentomen  Moor 
Abigail  Moor 
Jpha  Hutson 
Mary  Hutson 
John  Pain 


Elisabeth  Youngs  widdow  Jemima  Pain 


John  Youngs 
Bei\Jamen  i  oungs  Junr 
Bllik,  Youngs  Jm^ 
Clwistian  Youngs 
Jno.  Colemai^ 
Mary  Harwood 
William  Allobon 
Andrew  Miller 
Margarett  MiUer 
DaivM  Miller 
Eliza  Miller 
Marg«r*tt  MMler  Jni\}r 
Hannah  Miller 
Oarshatn  Tinelier 
Samufl  Youngs 
lilavy  YouiufS 
Margaritt,  Youngs 
Katmtn  Youngs 
ZetQbfibel  Youngs 
Baihia  Oorwin 
Joso]^  Youngs 
Siu  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs 
Thomas  Youngs 
Abigail  Pain  widdow 
Abigail  Pain  Jui^r 
Mwjr  Pain 
SanhPain 
JohnOaines 
Sarah  Moor.,wld4o^ 
Abigail  Moor 
Pid^n^e  Mopr 
Debonh  Moor 


Mary  Pain 

JIartha  Pain 
emima  Pain 
Eliaa  Pain 
John  Pain  Jnqjr 
John  Corwin 
Bei^amen  Bedweli 
Thomas  Longworth 
Deborah  Longworth 
Joshiah  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs 
Manr  Yonnga  Juqjr 
Daniel  Corwin 
William  Halloel^e 
Mary  Halloclc 
William  Hallock  Junjr 
Ruth  Howell 
Prudence  Hallock 
Zcbulon  Hidlock 
Mary  Hallock  Jui^r 
Mary.  Corwin 
Jabes  Mapes 
Eliza  Mapes 
Sarah  Mapes 
Eliui  Mapes  Juqfr 
Hannah  Mapes 
Ealsa  Mapes 
John  Carter 
Ann  Carter 
Oesia  Carter 
Hester  (»rter 
EILi^  Rackett 
John  Rackett 


Ann  Carter  Jtuji 
Mary  Carter 
Joseph  Mapea 
Ruth  Mapes 
Joseph  Mapes  Jnnir 
WiuTam  Mapes 
Hannah  Mapes 

fikTid  Youngs 
ary  Youngs 
John  Loring 
Richard  Loiing 
Samuel  Lpring 
Jno  Loring  Junlr 
WmLorii^ 
Thomas  Loring 
John  Vta)fl 
Oraea  Veala 
J«ibn  Veala  Jnnir    .    . 
Daniel  Veale 
Bimuel  Veale 
Obadiah  Veala 
Mary  Veale 
Abigail  Veala 
IrenWeale 
Tabitha  Veale 
Joyce  Veale 
Mercy  Pattay  wi44Qir 
Ralt>li  Pattay 
Lu«a^Patta|r 
Moses  PatUr 
Margery  Pattay 
AnnPattav 
^mon  Runtsey 
Mary  Ruifisey 
Mary  Rumsey  Jni^r 
Peter  Syn^)ns 

Symons 

Symops 

Symons 
Jolip  Tutthill  Junjr 
Mehitohell  Tutthill 
Waita  fiei\iamen  widdow 
William  Bei^amen 
Waite  Benjamen  Jui^r 
Anna  Bei^jamen 
hinbah  Bei^jamen 
John  Beniamen 
William  Rosebaah 
Ann  Rofebaih 


I  i 


..n 


Thu  N^wm  </  th»  Slavt,  Mtn  Wtomei^  and  ChOirm 


Tony. 

Maria 

Seraony 

Mobsey 

Titus 

Sombo 

Tom 


PrissUla 

Adrea 

Abigail 

Grace 

Lidjly 

Jack 

Betty 


Peter 
Nager 
John 
Santo 

hwe 


Bristol 

Grace 

Cato 

Semony 

Rose 

Tomm 

Bobbin 


Dorrad 

Sarah 

Jenny  a  Girl 

Jenny 

Judah 

Gate 

James 


Jack 
Betty 
Rpse 
huson 
Titus 
Sambo 
In  all  41 
•    40 


Indians  liVeemen,  Servants,  men  wemen  and  Children  in  number 
Whope  Jftimes  Cannot  be  known  because  not  Content  To  any  Name  fcc 

One  hundred  thirty  and  two  ffamelyes;  Consisting  of  Christians,  old,  and 
young;       -  

Indians,  old,  h.  young.       ..------ 

Slaves,  old  &  young,—       -------- 


80O 

040 

4} 


In  all  •  •  -881 

Pr.  ISA.  ARNUTS 
THOMAS  MAPES 


43 


r 


674  PinCKi  BXLATIK6  TO 

NOTES  AND  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE  TOWN  OP       i, 
EAST  HAMPTON,  L  I. 

BY  JOHN  LYON  OAKDINXR,  OF  THE  ISLE  OF  WIGHT  ;   APRIL,  1798. 

The  Town  of  East  Hampton  is  bounded  South-Easterly  by  the 
Atlantic  Ocean,  on  which  side  the  shore  is  a  sand  beach  free  from 
rocks.  The  sea  gains  on  the  shore,  and  it  has  been  said  by  aged 
people  that,  in  some  places,  the  sea  now  washes  the  shore  where 
Indian  Corn  has  been  planted  by  their  Fathers.  The  sand  near 
the  shore  is  blown  into  hills  on  which  nothing  grows  but  a  grass 
called  <'  Beach  Grass,"  and  a  shrub  bearing  the  Beach  plum.  By 
this  grass  &  the  Bushes,  the  sand  is,  in  some  measure,  prevented 
being  blown  over  the  adjacent  pasture  &  mowing  fields. 

Easterly,  the  town  terminates  at  Montauk's  Point  around  which 
the  Tide  runs  very  rapidly.  Oardinera  Island,  or  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  lies  on  the  North  East  side  of  Gardiner's  Bay,  and  con- 
tains about  3,000  acres  of  good  land.  Its  greatest  length  is  from 
N.  W.  to  S.  E.  and  is  about  7j^  miles.  There  is,  besides,  an 
Island  called  Rom  (or  Rum)  Island,  which  belongs  to  it,  and  lies 
on  the  South  part.  The  shape  of  the  Island  is  .irregular.  From 
its  first  settlement  in  1639,  it  was  a  plantation  by  itself.  As  the 
Legislature  in  1788  thought  proper  to  annex  it  to  the  town  of  East 
Hampton,  it  will,  in  these  Notes,  be  considered  as  a  part  of  that 
Township.  This  Island  is  distant  from  the  town  10  miles;  and 
from  Long  Island  shore  about  3.  It  is  assessed  for  about  one 
sixth  of  the  value  of  the  Township.  The  shore  on  the  North 
side  of  East  Hampton  is  rocky  and  indented  with  bays,  coves,  and 
creeks,  which  lead  into  Ponds  abounding  with  shell  and  scale  fiih, 
and  are  harbours  for  small  vessels. 

Westerly,  the  town  is  bounded  by  South  Hampton. 

The  line  between  these  two  towns  was  in  contention  from  the 
first  settlement  till  1695,  when  it  was,  finally,  fixed  whefe  it  now 
is,  by  persons  mutually  chosen  by  the  two  Towns.  It  begins  at 
the  sea  shore  on  the  south  side,  and  crosses  the  eastern  branch  of 
the  Island,  to  t'  e  North  side  &  leaves  but  a  small  part  of  the 
houses,  at  Sag  Harbor  on  the  East  Hampton  side.    This  line  is 


'^  f    LONG  ISLAND. 


676 


OF 

iL,  n«8. 

.fly  by  the 
ix  free  from 
lid  by  aged 
hore  where 
B  sand  near 
but  a  grass 
;  plum.  By 
5,  prevented 

ids. 

iround  which 
the  Isle  of 

lay,  and  con- 

ength  is  from 

I,  berides,  an 
to  it,  and  lies 

gular.    From 

itself.    As  the 

|e  town  of  East 
a  part  of  that 

llO  miles;  and 

Ifor  about  one 
on  the  North 
ays,  coves,  and 
ll  and  scale  fi«h) 

ton. 

Intion  from  the 
Id  whefe  it  now 
It  begins  at 
Istern  branch  of 
|iall  part  of  the 
This  line  i» 


about  miles  in  length,  &  was  fenced  about  the  year  1664  in 
order  to  keep  the  Southampton  horses  &c.  from  crossing  over  the 
bounds.  This  line  is  now  much  farther  to  the  E!astwBrd  than 
where  it  wa^  fixed  by  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut  about 
1660  to  whose  decision  it  was  then  referred. 

The  settlement  of  Sag  Harbor  is  mostly  in  Southampton  Town- 
ship, and  is  a  thriving  place.  It  is  exceedingly  well  calculated 
for  the  Whale  and  Cod  Fishery. 

By  the  Records,  it  appears  that  East  Hampton  was  at  first  called 
Maidsifmt.  This  name  does  not  appear  afler  the  year  1664,  when 
they  came  under  the  Duke  of  York,  and  soon  after  received  a 
Patent  from  Col.  Richard  Nicolls.  By  this  Patent  the  Town  is 
called  East  Hampton,  though  the  records  of  the  Town  prior  to 
the  year  1664,  mention  that  as  the  name  of  the  place.  It  was 
probably  called  East,  on  account  of  its  situation  to  the  East  of 
Southampton. 

Some  of  the  First  Settlers  appear,  by  the  Records,  to  have  come 
from  Stansted  in  the  county  of  Kent  in  England.  Probably  some 
of  them  might  have  come  from  Maidstone  in  the  same. County. 
It  is  very  evident  from  the  Records,  that  some  of  the  Original  36 
settlers  and  purchasers  of  the  Town  removed  from  Lynn  in  Mas- 
sachusetts ;  and  tradition  informs  us  that  they  came  from  several 
of  the  towns  on  the  Sea  coast  to  the  Eastward  of  Boston.  These 
were,  probably,  natives  of  England,  as  New  England  had  not 
been  settled  so  long  as  to  produce  Native  Immigrants  when  E. 
Hampton  was  first  settled.  Those  who  were  received  by  the 
Original  Settlers  as  "  accepted  Inhabitants,"  might  have  been  bom 
in  America.  None  were  received  into  the  Town  as  Inhabitants 
but  by  a  vote,  and  some  were  forbid  settling  on  account  of  their 
principles  and  laziness. 

There  were,  at  first  35  purchasers.  The  names  of  13  of  these 
are  now  entirely  extinct  in  the  Town.  The  Christian  &  Surnames 
of  many  of  the  original  settlers  are  now  found  to  the  4*''  5*''  & 
6th  degree,  counting  the  frst  as  one.  Lands  that  wer«  at  first 
allotted,  have  descended  in  the  family,  and  are,  after  a  space  o/ 
160  years,  occupied  by  one  of  the  same  family  and  name. 

When  the  town  was  first  settled  only  a  home-lot  at  the  South 


€•^6 


rATWUnmJotKo  to 


'^' 


Qftd  of  the  Town,  containing  from  11  td  13  acres  -^s  laid  e«A 
This  was  done  on  both  sides  of  the  Pond,  called  the  "  ToIwd 
Pond."  This  was  jMrobably  on  account  of  the  convenience  of 
getting  water  for  tbemselves  and  cattle  before  they  dug  weJlsi  It 
is  probable  a  brook  might  have  dischwged  itself  into- the  Pond, 
which,  sincjB  the  land  is  cleared^  has  diBlippeiat*cd; 
»  The  next  lands  that  was  laid  Out  to  the  Owners,  were  the  Salt 
Marshes  in  various  parts  of  the  Town.  The  last  of  tbe  Wood-^ 
land  was  fiUotted  to  the  owners  about  60  years  ago^ 

JBxceptin^  the  Indian  Deed  for  the  Townriiip^  there  is  nothing 
of  an  earlier  dite  on  Record  l^ati  the  fdl1owin|f: 

^  At  a  General  Court  bolden  at  East  Hanipttdn,  March  7*1*  1650 
[o.  s]  It  is  ordered  that  Ralph  Payton  is  to  go  to  Keneti<iiit  fot'to 
procure  the  Bvid^ce  of  our  Lands,  and  fot  an  aoqwltanice  Uft  the 
payment  of  our  lands^  and  $ot  a  boddie  of  laws. 

*'  It  was  alsoe  ordered  that  any  man  have  libertie  to  sett  gannii 
for  to  kill  wolves,  bat  not  within  half  a  nule  of  the  to^"  8(fi  &c. 
"  No  man  shall  sett  any  giiU)  but  he  shall  look  to  it  -^hilethe  stars 
appear,  and  take  the  gunn  up  by  the  sunrising,.  and  no  man  shdl 
sell  any  dog  or  bitch,  young  or  oiild  to  any  !bidiaa  upmi  the 
penaltie  of  paying  of  308." 

Various  town  laws,  similar  to  the  above  are  on  Record.  They 
are  styled  ^'Orders.''  Many  of  them  are  relative  to  laying  out 
vacant  lands,  making  roads,  destroying  noxious  ahim»lB  &g.  in 
Aort,  laws  that  were  necessary  in  a  new  settlanent^ 

The  Indian  Deed  for  ihe  land  is  on  Record.  R  is  from  the  four 
Taditain  Sachems,  Paggatacut,  of  Manhansett :  Wdipmidaneh  of 
Miantaciltt :  Monunioeta  of  C6rchaki :  J^owedmah  of  Shinacock. 

It  is  dated  April  29tit  1648,  and  conveys  the  land,  to  the  "  East- 
ward of  Southampton  bounds,  to  the  Worshipful  Theophilus  Eaton 
Esquire,  Gt)vernour  of  Uie  Colony  of  New  Haven  and  the  Wor- 
shipful Edward  Hopkins  Governour  of  the  Colony  of  Conecticvt 
and  their  assocyates  .  .  .for  and  in  consideration  of  20  coats, 
S4  Looking  Glasses,  24  hose,  24  Hatchets,  24  Knives,  and  one 
hundred  Mucxs,  already  received  by  US,  and  reserve  unto  our- 
selves free  Liberty  to  fish  in  all  the  cricks  8c  pcmds,  and  hunt  up 
and  down  in  the  Woods  without  molestation,  giving  the  English 


XXWO  ISXiAllD. 


67? 


ience  of 
rells.  It 
^  Pond, 

k  the  Salt 
10  Wood* 

ititothiAg 

etitf^tfofto 
Btice  ftwr  ^'^ 

o  sett  gann* 

UletVi«»t«» 

no  rtt»n  *^*^^ 
A  upon  th* 

jcord.  They 
[o  laying  ottk 
limals  &c.  in 

jftoHitlxefoUT 

[dyonitowc^  of 
]of  Shinacoclt. 

|,totbe«Ea8t- 
eopbilus  Baton 
andthcWoT- 
of  Conecticttt 
Ion  of  20  coats, 
[nives,  and  one 
»rve  unto  out- 
fg,  and  hunt  up 
jg  tbe  Engl^^ 


Inhabitants  noe  just  cause  of  offence:  likewise  are  to  have  the 
fynns  &  tails  of  all  Whales  cast  up,  and  desire  they  may  be  friendly 
dealt  with  in  the  other  part  alsoe  to  fish  for  shells  to  make  Wam- 
pum of,  and  if  the  Indyans,  in  hunting  deer  shall  chase  them  into 
the  water  and  the  English  shall  kill  them,  the  English  shall  hare 
the  bodie  and  the  Sachem  the  skin."  The  witnesses  were,  Richard 
Woodhull,  Thomas  Stanton,  Robert  Bond,  Job  Sayre  and  Chectanoo 
(by  his  mark)  the  Interpreter. 

There  is  recorded  a  receipt  from  Edward  Hopkins  to  "  Robert 
Bond  -—  inhabitant  of  East  Hampton  for  £34.  4.  8.'  being  the 
amount  of  monies  paid  for  the  purchase  of  the  Lands,"  and 
a  certificate  of  the  delivering  to  said  Bond  the  writings  of 
the  said  purchase  and  all  the  Interest  that  was  thereby  pur- 
chased dated  16fi>  April  1651.  On  a  blank  leaf  of  one  of  the 
old  Books  of  Records  are  seen  these  words  '*  Robert  Bond  deliv- 
ered unto  the  Gov'  for  the  purchase  of  our  Lands,  for  the  towns 
use  the  sum  of  JSl.  3.  10.  Robert  Bond  for  his  expenses,  going  to 
the  Mayne  land  in  the  Town's  service  the  sum  is  J£l.  3s.  6d."  It 
appears  that  the  purchase  was  made  by  these  two  Governors  in 
trust  &  in  behalf  of  the  Original  Settlers  of  the  Town.   ^    ^  * 

The  English  &  Natives  appear  to  have  lived  on  good  terms. 
The  lands  on  the  East  end  of  Long  Island  as  well  as  the  neigh- 
bouring Islands— Shelter  Island,  Gardiners  Island,  Plum  Island 
&  Fishers  Island — were  purchased  of  the  Natives.  Some  French 
writers,  I  think  Raynal,  speaks  in  praise  of  the  Great  William 
Penn  for  having  sett  an  uncommon  Example  in  purchasing  the 
Soil  of  Pennsylvania  of  the  Native  Indians,  and  which  if  it  had 
been  followed  by  the  Settlers  of  New  England  and  Virginia  woi»1d 
have  prevented  some  wars  that  took  place.  This  Frenchman, 
like  many  European  writers  who  have  never  been  in  the  coTritry, 
did  not  understand  himself  sufficiently  on  this  subject.  T  e  fact 
was  that  the  Settlers  of  Virginia  k  New  England  purchased  their 
lands  of  the  Natives  before  Geo:  Fox  the  Founder  of  thi-'Quaker's 
Sect  published  their  principles  in  England  in  Oliver  (-romwell's 
time,  and  a  long  time  before  the  celebrated  William  Penn  settled 
in  Pennsylvania.  There  is  no  doubt  but  the  regular  purchase  & 
the  warrantie  deed  from  the  four  aboveraentioned  Sachems,  in 


n 


'v   ,,     ,'• 


1 


m'-^ 


I 


678 


PAPE&8  RELATING  TO 


*  'ipr, 


1648)  prevented  difficulties  between  the  Natives  &  English.  Some 
Indian  writings  on  record  in  East  Hampton  speak  of  the  friendship 
&  amity  of  their  neighbours  the  English  about  1660. 

Gov  Winthrop  in  his  Journal,  page  and  Gov.  Hutchinsonr  ^ 
in  his  History  of  Massachusetts  p.  88,  mentions  that  in  1640,  a 
number  of  families  r'^moved  from  Lynn  to  the  West  end  of  Long 
Island,  and  bought  land  there  of  James  Farrett  Agent  to  the  Earl 
of  Sterling  :  but  getting  into  some  quarrel  with  the  Dutch,  they 
removed  to  the  East  end,  aild  settled  at  Southampton  &  chose  one 
Peirson  for  their  Minister.  Probably  Southampton  was  settled 
before  East  Hampton.  Tradition  informs  us  that,  before  East 
Hampton  people  built  their  first  grist  mill  (which  went  with  cat- 
tle), they  went  to  Southampton  to  mill,  and  carried  their  graiii 
on  the  back  of  a  Bull  that  belonged  to  the  Town  for  the  use  of 
their  cows.  If  this  is  true,  no  doubt  Southampton  was  settled 
first.  .<  -,!  '-•     '■ 

Gov  Hutchinson  says  that  in  1644  Southampton  by  an  act  of 
the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  was  annext  to  the 
Jurisdiction  of  Connecticut.  One  might  suppose  that  E.  Hampton 
was  settled  from  Southampton,  but  the  method  of  pronunciation 
is  quite  different,  although  the  Towns  join.  An  East  Hampton 
man  may  be  known  from  a  Southampton  man  as  well  as  a  native 
of  Kent  in  England  may  be  distinguished  from  a  Yorkshire  man. 
The  original  settlers  of  these  Towns  probably  came  from  different 
parts  of  England.  Besides  the  names  that  prevail  in  one  town 
are  not  to  be  met  with  in  the  other.  The  names  of  Pierson, 
Halsey,  Howell,  Toppin,  Sanford,  Cooper,  Whitg ,  Post  &c  are 
common  in  Southampton  &  confined  there,  as  are  the  names  of 
Mulford,  Osbom,  Conkling,  Baker,  Parsons,  Miller,  Gardiner, 
Dayton,  &c.  to  East  Hampton.  The  names  of  Hedges  &  Hand, 
are  met  in  the  Eastern  part  of  Southampton  but  originally  [they 
were]  from  E.  Hampton.  Very  little  intercourse  took  place 
between  the  two  towns  before  the  Revolutionary  war.  Since  that, 
visits  and  intermarriages  are  more  frequent. 

What  time  East  Hampton  was  first  settled  is  not  certainly 
known.  Probably  soon  after  Southampton.  Neither  of  the 
Towns  was  settled  as  early  as  Gardiners  Island  which  was  settled 


LONG  ISLAND. 


679 


H 


Some 
mdsbip 

4 

cbinson  ^ 
L640,  a 
)f  Long 
the  Earl 
ch,  they 
■hose  one 
18  settled 
fore  East 
-with  cat- 
beir  graiii 
he  use  of 
jzs  settled 

J  an  act  of 

lext  to  tbe 

1.  Hampton 

onunciation 

it  Hampton 
as  a  native 

[ksbire  man. 

fom  different 
in  one  town 
of  Pierson, 
|post  &c  are 
le  names  of 
■r,  Gardiner, 
Iges  &  Hand, 
ginally  [they 
took  place 
Since  that, 

Lot  certainly 
Isitber  of   the 
th  was  settled 


by  Lion  Gardiner  m  March  1639.  David,  son  of  Lion  Gardiner, 
m  a  petition  presented  to  Gov.  Dongah  about  1683,  mentions  his 
father  as  the  first  Englishman  that  had  settled  in  the  Colony  of 
New  York.  Southampton  put  itself  under  the  Jurisdiction  of 
Connecticut  in  1644,  as  Southold  did  under  New  Haven  in  1648. 
According  to  President  Stiles  History  of  the  three  Judges  of 
Charles  I.,  East  Hampton  was  a  Plantation  or  Commonwealth  as 
it  is  styled,  in  the  Record — that  was,  Independent  of  any  other 
Government  from  the  first  settlement  till  about  1657.  The  magis- 
trates frequently  asked  advice  in  difficult  cases  '^  of  the  neighbour 
Towns  of  Southampton  &  Southold"  and  sometimes  of  "the 
Gentlemen  at  Hartford." 

The  three  Towns  on  the  East  are  styled  the  "  Three  Planta- 
tions." The  government  of  the  Town  of  E.  Hampton  was  purely 
Republican.  Their  laws  were  enacted  by  all  the  citizens  assembled 
in  town  meeting;  this  was  stiled  "  the  General  Court"  and  a  fine 
bflicted  on  such  as  did  not  attend. 

In  Deer  1653  by  a  vote  of  the  General  Court,  « the  Capital 
laws,  and  the  laws  and  Orders  that  are  notic'd  in  the  bodie  of 
laws  that  came  from  Connecticut  shall  stand  in  force  among  us." 

Their  public  officers  were  few;  three  magistrates  who  were 
called  Townsmen,  were  chosen  annually.  Their  oath  of  office 
points  out  their  duty  }  it  was  as  follows : — 

"  You  being  chosen  by  the  Court  for  the  careful  and  comfortable 
carrying  on  of  the  affairs  of  this  Town,  do  here  swear  by  the  name 
of  the  Great  &  Everliving  God,  that  you  will  faithfully,  and  with- 
out respect  of  persons,  execute  all  such  laws  and  orders  as  are  or 
shall  be  made  &  established  by  this  Court,  according  to  God, 
according  to  the  trust  committed  to  you  during  this  year  for  which 
you  are  chosen  &  until  new  ones  be  chosen,  if  you  remain  among 
us,  so  help  you  God." 

A  Recorder  &  Constable  were  the  only  other  public  officers 
chosen;  their  oath  points  out  their  duty, and  \smutatis  mutandis^ 
amilar  to  the  above.  The  Constable  was  always  a  reputable 
citizen  and  of  great  authority.  He,  by  law,  moderated  the  General 
Court.  The  Recorder,  or  Secretary  not  only  recorded  all  orders, 
of  the  General  Court,  but  the  decisions  of  the  Magistrates,  and  by 


680 


PAn&i  lELATIKO  TO 


i  (=¥ 


•ttote  pAssed  in  1656,  the  depositions  of  witness^,  in  trials  at 
IaW|  for  which  he  Iras  allowed  a  stated  price,  as  were  also  the 
magistrates  and  constable.  Their  trials  were  soQietimes,  with  a 
Jury,  but  mostly  without.  From  1650  to  1664,  about  the  time 
Ihey  came  und^r  06t.  Nieoll,  thlisre  are  about  M)  Or  60  easts  at 
kw  on  record.  Thty  w«re  mostly  for  small  debts  &  for  defama 
tion.  By  laW)  no  one  cbold recover  more  than  £5  for  defamation. 
In  166 —  Geo?  Lee  attorney  to— -—prosecuted  **  laeut  Lion  Gar- 
diner of  the  Isle  of  Wight  b  behalf  of  himself  and  the  States  of 
Bngltind  for  five  hundred  pounds  Stg"  before  the  Magistrates  in  E. 
Hampton.  It  ftppeanr  from  the  very  lengthy  depositions  *<  that  a 
Southampton  man  had  hired  a  Dutchman  to  bring  a  freight  (cargo) 
to  that  place  frdm  Mtihh&does^  k  that  the  vessel  was  taken  from 
the  Dutchman  &  brought  to  the  Isle  of  Wight  tothe  Lieftenant 
Ifho  retook  her  fbr  the  Dutch  owner"  and  was  jn-bsecuted  by  the 
original  Captors.    ''"*''  ■^'" '^  --^-i^---r  ,.v  ^^^^.;t^,^  -  ^^  .- 

This  affair  was  referred  to  th^  General  Court  at  Hartfdrd  by  the 
lEaist  Hampton  Magistrates  &  both  parties  were  bound  to  appear 
there.  Lee  obliged  himself,  if  he  did  not  prosecute  the  cai^e  there, 
it  should  be  dropped.  This  was  likely  the  result.  This  is  the 
most  important  case  on  record  where  property  was  concerned. 

''  The  three  men  were  to  meet  the  first  second  day  of  every 
month  for  the  tryall  of  any  cause  according  to  an  Order  and  to 
consider  of  those  things  that  may  concern  the  publick  good  of  the 
place  &  whosoever  of  those  Three  men  do  not  attend  the  day  at  8 
o'clock  in  the  morning  shall  be  liable  to  pay  5s." 

"John  Mulford,  Robert  Bone  &  Tho*  Baker  chosen  by  this 
Court  for  the  execution  of  those  Orders,  complied  with  their  trust 
for  this  year.  Ralph  Dayton,  Constable  and  Benj"  Price,  Recor- 
der."   Done  at  a  General  Court  holden  October  7, 1651. 

The  first  General  Court  was  in  March  1650. 

It  was  decreed  October  1652  that  "  if  any  man  be  aggrieved 
with  any  thing  that  is  done  by  the  men  that  are  in  authoritie,  that 
he  shall  have  liberty  to  make  his  appeal  to  the  next  General  Court, 
or  when  the  freemen  are  assembled  together  for  their  publique 
occasions." 

Their  town  Meetings  were  frequent  and  became  burdensome  on 


WMWLMKD, 


mi 


I  trials  ftt 
e  also  t^e 

ie«,  v^Uli» 
at  {he  ttoe 

50  casw  »^ 
for  drfatua 
defamation, 
it  Lion  Gat- 
the  Stated  of 
^isttttteflinE. 
fciolis  "  that  a 
rei^M  (cargo) 
as  taken  from 
ihe  Lleftettaht 
aecutcdbytbe 

■:^'%'\  .At   .  ■     '  --■  ■ 

-» *  -     > 

aattfordbythe 

ound  to  appear 
L  the  case  there, 
[t.    This  is  the 
8  concerned, 
^d  day  of  every 
an  Order  and  to 
lick  good  ofthe 

end  the  day  at  8 

chosen  by  tWs 
dTvith  their  trust 
nj"  Price,  Recor- 

7,1651. 

Dan  be  aggrieved 
%authoritie,that 
>xt  General  Court, 
for  their  pnbUque 

Ime  burdensome  on 


the  peepit,  iMt  being  Aeir  own  law  makers  they  made  a  nmltipli- 
dty  of  laws  for  regulating  the  fenctj  to  fieWs  pastured  in  com- 
mon; for  division  of  lands;  making  highways;  btrilding  a  mill  or 
meeting  house  &  this  took  up  mnch  of  their  time.  The  business 
of  killing  whales  was  regulated  by  law,  and  every  one  [was] 
obttged  to  take  his  turn  to  look  out  for  them  on  the  Shore."  Their 
houses  were  thatched  and  liable  to  take  fire.  Every  man  was 
obliged  by  law  to  provide  himself  with  a  ladder  that  should  reach 
to  the  top  of  his  house,  and  a  man  was  appointed  to  see  that  the 
diimneys  were  well  plaistered  and  swept.  Serere  laws  ^ere 
mftde  against  selling  any  Indiaais,  guns,  swords,  powder,  lead,^ints, 
in  any  more  than  two  drams  of  strong  water  at  one  time.''  Many 
of  the  laws  appear  curious,  but  in  general  they  are  mild,  and  the 
penalties  not  very  severe.  There  are  only  three  or  four  cases  of 
corporal  punishment  and  none  of  capital. 

In  the  year  1653  the  Indians  were  somewhat  trottblesome. 
Powder  &  shot  were  sent  for  to  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut 
Biver,  and  a  watch  by  night  of  two,  and  a  ward  by  day  of  one 
man  was  ordered  to  be  kept  by  the  Inhabitants  in  town.  *^  April 
26,1653,  It  is  ordered  that  no  Lidians  shall  come  to  the  town 
unless  it  be  upon  special  occasion,  &  none  come  armed,  because 
that  the  Dutch  hath  hired  Indians  against  the  English,  &  we  not 
knowing  Indians  by  face  cannot  distinguish  friends  from  enemies: 
&,  because  the  Indians  hath  cast  off  their  Sachem  &c  orders  were 
given  to  shoot  any  Indian  on  third  call  or  if  they  ran  aviray." 
*^  Every  man  was  obliged  to  e;o  armed  to  the  meeting  house  every 
Lords  day,  under  penaltie  of  12  pence,"  and  four  assistants  were 
added  to  the  three  Townsmen  It  does  not  appear  by  the  Records 
that  any  battle  was  fought.  Probably  the  Indians  who  were  then 
numerous  had  not  learned  the  use  of  Fire  Arms.  This  was  at  the 
time  Oliver  Cromwell  was  at  war  with  the  Dutch  Nation  and  an 
opinion  prevailed  through  this  country  that  the  Dutch  at  Manha- 
does  supplied  the  Indians  with  arms,  and  urged  them  to  destroy 
the  English  settlements.  From  the  histories  of  those  times,  it  is 
evident  something  was  designed  against  the  English  by  the  Dutch 
&  Indians.  Oliver  Cromwell  about  this  time  called  on  all  the 
Colonies  to  assbt  in  an  expedition  against  the  Dutch  at  Manhadoesj 


5>  ■    '; 


r-  ■ 


4     I 


682 


PAPKB8  &BLATIMO  TO 


particularly  New  Haren  and  Connecticut,  who  were  nighest  the 
Dutch.  Major  Sedgewick  of  Massachusetts  was  to  have  the 
command  of  the  men  that  were  to  be  sent  from  each  Colony  in  a 
certain  proportion.  The  following  extract  from  the  E.  Hampton 
records  probably  refers  to  this : — 

"  June  29  1654.  Having  considered  the  letters  that  come  from 
Connecticut  wherein  men  are  required  to  assist  the  power  of 
England  against  the  Dutch,  we  do  think  ourselves  called  to  assist 
the  said  power." 

The  expedition  did  not  take  place,  probably  on  account  of 
Peace  having  been  made  soon  after  between  the  two  Nations. 
Very  little  more  is  said  about  the  Indians  till  the  Great  Indian 
war  which  threatened  all  this  country  in  1675,  when  the  people 
were  again  on  their  guard.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  any  lives 
were  lost. 

This  was  the  most  formidable  combination  of  Indians  that  ever 
happened.  Gov:  Andross  sent  an  armed  Sloop  to  Gardiner^s 
Island  to  protect  it  against  the  Indians.  The  English  &  the 
Indians  were  probably  both  on  their  guard  against  a  surprise,  but 
by  1675  the  East  end  of  Long  Island  had  so  many  English  settled 
that  there  was  no  great  danger.  The  Five  Nations  joined  this 
confederacy. 

"  Oct.  3. 1654.  It  is  ordered  that  there  shall  be  a  copie  of  the 
Connecticut  combination  drawn  forth  as  [soon  as]  is  convenient 
for  us  and  all  men  shall  sett  to  their  hands.''  :     > 

This  combmatiou  was  signed  Oct  24,  1654,  by  about  40  and 
is  now  on  Record  by  each  on  the  Book.  All  excepting  3  or  4 
write  a  plain  legible  hand  for  those  days.  These  sign  by  making 
their  mark. 

^<  This  Combination  is  to  maintain  &  preserve  the  libertie  and 
puritie  of  the  Gospell  of  our  Lord  Jesus  which  we  now  profess  as 
alsoe  the  Discipline  of  the  Church  which  according  to  the 
said  Gospell  is  now  practised  among  US.  As  alsoe  in  our  civill 
affaires  to  be  guided  &  governed  according  to  such  laws  and  orders 
as  shall  be  made  according  to  God  and  which  by  vote  of  the  Major 
Part  shall  be  of  force  among  Us  &c  &c"  . ' ;     >      l 

This  Combination  is  similar  to  the  one'  entered  into  in  163 — by 


LONG  ISLAND. 


683 


;lie8t  the 

lony  in  a 
Hampton 

;ome  ftom 
power  of 
ed  to  as 

account  of 
,0  Nations, 
teat  Indian 
the  people 
hat  any  lives 

ans  that  ever 
o  Gardiner's 

Inglish  &  the 
t  surprise,  but 

Inglish  settled 
18  joined  this 

a  copie  of  the 
is  convenient 

about  40  and 
epting  3  or  4 
ign  by  making 

Jie  libertie  and 

[now  profess  as 

Lording  to  the 

foe  in  our  civiU 

llavfS  and  orders 

],te  of  the  Major 

Lo  in  163-bT 


the  3  Towns  of  Hartford,  Windsor  &  Wetbersfield,  and  is  a  copy 
preamble  of  that  as  recorded  in  Hazards  Coll :  of  State  papers,  p. — ^" 
<<  March  19.  1657.  It  is  ordered  and  by  a  Major  vote  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  this  Towne  agreed  upon,  that  Thomas  Baker  & 
John  Hand  is  to  go  into  Keniticut  for  to  bring  us  under  their 
government  according  to  the  terms  as  Southampton  is,  and  alsoe 
to  carry  Goodwife  Garlick  that  she  may  be  delivered  up  unto  the 
authorities  there  for  the  triall  of  the  cause  of  Witchcraft  which 
she  is  suspected  for."  It  was  afterwards  agreed  upon  by  the  town 
"  that  M'  Gardiner  shall  be  intrusted  with  the  same  power  with 
Th*  Baker  and  John  Hand  for  coming  under  Government." 

In  the  Record  the  word  is  '^  interested."  It  doubtless  should  be 

intrusted.  •,  ,;  ••*'     .,-:;v....i  -;  ,    l'  ;/.'  ,       ^     "■/■;"  ■ ;- f  VF    " 

It  is  evident  from  the  Record  that  soon  after  this  they  were 

under  the  jurisdiction  of  that  Colony,  or  rather  composed  a  part 

of  it,  altho'  nothing  is  said  of  their  men's  returning.     Probably 

the  General  Court  at  Hartford  did  not  pay  any  attention  to  the 

latter  part  of  the  business  on  which  Baker  &  Hand  were  sent. 

This  poor  woman  had  a  trial  in  E.  Hampton  for  Witchcraft,  but 

Dothing  was  done.   It  was  referred  to  the  Gen^  Court  at  Hartford. 

At  this  day  it  appears  surprising  that  not  only  those  who  settled 

in  the  American  Wilderness  should  be  so  infatuated  about  Witches 

and  Witchcraft  but  that  King  James  I.,  Lord  Justice  Holt  and 

some  of  the  first  characters  in  the  English  Nation  should  be  so 

carried  away  with  notions  of  this  kind.     If  the  affair  of  witches 

has  made  more  noise  in  this  country  than  it  has  in  some  Countries 

of  Europe,  it  is  not  owing  to  their  having  been  more  executed 

for  that  supposed  crime  here:  for  I  have  no  doubt  there  has  been, 

during  the  same  time,  as  many  executed  in  England  only,  as  there 

have  been  in  all  New  England  &  Virginia,  for  it  was  not  confined 

to  New  England  but  prevailed  also  in  other  parts.    In  Europe, 

the  execution  of  a  few  individuals  would  be  effaced  from  the  page 

of  History  by  more  important  events  that  were  continually  taking 

place  during  the  last  century.     But  in  this  country  it  was  a 

singular  affair,  &  has  been  handed  down  by  our  own  writers, 

and  dwelt  upon,  with  wonder,  by  European  writers  who  have 

endeavoured  to  account  for  it  from  the  enthusiastic  ideas  of  the 


1  ^; 


-.! 


i  r 


»'.! 


e84 


PAPEM  VELATIVO  TO 


i7;-t 


Inbabitants  here,  not  considering  that  they  acquired  these  ideas  in 
Europe  from  books  published  by  men  of  character  &  information. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  this  infatuation  is  done  away  among  the  Citizens 
of  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic  but  it  is  not  justice  for  one  side  to 
suppose  that  this  infatuation  prevailed  only  on  the  other.  If  King 
James,  Lord  Holt  and  others  of  information,  who  believed  in 
witchcraft,  are  excusable,  certainly  those  persecuted  exiles  who 
fled  to  a  savage  wilderness  are  equally  clear  of  blame.  Perhaps 
the  law  of  Moses  by  which  in  many  cases  the  first  settlers  were 
governed,  was  a  Mean  of  urging  them  on  in  the  belief  of  Witch- 
craft and  its  evils.  '  '      •  '■    '  "      '^      •  ■  ^' 

«« November  29.  1662.  It  is  jointly  &  fully  agreed  that  Mr. 
T.  Baker,  M'  The*  James,  &  M'  Lion  Gardiner,  M'  Robert  Bond, 
Mr  John  Miilford,  Tho"  Tomson  and  Tho*  Chatfield  shall  go  to 
Southampton  the  next  second  day  to  compoimd  a  difference 
bfetween  Us  &  Capt.  John  Scott  Esq'  and  Mr  John  Ogden  about 
Meantaquit,  and  do  hereby  engage  to  ratifie  and  confirm  what  our 
committee  shall  conclude  upon :  &  also  we  do  empower  this  our 
Committee  to  joyne  with  Southampton  and  Southold  about  a 
Fatten  grant." 

To  whom  they  proposed  to  apply  for  a  Patent  I  dont  know. 
New  York  was  then  in  the  hands  of  the  Dutch.  It  was  either  to 
King  Charles  2"<'  or  to  the  Government  of  Connecticut.        ' ' 

^'  Novemb:  23  1663.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  Join 
Southampton  8c  Southold  Committees  and  if  they  see  cause,  to 
establish  laws  for  settling  government  among  us.  And  what  our 
Committee  or  a  Major  part  of  them  shall  doe  herein  we  engage 
ourselves  to  stand  unto." 

It  was,  doubtless  in  contemplation  to  have  the  three  towns  join 
in  one  government  as  other  towns  on  this  continent  have  Vone. 

"  February  23.  1663.  [o.  s.]  It  was  agreed  that  Muntauk  shall 
pay  Fifty  pounds  of  the  150  that  is  to  purchase  the  pattent  right." 

March  25.  At  a  Town  Meeting,  after  long  debate,  it  was 
agreed  to  that  the  Purchase  of  Pattent  right  should  be  borne  by 
all  the  Inhabitants  according  to  the  land  every  Man  Possesses. 

"  April  26.  1664.  At  a  Town  Meeting  the  Town  doth  desire 
thosemen,  that  doe  goe  to  Hartford,  to  dd}ate  together  with  the 


i  .vii; 


LONG  ISLAND. 


68( 


Neighbouring  Plantations  for  the  things  of  Mutual  OoTernment 
between  Hartford  &  Us  for  our  future  Settlement,  but  to  conclude 
of  nothing,  as  understanding  that  the  Governour  will  come  over, 
or  a  Committee  from  the  General  Court." 

<<  Dec  21 ,  1664.  The  inhabitants  of  this  Town— understanding 
that  we  are  off  from  Connecticut,  and  the  magistrates  not  willing 
to  act  further  on  that  account,  that  we  may  not  be  without  laws 
8l  Government,  it  is  agreed  the  former  laws  shall  stand  in  force 
till  we  have  further  order  from  York.  It  is  agreed  that  the  Con~ 
stable  of  the  Town  shall  be  secured  by  the  Town  for  not  gathering 
the  Rates." 

l^e  "  rates"  referred  to  in  this  Resolve  probably  refers  to  the 
adjudication  that  was  made  at  New  York  Dec.  1, 1664  by  Gov. 
Nicoll  &  others  on  one  part,  and  Gov.  Winthrop  and  others,  on 
the  other,  that  Long  Island  should  not  be  under  the  Government 
of  Connecticut,  but  under  His  Highness  the  Duke  of  York  &c. 
There  appears  from  this  time  to  have  been  some  alteration  in  their 
Government.  In  April  1664  the  Constable  &  Town  Overseers 
were  chosen ;  no  mention  is  made  of  Townsmen. 

Copy  of  James  Farretfs  Orant  to  Lion  Gardiner. 

Enow  all  whom  this  present  Writing  may  concern,  that  I,  James 
Farrett  of  Long  Island,  Gent.  Deputy  to  the  Right  Hon'ble  the 
Earll  of  Starling  Secretary  for  the  Kingdom  of  Scotland,  doe  by 
these  presents,  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  said  Earll  of  Star- 
ling and  in  my  own  name  also,  as  his  Deputy,  as  it  doth  or  may 
concern  myself.  Give  &  Grant  free  leave  and  liberty  to  Lion 
Gardiner  his  heirs,  executors  and  assigns  to  enjoy  that  Island 
which  he  hath  now  in  possession  called  by  the  Indians  Manchonack, 
by  the  English  the  Isle  of  Wight;  I  sey  to  enjoy  both  now  &  for 
ever,  which  Island  hath  been  purchased,  before  my  commg,  from 
the  ancient  Inhabitants,  the  Indians;  Nevertheless  though  the  said 
Lion  Gardiner  had  his  possession  first  from  the  Indians  before  my 
coming,  yet  is  he  now  contented  to  hold  the  tenor  &  title  of  the 
possession  of  the  aforesaid  Island  from  the  Earll  of  Starling  or 
his  successors  whomsoever,  who  hath  a  Grant  from  the  King  of 
England,  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  aforesaid  Kingdom.     Bee 


I 


686 


PAPEBS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


k  known,  therefore,  that  I,  the  said  James  Farrett  doe  give  &  hath 
given  free  liberty  &  power  to  the  said  Lion  Gardiner,  his  Heirs, 
Exe'rs  and  Assigns  and  their  Successors  for  ever  to  enjoy  the  pos- 
/  session  of  the  aforesaid  Island,  to  build  8l  plant  thereon  as  best 

liketh  them,  and  to  dispose  thereof  as  they  think  fitt,  and  also  to 
make,  execute  &  put  in  practice  such  laws  for  Church  and  Civil 
Government  as  are  according  to  God,  the  Kings  and  the  practise 
of  the  Country,  without  giving  any  account  thereof  to  any  whom- 
soever and  the  aforesaid  Right  &  title,  both  of  land  and  Govern- 
ment to  remayne  with,  and  to  them  and  their  successors  for  ever, 
without  any  trouble  or  molestation  from  the  said  Earll  or  any  of 
his  successors,  for  now  &  forever.  And  as  much  as  it  hath  pleased 
Our  Royal  King  to  give  the  Patten  of  Long  Island  to  the  afore- 
said Earle  of  Starling  in  consideration  whereof  it  is  agreed  upon 
that  the  trade  with  the  Indians  shall  remayne  with  the  said  Earle 
and  his  successors,  to  dispose  upon  from  time  to  time  and  at  all 
times  as  best  liketh  him.  Notwithstanding  [allowing]  the  said 
Lion  Gardiner  to  trade  with  the  Indyans  for  Come  or  any  Kinde 
of  victuals  for  the  use  of  the  Plantation  and  no  farther:  and  if 
the  said  Lion  Gardiner  shall  trade  in  Wampum  from  the  Indyans 
hee  shall  pay  for  every  fa^ome  twenty  shillings  and  also  the  said 
Lion  Gardiner  and  his  successors  shall  pay  to  the  said  Earle  or  his 
deputyes  a  yearly  acknowledgment  being  the  sum  of  Five  Pounds, 
(being  lawfully  demanded)  of  lawfuU  money  of  England,  or  such 
commoditys  as  ot  that  time  shall  pass  for  money  in  the  country ; 
and  the  first  payment  to  begin  on  the  last  of  Oct.  1643,  the  three 
former  yeares  being  advanced  for  the  use  of  the  said  James  Farrett. 
In  witness  whereof  the  party  has  put  his  hands  and  seal  the  tenth 
day  of  March  1639.     [o.  s.] 

(Signed)  James  Farrett    (seal.) 

^  Sealed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of 
'      ffulk  Davis 


Benj"  Price. 


liS-Vl  ' 


■c\ 


V-'i"!   '>:'\J..[: 


M'  \>i^^U' 


ir- 


■A- 


■.) 


f   V"  "•»■)' 


;ive  &  hath 
his  Heirs, 
oy  the  pos- 
!on  as  best 
and  also  to 
\i  and  Civil 
;he  practise 
any  whom- 
ind  Oovern- 
Drs  for  ever, 
11  or  any  of 
hath  pleased 
;o  the  afore- 
agteed  upon 
le  said  Earle 
ae  and  at  all 
ng]  the  said 
jr  any  Kinde 
ther:  and  if 
1  the  Indyans 
also  the  said 
d  Earle  or  his 
Five  Pounds, 
land,  or  such 
the  country; 
J43,  the  three 
amesFarrett. 
Iseal  the  tenth 

(seal.) 


XXIII. 


STATISTICS 


POPULATION 


I 


^mimt  of  ^m-fzxk 


1057-1775. 


I] 


;k 


1-1 


p 

m 

?:jM>iir 


..I.  I    .^ 


1  i/-..l 


i  *f 


:r.r-\iivx 


■y  ■■!' 


I   M 


i\ 


V    '■  , 


086 


POPUUTION— 1647. 

GOV.  BTVYVE8ANT  TO  TllE  STATES  GENERAL.  f 

[Hol.  Doe.  XL] 

I  need  not  intrude  on  your  Illustrious  High  Mightinesses  yriXh 
t  long  narrative  as  to  the  low  condition  in  which  I  found  New 
Netherland  on  my  arrival — the  Flattland  so  stripped  of  inhabitants 
that)  with  the  exception  of  the  three  English  Villages  of  Hemstede, 
New  Flushing  &  Gravescnd,  60  Bouweries  and  Plantations  could 
not  be  enumerated  ;  and  there  could  not  be  made  out  in  the  whole 
Province,  250,  or  at  farthest  300  men  capable  of  bearing  arms. 

1673. 

[Vanderkemp  Transl.  of  Dutch  Rae.  Vol.  XXn.] 
"  They  and  as  many  of  the  Dutch  Nation  as  are  yet  residing 
under  this  Government  is   calculated  to  amount,  Women  and 
children  included,  to  about  Six  thousand."  (6.000).    Address  of 
tk»  Burgomasters  4*c  to  Bencks  and  Evertsen. 


AN  ACCOUNT  of  the  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  ye  SeTerall  Counties  of  ye  Pro* 
▼ince  of  New  Yorke  taken  by  the  High  Sherifies  and  Juiticea  of  the  Peace  in 
each  respective  County ;  as  p  order  of  His  Excell.  the  Earl  of  Bellomont 
Oovernr  &c.  anno  1G08 

[Lond.  Doe.  XI.] 


Men. 

Women 

Children 

Negroa 

In  ve  Goiintv  &  Cittv  of  Albanv 

38U 

248 

29 

1019 
328 
316 
973 
3(18 

1465 

270 

111 

31 

1057 
208 
294 

1024 
332 

1350 

803 
869 
140 

2161 
118 
307 
124 

1081 
551 

23 

la  ye  County  of  Ulster  &  Dutchesso  County 

166 
19 

In  the  Citv  &  Countv  of  New  York 

700 

In  Richmond  County  als  Sta'en  Island 

In  VA  Countv  of  Wpst  Ch(>st<>r 

73 
146 

In  Sufiblk  County  within  Nassau  Island 

In  Kings  County  within  Nassau  Island 

In  Queens  County  within  Nassau  Island 

808 

296 
199 

5U66 

4677 

6154 

2170. 

A  true  Copy 
(•i|cned) 


DELLOMONT. 
Total. 
44 


4677 

6154       . 
2170 

18067  Population 


690 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  POPULATION 


if) 


•'5 


ri'-'-U 


LI: 


h't  , 


'   i- 


m 


/ 


POPUUTION  OF  AlBANY  COUNTY  &  INDIANS  16S9— 169& 

t^ond.  Doe.  Xl.j 

In  pursuance  of  the  Order  from  his  Excell.  Col.  Benj  Fletcher, 
Capt.  Gen"  &  Govern'  in  Chief  dated  the  3'-«>  day  of  May  1697, 
to  wake  a  perfect  reckoning  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  City  & 
Coimty  of  Albany  and  how  many  families  &  particukr  persons  in 
the  said  Citty  and  County  are  departed  liom  the  beginning  of  y* 
Warr,  how  many  persons  killed  &  carried  away,  &  of  what 
mamber  y«  Fiv«  Nations  and  River  Indians  there  wete^  St  how 
mucAi  they  since  are  lessened,  so  that  wee  find  that  the  Inhal^it&^ts 
of  the  Citty  h  County  of  Albany  did  consist :  , .  ; 

in  the  year  1689  and  now 

men     weomen     children  men      weomen     children 


662. 


nm 


340.       1014.  382.      272. 

The  Five  JSTations  and  River  Indians^  viz*' 


805 


The  Moboggs 

270 nxn    j'rji 

k  now 

HO 

The  Ortneydes 

180 

&  now  ,«  .u,i 

70 

The  Onnondages 

600 

&  now  .^iWi], 

250 

The  Cajouges 

320 

&  now 

r-00 

The  Sinnickes 

1300 

&  now 

600 

The  River  Indians 

250        ^"^  ''■'^' 

&I10W   *^''^'' 

90 

&  now 


1320 


Ih  the  beginning  of  y«  War  2800  Indians 

The  Christians  departed  from  the  Citty  ^  County  of  Albany 
gjp,.  since  the  beginning  of  y*^  Warr 

Departed 
Taken  prisoners 
Killed  by  y»  enemy 
Dyed 


!tft 


Mit 


■^  ,A  tnie  Copy 


Afen.         Women. 

Children. 

142 

68 

209 

16 

)* 

h 

84 

}) 

»l 

38 

» 

» 

280 

68 

209 

(signed) 

Bel 

I.OMONT 

no!>*f"it»-'{  ^Av 


k-i69e 

Fletcher, 
:ay  1697, 
le  City  & 
persons  in 
ling  of  y* 
t  df  wba*. 
►tej  &  hoNt 
Inhal^itft*^ 

ehlldren 
805 

110    J 
70    r> 

250    i 
r.00 
600 
90 

1320 
of  Alhany 


,1 


Children. 
209 

»> 
»» 

M 

209 


WO   Vii-'l  ''i^'<  -*tlV    <>>  !-J/i  »V.,  I'Airf 
OF  THE  PBOVINCE  OF  NEW-YOBX. 


691 


COMPARATIVE  TABLE  OF  POPULATION  IN  THE  PROVINCE 
tii^teWYOilk.    170^1712. 


.i     ■=  ■"* 

[Lond.  Doe. 

XIX.1 

tfUtOO 

•<^'Jre^tdHc 
^•liichm^CfeWtir 
West  Chester 

1  I  <. 

1946 

1713 

^840 

1^26 

1279 

4^ 

Inertaata 

im  ■■ 

--"-5''     - ■-'-,-  ■ ..  >■ 

9069 

12286 

3217 

Queens  C^^iy 
Suffolk 

4392 
8846 

Albany  City  &  County  2273 
rilster  &  Dutches         1669 


11680 


Of  these  Countys  I  have  as  yet  no  lists,  nor  from  the  Jerseys 
but  hope  to  be  able  to  send  it  your  LordsP"  by  the  next  from 
Connecticut.    I  have  so  imperfect  an  account,  that  I  am  ashamed 
to  send  it  but  will  endeavour  to  get  a  more  perfect  one. 
;■!  Jn  tfie  five  Countys  whereof  I  have  procured  lists,  the  numbers 

were  composed  as  followetbi  *-* '  > 

In  the  year                         1703  ;,-■{  ;,,.        1713  Inertated. 

Christians            .        7767                 10511  2744 

.       4        l36l                   1775  474 


Slaves 

mi 


K'%. 


izii 


[ndte.— In  1700  Populathon  of  Ulster  Co.  was  2005  of  which  324  were  Slaves. 
In  1714         «  »  2120  of  wMch  433  were  Slaves. 

The  Population  of  Dutchess  Co.  in  1714,  was  440  Souls,  of  whom  29  were  Slaves.] 


■■X't^- 


..;;): 


>•!  i 


Q^^ 


otr 


5^1  /  . 


j^lil 


6M 


STATISTICS  OF  THS  POFULATIOK 


GOV.  HUNTER  TO  THE  BOARD  OP  TRADE,  APRIL;  1716. 

[Lonil.  Doe.  XX.] 

The  number  of  the  Militia  of  this  Province  by  my  last  account 
is  6060.  I  cannot  say  that  the  inhabitants  increase  in  that  pro- 
portion (at  leasl)  as  they  do  in  the  neighbouring  provinces  vrhere 
the  purchases  of  land  are  easier  bad,  than  vrith  us,  great  numbers 
of  the  younger  sort  leave  Long  Island  yearly  to  plant  in  the 
Jerseys  &  Pensylvania, 


SAME  TO  THE  SAME.    AUGUST.  1720. 

^^  [Lond.  Doe.  XXI.] 

Query,  what  is  the  number  of  the  Militia  ? 
Answer,  About  Six  thousand. 


I 


Kl 


,ti   '■•!'-' 


AN  ACCOUNT 


OF  THE  FAMILIES  OF  GEBMAKS  SETTLED  ON  HUDSON'S  EIVER  IN  TBB 
PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK.      1718. 

[Lend.  Doc.  XXL]  ^  *^  f''  * 

i 

On  the  East  side  of  Hudson^s  River. 

fftiniliet      Penoni 
In  Hunterstown  .        .         .         .        25  109 


*    Kingsberry 

Annberry        ^  , .  ^ 
Hay  sherry 
Rheinbeck 

In  Seven  Townships 


33 

104 

17 

71 

16 

•76 

35 

140 

In  Schohare 


170 


680 


OF  TIIC  raOVINCE  OF  KEW-TORK. 


693 


J 1716. 

account 

hat  pro- 

es  -wbere 

nunibets 

at  in  the 


.^  vM''^ 


jXVEBilV  TB» 


109 
104 

76 
140 

680 


i- 


On  the  West  Side 

New  Town             .        .        .        . 

14 

66 

George  Town          •        .        .        , 

13 

62 

Elizb:  Town           .        .        ,        , 

9 

36 

Kingstown              .        .        .        , 

16 

60 

Wessels  pretended  land           . 

7 

28 

Kingstown  Sopes             .        . 

10 

40 

A.t  New  York  &  places  adjacent 

30 

160 

394 


1601 


rhe  widows  &  orphans  are  not  included  in  this  list. 
This  to  the  best  of  our  knowledge  is  the  Acc°^  of  those  people 
Mtded,  amounting  to  394  families,  containing  about  1601  persons. 

Joshua  Kochertbal 
\Sndorsed]  John  Fred.  Hageb 

"  New  York,  List  of  the  Palatines  settled  in 
New  York  Province    Rec*  w***  Brig.  Hunters  L' 
r         of7  Aug  1718" 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  PEOPLE 

'-'  '■  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  A.  D.  1723        ' 
[Lond.  Doe.  XXII.] 


■Ifii 


rod 


NAME 

orTHK 

COUNTY 


New  York.... 
Richmond .... 

Rings 

Queens  

Suffolk 

West  Chester . 

Orange 

Dutchess i 

Ulster 

Albany 


White 


1460 

335 

4»U 

15(>A 

1441 

1)50 

309 

276 

642 

1512 


S 
I 


fl 


1^26 
320 
476 

1599 

1348 
951 
245 
237 
453 

1408 


.OtJS 


1352 

306 

414 

1530 

1321 

1018 

304 

259 

563 

1404 


1348 
291 
394 

1371 

1156 
912 
2<9 
268 
699 

1369 


Total! U()83 876318500 8047  34393li2186ll8I0  1178   9^7  6171  40664 


Negroes  and  other  Slavei 


1251 
1774 
6068 
5266 
3961 
1097 
1040 
2357 
5693 


S 


408 
101 
171 
393 

aw 

155 

45 

22 

227 

307 


^1 


476 

63 

123 

294 

367 

118 

29 

14 

126 

200 


220 

49 

83 

228 

197 

92 

42 

2 

119 

146 


Is 


h 
-I 

5 


258 
42 
67 

208 
54 
83 
31 
5 
94 

155 


1362 
255 
444 

1123 
975 
448 
147 
43 
566 
808 


P* 
t 


& 


7248 
1606 
2218 
7191 
6241 
4409 
1244 
1083 
2923 
6501 


''  m 


i=1  ^1 


i 


iff  I 


STATISTICS  QF  THE  POPUIiATIOl^ 


.'  "V 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  ACCOUNTS 

0^,:|!|IB  NUMBBR  OF  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  CITI|S  A10  COUN- 
TIES fM  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK,  2  NQV.  1^731. 
[MS  inSec'Boff.] 


'  Oiljn  uid  OeunllM 


OiTyvtd  County  tit  NaW 

ytA; i.. 

City  MaOount  y  of  Albany 


Quaw  County. 
Suflblk  C 


•  t  •  ■  •  •  1 

County. 
Wont  Chatter  County. 

yifter  County 

lih^qonHy 

Oniiga  Couiity 

■Mmoiiiid^Mmr 


Dalohaaa  Oaunty 


SherUb 


Henry  Beekmnn.. 
Ooien  Van  Schick 

Thoe  Kicks 

OavidCorey  716  Iitdiqn* 
OilherfWIllet. ;.'..... 

John  Wvncoop 

Domini  van  Der  Veer. 

William  PuUeii 

OhlrlesOarrittou 
Wifliam  Squire 


Ifliaml 


t; 


^'-K 


1^ 


I 


11 


2028 
2't8l 
22.-10 
2144 

im 
oou 
taa 

027 
423 
670 


146)3 
lt62M 
10243 


2230 
12S5 
2175 

17,^ 
014 
6td 
534 
571 
481 


11520 


3& 


e 


5 1 


1143 

23S2 

1178 

2S45 

KIM 

677 

243 

825 

2(13 

203 


10243 


4?503mitey 


1024 
1213 
1130 

(:53 
707 

5^9 
208 
299 
258 

20^ 


6073 


I- 


500 
66s 
470 
2.'J» 
260 
3-^1 
205 

85 
ill 

69 


w 


I 

is 


607 

185 

303 

83 

96 

lOP 

140 

47 

08 

32 


S 

ES 


ISO 

340 

220 

100 

176 

184 

65 

19 

51 

13 


1853 


1402 


185 
174 


I 


862S 
8673 


190  7905 


83 
ISI 
91 
76 
33 
44 
8 


7676 
6033 
3728 
S150 


181? 
1727 


KM4  50889 
1402 
1853 
2932 


7231  bUwki 


It  U  Remarkable  that  in  New  York  thero  are  above  (en  sre^rs  147  males  &  99S 
females  more  than  in  Albany  [ami  in  Albany]  1029  males  &  188  females  [under 
ten]  more  than  in  New  York  which  is  Accounted  for  by  this  parts  being:  a  trading 

Klaoe  ti  manv  of  the  males  go  abroad  of  course  many  females  Lye  fallur  &  per 
apt  in  the  County  they  are  oetter  breeders  &  I  believe  many  younger. 


:;M'iu:iH ' — "^i — -      ':?i^  Wfi 

A  US'??  .OF  Tpi;  NUPER  OF  INKAEITANTS 

BOTH  WHITES  AND   BLACKS  OF   EACH   SPECIES  WITHIN   THE  PhOVINCK 
OF  NEW  YORK  ABOVE   AND  UNDER  THE  AGE  OF  TEN   YEARS  TAKEN 

'  IN  THE  YtAfL  1737. 

'*"    ^'        ^'  [Lond.  Doc.  XXVI.] 


Oi^aB^OQun^i 


IS 


4 


3203 
3209 
2110 
$6P 
1178 
» 


654 


22901395 
23531175 


3. 


»  a 


1036 

1384 

944 

4.% 

601 


2( 

264 

1666 

1008 


674 

714 

304 

126 

378 

101 

132 

210 

4i 

303 


tr 
on  tM 

go 

Si 


■3^ 
So 

8 


IT^   175113(8:147  823(1 3551  27H 1397  1279  60437  50239 


Sir 

c«  a 


153 

38 

12-1 

3: 

52 

84 

2.54 

203 


207 

197 

140 

35 

110 

22 

53 

101 

227 

187 


o  « 


10661 
10681 
6745 
2840 
4870 
.^418 

m\f 

2348 
9059 
7923 


«<?2 
o  — 
H 


8622 

SaW 

6633 

19 

372li 

1727 

1817 

2160 

7995 

7675 


si 

.3 


712 

871 

1142 

1691 

12 

198 
10fii4 

248 


1Q148 


or  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  TOIX. 


605 


m  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABITANTS 


COUN- 


males  &  995 
nales  [under 
ing  a  trading 
fallor  &  pe' 


:er. 


OF  THE  PROVIKCE  OP  NEW  YORK  TAKEN  4  JUNE  1746,  BY  ORDER  OF 
BIS  EXCELLENCY   GOTERMOUR  CLINTON. 


[Lond.  Doc.  XXYIII.] 


■i 


^  '• 

« 

11 

^1 

1^ 

II 

Females 

white 

under  16 

8si 

1^ 

1 

II 

00   S 

|1 

^1 

00  r 

1 

ai^ 

149 

U>|j 

a 

645 

A  ** 

£ 

£s 

11717 

City&Co.ofN.Y. 

2117 

2097 

2013 

2897 

419 

76 

TdR 

im 

Kingston  county  . 

35U 

436 

71 

366 

464 

140 

167 

32 

154 

152 

2331 

•Albany  county.. 

•  •  ■  • 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 

.... 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 

■  •  »  • 

•  •  •  « 

Queens  county  . . . 

1946 

1826 

233 

2077 

1914 

365 

466 

61 

391 

361 

9640 

Dutchess  county.. 

2200 

2056 

200 

2100 

1750 

106 

160 

26 

•108 

lUO 

8806 

Suffolk  county.... 

1887 

1835 

226 

1891 

2016 

329 

393 

52 

315 

310 

9254 

Richmond  county 

445 

376 

35 

421 

414 

92 

88 

13 

»5 

M 

2073 

Orange  county  . . . 

536 

763 

67 

871 

721 

8;^ 

99 

34 

51 

3268 

Westchester  co'ty 

2435 

2090 

303 

2095 

1640 

187 

180 

27 

138 

9235 

Ulster  county  .... 

1022 

1044 

116 

972 

lOOU 

244 

331 

43 

364 

229 

264 

5265 

12938 

12522 

1400 

12196 

12816 

1964 

2529 

2216  2034l6I589| 

r 


Total  white  51,872. 
•Not  possible  to  be  numbered  on  account  of  the  enemy. 


i 


^-s; 
,..-i 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABPTANT^ 


[S 

PKOVINC* 

SAUS  TAKBN 


IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK,  TAKEN  lO^h  MAY  1749,  BY  ORDER 
OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  THE  HONOURABLE   GOVERNOUR   CLINTpN. 

I.    .     •     .    ..        [Lond.  Doc.  XXIX.]  ^ 


V  u    o 


City  &  Co.  of  N.  Y.  2346 

King's  county 288 

Albany  county 2249 

Queens  county .....  1630 
Dutchess  county. . . .  1970 

Suffolk  county 2058 

Richmond  county. . .   431 

Orange  county 1061 

Westchester  county  2611 
Ulster  county 913 


2   « 

►•5 
2  i? 


Is 

4>  S 


2765 

437 

2359 

1508 

1820 

1863 

420 

8o6 

2312 

992 


« 


183 

62 

322 

151 

160 

248 

36 

66 


2364 

322 

2137 

1550 

1790 

1960 

424 

992 


2282263 
110  810 


«  en 

I® 


3268 

391 

2087 

1778 

1751 

1969 

434 

899 

2233 

979 


o 


10926 
1500 
^164 
6617 
7491 
8U98 
1745 
3874 
9547 
3804 


Total  number  of  whites  62756   Total  number  of  blacks  10692 


S2 

ci  9 


460 
232 
309 
300 
103 
305 
88 
62 
303 
217 


•9 

■a* 

CO  S 

Si 


610 
244 
424 
386 
155 
355 
110 
95 
270 
301 


41 
21 
48 
43 
21 
41 
20 
16 
66 
50 


5® 


IS 

09   Bi 

r  p 


334 

2il5 

63 

292 

93 

84 

238 

196 


701 
149 
3^ 
349 

79 
293 

98 
103 
279 
240 


3 

o 
H 


2368 

783 

1480 

1423 

421 

1286 

409 

360 

1166 

1006 


Total  number  of  Inhabitants,  white  and  black,  73,448. 


'-!  -r 


'■}■'  ■  .. 


•  ;: 


9.  CLINTON. 


4! 


11 


'  ■• 


R,'l        ' 


696 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  POPULATIOK 


.n 


{N»if5  00Tt<COOOi-iO'* 

'mox 

(N  <N  rl                .^          <N  r-l 

cno(ocoo>ooo>i^coo 

91  BAOqB 

■aivinaj 

50  «>  CO  r-l         <N  «-•  tJ<  W  i-i 

91  Japan 

eoco;oeoeot-<-iOTi«i> 

Ti«9>(NC00>C0OO0)0) 

i 

< 

•a[iiaiaj 

yii  y3*eO  1-t        <N<N»Or-t 

apjVMdn 

oo«oo>eO'*t-»-t>ooo 

pu«  09  "'I'M 

<OI>'^iOO<C-W»O'^C0 

3ti<OC-O«000TjtC0t*(N 
OOOCOt'i-tr-..2,<cO>OJ 

09  »pnn  n  91 

aAoqv  laivjiv 

Wf-id^Wf-f^WiOCN 

ooooooi-ieowoi'-jooip 

91 

Japan  sapiig 

OOOiOOJtOOSOIt^iOC' 

l:'00«OOI'^O»COCO(N«3 

•TOOX 

OTli<0C0Tlt^i-<000>i-i 

t-H  1-1          r-»          1-1 

to-^i-toooit-eo^OpSt- 
»oo«ot^oieoior3cor»» 

9X  aAoqv 

■aivmaj 

CO  CO  1-t  O*        <N         <N  <N 

O5'*040co;300c><»0'«* 
iQC000C000rJ<»OO5tOe0 

•eow-^iQOTiteowwco 
©♦eo«-ieo<-i(N      — <N 

91  Japan 

• 

itaivuiaji 

.^<xjixjr.i-«r05rt*eo«— c- 

•spjvAidn 

l>iOO<3t'C000«p2JO 

pn»  09  sai«w 

OOiOC-COQQOOC-C^i^i-i 
00500t:;OOOOT»'Tf*iF-i 

COt^^OOOOOlTi*!-*!-!'^ 

<NCO«-i(Ni-iO<        (NW 

09wpnnij9i 

8A0q«  tayaj/i 

OTHiOOeocor-ocoT)* 

91 

(NCOf-iCOfHCO        ^W 

japan  saivpi 

•i 

1 

1 

•< 

►5   -  " 

o 

SI 

O 

-o 

^< 

1       • 

§ 

tS  't! 

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o  o 

v\ 

•  c 

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i^>» 

•     •     •  *J  1 

and  Count 
and  Count 
r  County, 
Less  Coun 
ge  County 
Chester  C< 
s  County, 
ns  County 
Ik  County, 
(nond  Cou] 

I 

CO 
n 

n 


fS 


CO 

CO 
00 

M 


OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK. 


697 


\ ' 


t^ 


/.: 


l-H 

S 


i 


I 


8 

3 

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2 
P^ 

0? 


B3 

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t-H 

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03 


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as 


rajiqiii  JO  iBjox 


•X)nnoa  qsva 

Of  8I|3B[q  JO  IB)0X 


91  OAoqv  saivnsj 


91  Japan  saivuiaj 


'spjisMdn 
puB  09  Bai«w 


09  japun  pun 
'91  3Aoq«  8ai«i^ 


•gj  lapun  saiBj^i 


•it)unoo  qara 
ui  gajiqM  JO  lB»ox 


lilSi^iiS" 


F^  CO  ^^  C^       ^^  ^ 


9t  aAoqc  saiBuiaj 


91  japun  saiBuiaj; 


•spJBAidn 
puB  09  8aiBK[ 


'()■;)  japun 
ij  91  aAoqB  saiBi\i 


•gt  Japan  8aiT?iv[ 


n9i9iin<nn     act 


I  -^  ?<  ro  -^  'O      O  rt 


-I" 

5<p 


S 


« 


g  3  S 
£  sou  w>  s—  c^  o     -2 


wm     « 


S 


^ 


XXIV. 


STATISTICS 


%tmmt,  Inifortfl,  (Biporfe,  kt. 


1691-1760 


« 


W/i 


t 

I 


1  ■'*■ 


»..■•>  » 


r. 


I      I     i  .    J 


»  W''^ 


f  ^ 


\W 


I-    * 


«tt 


TA 


.:* 


IM*|!IH^,  J 


■■- 


wrl^J**---* 


3dt|:rjfiai 


M    y;-fi\ 


THE  PRODUCE  OF  TIIE  REVENUE  ^^ 

FROM  \HE  30t>>  OF  JANUARY    1690  TO  THE  25'>>   OF  DFXEMBR.  1691. 

[Lond.  Doc.  X.]     , 

To  cuRloms,  in,  out,  &  up  HuJsoni  River £2521 .  2.  Ilf         £     »,  d. 

To  Inland  Excise  on  retailed  Liquors 203.12. 

To  the  produce  of  the  Weigli  house I       16U. 

To  fines  and  forfeitures 306.10. 

To  Qnit-rents  received 21.12.6  ^ 

'3202.17.fl| 

The  produce  of  one  year  ended  the  25tli  of  Deer.  I(i92 

The  Customes,  as  above £2463.3.111 

To  Excise  of  Liquors 834.15.8  ^ 

To  produce  of  the  Weigh  house ^  *  "!| 

To  Fines  and  forfeitures 60.  8. 

3358.  7.  7| 

The  year  ended  25th  Deer  '93 

ToCustoms £1916.8.    J  '        \ 

ToExcise 665.16.  6  .J 

To  Quit-rents 38.11.  .  • 

To  Weigh  house ....         90. 

To  Fines  and  seizures 229.17.  5| 

2940.13. 

The  year  ended  25th  Deer.  '94.  .  i 

Tocustomes £3055.11.  3  ;    ^ 

Toexcise 862.  4.10  ^ 

To  Quit-rents 149.         \  ^ 

To  Weigh  house 218.  3.  2  ^5  ^ 

To  fines  and  forfeitures IS.       7  :!? 

4299.19.11  . 

llie  year  ended  25th  Deer  >95  4 

To  Customes £2313.17.10^  ; 

ToExcise 919.18.  2^  ;| 

ToQuit.rents i 36.17.6  j             gf 

To  produce  of  the  Weigh-house 66.U0.11|  ,  ., 

To fjrnes and  forfeitures 264.17.  4^  '-''' 

3601.11.11 

«    TotaU  of  receipts £17403.  9.1U 


rA 


). 

i; 
i 

i 

i' 

■i 

t 

702 


STATISTICS  OF  REVENUE) 


m 


/'» 


6»- 


>•  .V 


I 


•n 


1^ 


I ,  M  ^ 


A  . 


'   '• 


m 


I' 


;«     i! 


Mi  MM 


**i 


'— V^   jt 


mrOBTS,   EXPORTS,    BTC. 


1721—1725. 


*703 


kU  ABSTRACT  of  the  whole  Amount  of  tho  Dutlesof  (lie  Several  CommodltUi 
baraunder  mentioned,  from  6th  June  1721,  until  the  6th  Day  of  June  lt» 
InoluBiv*. 

[From  Journal!  of  the  General  Asienibly.] 


T«erf.  o/  Wini.        0/  Rum.  of  MolasuM.        of  Sail. 

Ittt JtHW.lO.ti  X1165.H.9  i:C4«».12.  4  jr270.9.0 

173a 1493.  2.0     1324.   1.9  711.18.  8     176.7.0 

17»4 613.  0.0     1782. ll.«  4.',6.10.10       91. 6. « 

IWft 9G1.  4.0       911.  8.9  728.15.  8     2J3.«.0 


0/  Ccttn.  of  Drt  0«Mf«. 
i.192.19.6  £62.  2.  6 
130.13.9  79. 1«.  « 
163.  3.0  116.  ^.11 
(Kid. 19.0       96.1?.  9 


Xm6.\6.6  i;6183.1C.9  i;2546.17.  6  1:750.7..;  i:il6.'.15.3  i;38«.i^.  6 


1738. 


1tD0«  ••'••• 


Jt'2913.  6.  8 
2328.  4.  1 
2197.  7-  If 
2402.  8.10 
2704.16.11 
1788.  8.  2 
2566.  2.  0 
2447.19.  9| 


Total 
Average 


1726. 


1.52.16.  8 
780.  7.  6 
;^.'J16.17.  6 
bl83.16.  9 
3436.16.  - 

i;i3423.  7. 1  k 

X-3356.lv.il 


"? 


Alf  ABSTRACT  of  the  Several  Branches  of  His  M^{e8ty's  Revenue  for  support 
of  Government  in  the  Province  of  New  York. 

[From  the  lamk.]  ** 

From  the  20th  April  nntil  the  Ist  October  1726,  (6j  months; ....  /:3n25.e,l<4 


i'f. 


GENERAL  ACCOUNT  of  the  Receipt  of  moneys,  granted  for  the  support  oftkA 
Government  of  lUevr  York  from  Ist  Sept.  1740,  until  1st  March  1741. 

[From  the  same.]  \ 

Receipts, i;5392.9.3i 

1st  Sept.  1742  to  1  Sept.  1743 6025.4.l| 


A  GENERAL  STATE  OF  THE  PUBLIC  FUNDS       ,: 

m   THE  PROVINCE  OF   NEW   YORK,   A>' u   THE  USES  TO   WHICH   THET 

ARE  APPLIED.    1767. 

4.B  ^V  ..V. 

[T.ond.  Doc.  XL.] 

Divers  Siims  have  beeh  raised  by  different  Acts  of  Assembly. 
We  have  an  Act  to  lay  a  Duty  of  Tonnage  on  Ships,  but  the 
money  is  applied  to  sihk  certain  Bills  of  Credit.  Another  foir 
licencing  Hawkers  and  Pedlars  but  it  will  expire  soon  and  not  he 
revived;  and  a  third,  cbtiiriaohly  called  the  Duty  Act.    Thiil  last 


t      i 


Ik 


i '5  * 


K  \ 


.._».4- 


704 


STATISTICS  OF  REVENUE, 


raises  the  money  and  for  support  of  Government ;  it  was  passed 
the  12t><  Dec.  1753,  and  was  Jimited  to  a  year,  but  is  annually 
continued.  Tis  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  granting  to  His  Majesty 
the  several  Duties  &  impositions  on  Goods,  wares  and  Merchan- 
dizes imported  into  this  Colony,  therein  mentioned."  The  Dutia- 
ble Articles  are  Slaves,  Wine,  Cocoa,  Rum,  Brandy,  Shrub,  and 
other  distilled  Liquors,  and  European  and  East  India  dry  goods, 
from  the  British  Islands. 

The  annual  produce  of  the  Duty  Act  for  ten  years  past  stands, 
as  digested  from  the  Journals  of  the  Assembly  to  whom  the 
Province  Treasury  accounts  yearly. 


In  the  year  1755 jE;2447.  19.  9| 

17S6 3171.  9.  2 

1757.. i 3880.17.10? 

1758 5aU7.  6.. 21 

1769 8207.  2.  81 

17fl0 10346.  9.11 


In  the  year  1761 £10318.16.111 

1762 7106.12.5 

1763 8574.  0.10 

1764 7596.12.5 

1765 4S(!tO.  6.  4 

1766 4811.  8.111 


Invalae  Sterling je41180.12.9| 


74125.  3.  1 


The  last  years  amount  beinr  4811.8.11]  is  in  Sterlinsr  at  the  usoal  Exchange  of 
X'lSOpercent £2673.  0.6^ 

Ovt  of  this  money  ice  pay 

TotheOovemor 2000 

For  Fuel  and  Candles  for  Fort  George 400 

To  the  Chief  Justice  of  Salary  &  Riding  the  Circuit. .  300 

To  3  puisne  Judges  each  £200 600 

To  the  Secretary  for  enrolling  the  Laws 30 

To  the  Clerk  of  the  Council 30 

To  the  Doorkr -per  of  the  Council.... 20 

TO  the  Public  Printer. «. 60                           ^' 

To  the  Ouager  of  Dutiable  Liquors 30 

To  the  Land  and  Tide  Waiters 60 

To  the  Treasurers  Standing  Salary «....  200                                   . 

To  the  Same  for  Extraordmary  Services 100 

To  the  Agent  in  England 600 

To  the  Attorney  General 150 

Tojhe  Clerk  of  the  Assembly,  each  day  of  a  session  {  50 

16 

20 
100 


20s  suppose  5(>  days 
To  the  Door  Keeper  of  the  Assembly  each  Day  6s 

sappose  60  davs 

To  the  Gunner  s  Store  keeper  of  the  Colony 'sStores.'. 
Allowed  for  Contingents  in  the  Service  of  the  Colony. 


4645  value  Stg.  £2680.11.1  J 
£92.  9.5j 


The  Light  house  was  erected  in  the  year  1764.  •  A  Duty  of  3d. 
P.  Ton  was  laid  on  the  Tonnage  of  Ships  for  maintaining  it 
which  produced  the  first  year  JC487.6.9.  &  the  expenses  were 
X431.8.6, 
.  The  second  year  415.16.1.    Do  407.14.6.  ,  .,. 


-  (    , "      I 


ras  passed 
s  annually 
is  Majesty 
Merchan- 
TheDulia- 
Shrub,  and 
dry  goods, 

past  stands, 
■whom  the 


.i;i03W.l6.11J 
.      7106.12.6' 
.      8574.  O.K 
.     7596.12.  I 

..     4811.  8'»l 
74125.  3.  1 

aal  Exchange  of 
£2673.  0.64 


IMPORTS,  EXPORTS,  ETC.  705 

From  this  State  of  the  Civil  List  of  the  Province  it  appears 
that  there  is  even  this  year  a  surplus  beyond  the  whole  Expence 
of  supporting  the  Government,  and  it  was  heretofore  very  con- 
siderable. This  Ballance  has  always  been  either  borrowed  in 
exigencies  or  applied  by  particular  Laws  to  special  uses.     , :;  >-  ri 

The  Annual  account  of  Quit  rents  agreable  to  the  list  of  Patents 
in  the  Receiver  General's  office  is  in  Sterling         JC1806.  7.  9 

The  arrears  of  Quit  rents  agreable  to  the  list  in 
the  said  office  amounts  to         -         -         -         18,888.16.10 
The  above  sums  are  as  near  as  can  be  computed,  the  price  of 

Wheat,  Skins,  Lambs,  and  Pease  differing  every  year. 
The  following  sums  are  paid  out  of  the  Quit  Rents  on  the 

Kings  warrants  directed  to  the  Receiver  General. 

To  the  Honourable  Robert  Cholmondely  the  auditor  General  of  the  Flanta- 

tiou £100 

To  George  Clarke  Esq.  Secretary  of  New  York  on  two  warrants  for  his  )        «, 

salary  and  Incidents > 

To  the  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs « • .      100 

To  the  Receiver  General's  Salary 200 

To  the  Honourable  Robert  Cholmondeley  a  Commission  of  £6  p.  cent  for  ) 

all  monies  received  on  auditing  the  accoimts > 

The  Incidental  charges  of  the  Receiver  Geuls  Office 

The  owners  of  Lands  in  this  Province  have  ever  been  so  back- 
ward in  the  Payment  of  their  Quit  Rents  that  the  sum  collected 
*  annually  has  never  been  sufficient  to  pay  off  the  above  mentioned 
salaries,  and  some  other  orders  wluch  were  formerly  granted  to 
different  people  by  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury. 


I'! 


r.   Ut 


>8ts.  £2880.11.11 
X92.  9.H 


(■\'iH»' 


|a  Duty  of  3d. 
laintaining  it 
[expenses  "were 


I .  I  .' 


-•..■:. I  ■       .!! 


45 


\      V 


706 


STATISTICS  OF  RETINUE, 


AMOUNT  OF  THE  VALUE  OP  THE  IMPORTS  AND  EXPORTS 

FROM  AND  TO  NEW  YORK,  FOR  THREE  YEARS  FROM  1717,  TO  1720. 

[Lond  Doc.  XXIII.] 


IMVOBT9.  « 

£    s.     P. 

From  1717  to  1718, 27.331. 12.i 

From  1718  to  1719, 19.696.  6.5 

From  1719  to  172U, 16.836.12.7 

;  Touaimportt '  63.764.11.1 

Medium 21.254.17.0^ 


XZFOBTS. 

£    a.   d. 

From  1717  to  171% 62.966.16.3 

From  1718  to  1719, 66.355.  3.9 

From  1719  to  1720, 37.397.19.5 


Totflil  exporfi, 156.719.19.5 

Medium G2.239.19.9j 

The  like  account  from  1720  to  1723. 

£    a.    A.  £    t.    d. 

From  172l> to  1121, 15.681.4.5    From  1720  to  1721, 60.788.10.6 

From  1721  to  1722, 19.564. 15.4    From  1721  to  1722, 57.889. 15. 10 

rrom  1723  to  1123,... •....    28.618.12.6    From  1722 to  1723, 64.838.9.8 


Total  Imports, 63.764.12.3 

Medium, 21.254.17.5 


Total  Exports, 163.516. 16.  0 

Medium, 64.505.12.  0 

£    B.    d 

Total  Export  of  the  three  last  years, 

Total  Export  of  the  three  preceding  years, 

Exceeded  m  the  Total  Exports  of  the  three  last  years, 

Whieh  at  a  Medium  has  been  an  An'ual  Increase  m  ye  Exports. 


163.&16.16.0 
156.719.19.6 
6.796.16.7 
2.285.12.2J 


Jin  account  of  the  Value  of  Furrs  imported  from  JVeto  York  for 

six  yearsyfrom  1717  to  1723. 

£   8.    d.  £   s.    d. 

From  m?  to  1718, 10.704.3.11    From  1720  to  1721, 6.659.4.11 

From  1718  to  1719, 7.138.2.6    From  1721  to  1722, 7.045.3.1U 

From  1719  to  1720, 7.487.16.6    From  1722  to  1723, 8.833.5.4 


2B.S30.  2.  9 
Total  of  the  three  last  years  22. 537 .  14*.  1 

Excess  oftheS  first  years..  2.792.  8.  8    Medium,. 


22.637.14.1 


930.16.21 


AN  ACCOUNT 


%i  4 


OF  THi>  ANNUAL  AMOUNT  OF  THE  IMPORTS  AND   EXPORTS   FROM  AND 
TO  NEW  YORK,  FROM  CHRISTMAS  1723  TO  CHRISTMAS  1728. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXIY.] 


The  several  years. 


3  /'1723 
a  B  \  1724 
2 .2  <  1725 
fi  fe  y  1726 

6  (   1727 


S  C  1724 

o  a  \  1726 

H  2  <  1726 

!a  /  "27 

5  V,  1728 


Imports. 


£  s.  d. 
21191.  2.  3 
25316.18.  9 
38307.17.10 
31617.  8.  1 
21005.12.11 


Exports. 


£  s.  d. 
63020.  0.9 
70650.  8.0 
84850.18.0 
67373.  6.3 
78561.  6.4 


JOHN  OXENFORDH  A.  I  Oen'l. 
Custom  House  Inspector  Oen'Ia  Office  17  Nov'r  1729.  , 


IMPORTS,  EXPORTS,  ETC. 


707 


0  n20. 


£  t.  d. 
2.966.W.3 
6.356.  3.9 
7.3W.19-t' 

«.71».19.B. 
g.239.19.9i 


£  ••  d- 
H).788.10.  6 
M.889.16.10 
64.838.  9.  8 

163.Bie.M-  0 
W.506.12.  0 

£    ■•    *• 

6.796.16.7, 
3.26B.W.2i 


'eto  Y<yrkfor 


£   ••    A- 

6.659.4.11 

7.045.3.10 
8.833.5.  4 


NUMBER  OF  NEGROES  IMPORTED  FROM  1701—1726. 

AN  AGCO't  of  what  Negro  Slaves  have  been  Imported  into  his  M^festies  Pro- 
▼inoe  of  New  York  as  taken  from  the  Custom  House  Books  between  the  year 
1701  k,  thU  present  year  1726. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXin.] 


TEAR. 


1701.... 
1702.... 
1703.... 
1704..  >^ 
1706.... 
1710  ... 
1711.... 
1712.... 
1714.... 
1716.... 
1716.... 


36 

165 

16 

8 


63 
17 
19 


314 


I. 


o 


I 


•  •  •  • 

•  •  •  • 


24 
63 
65 
77 

38 
43 


290 


YEAR. 


1717. 
1718 
1719 
1720 
1721 
1722 
1723 
1724 
1726 
1726 


Totall  2395. 


i 

II 


447 

104 
81 
76 

106 
82 
61 
64 

180 


1269 
314 


1673   8(2)2 
Should  be  (0) 


I 


266 
70 


•117 

•  •  ■  e 

•  •  •  e 

•  •  ■  • 

69 


612 
290 


N.  B.  That  all  the  Negroes  in  the  foregoing  account  have  been  Imported  by 
Private  Traders  and  that  none  have  been  imported  dureing  that  time  by  the 
African  Company. 

,        ARCH'D  KENNEDY  CoU'r. 

New  York  16  Deoembr  1626. 

•  Entered  from  the  Coast  of  Africa  but  found  afterwards  to  have  been  f^om 
Madagascar. 


»TS  FROM  AND 
1728. 


Exports. 

£      ■•  ^• 
63020.0.9 

70650.  8.0 
84860.18.0 
67373.  6.3 
7856^_6:1 
IhTa.  I  Gen'l. 


JUfJ 


'1*/? 


I 


i^A\ri^\i 


t  '1 :    Hi 


*JS,.. 


|IV 


If-i 


Av^-IA  IfJ  i»KoO   Siftf  iUO'. 


-..;  „,M    ir-^,- 


.V*-* 


•  .:/!.»  t 


'»*. 


XXV. 


PAPERS 


uun«a  TO  TBI 


TSADE  AND  MANUFACTURES 


! 


or  *m 


^wAmt  nf  J&m-^mk 


1705-1757. 


I"!       ? 

hi    :^ 


^r  .ni'  A  ' 


II 


M      I 


7)f::/ 


B^cl^A^ 


1B«  -,•;  4,«TA,3I6 


.% 


'it 


aSS:iTVA'l,UViAM  mh  HuiilT 


jriih^-^^-iiBll  h  tmm'M^ 


•i«»« 


xB^i--m\i 


m 


m  eatm^ikv^^M'Q'm,  :s''i'iax' 


-J^SV 


(i.i.  in 


<Krflbe  anb  3fianufarfuni5  nf  ilje  ^rnninr e,  1700, 


rft 


LORD  CORNBURY  TO  SEC.  HODGES. 

[Load.  Doe.  XYI.] 


■■•■) 


The  Trade  of  this  Province  consists  chiefly  in  flo\<rer  and  biskett 
wMch  is  sent  to  the  Islands  in  the  West  Indians,  in  return  they 
bring  Rum,  Sugar,  Molasses,  and  some  times  pieces  of  Eight  and 
Cocoa  and  Logwood ;  to  Europe  Our  people  send  Skins  of  all 
sorts.  Whale  Oyle  and  Bone,  which  are  the  only  'Commodity  this 
Country  sends  tq  Europe,  of  its  own  produce  as  yet,  but  if  they 
were  encouraged,  the  people  of  this  Province  would  be  able  to 
supply  England  with  all  manner  of  Naval  Stores,  Pitch,  Tarr, 
Rosine,  Turpentine,  Flax  Hemp  Masts  and  Timber  of  all  Kinds 
and  Sizes,  and  very  good  in  their  Kinds.        .... 

When  I  said  on  the  other  side  that  if  the  people  were  encouraged 
they  would  be  able  to  supply  England  with  all  manner  of  Naval 
Stores,  I  mean  (by  encouraged)  if  they  had  a  certain  sure  market 
for  their  produce  j  for  as  the  Case  now  stands,  they  aply  their 
land  to  Corn  of  all  sorts,  but  chiefly  Wheat,  because  they  have  a 
certain  Market  for  that  in  the  Islands,  but  if  they  had  a  sure  mar- 
ket for  Hemp  and  flax  in  England,  they  would  greedily  fall  to  the 
planting  of  hemp  &  Flax,  because  they  want  Commoditys,  to 
make  returns  to  England  for  the  goods  they  take  from  thence. 
*  Besides  if  part  of  their  lands  were  imployed  to  those  uses,  their 
Corn  would  fetch  a  better  price  ;  besides  the  want  of  wherewithal] 
to  make  returns  for  England,  sets  mens  witts  at  work,  and  that 
has  put  them  upon  a  Trade  which  I  am  sure  will  hurt  England  in 
a  little  time  j  for  I  am  well  informed,  that  upon  Long  Island  aad 
Connecticut,  they  are  setting  up  a  Woollen  Manufacture,  and  I 
myself  have  seen  Serge  made  upon  Long  Island  that  an^man  may 
wear.     Now  if  they  begin  to  make  Serge,  they  will  in  time  ma:ke 


712 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTUBES  Of 


K^f 


•(  • 


!i''i 


•r' 


#  * 


;  ^. ; 


.t    '  !l 


Course  Cloth,  and  then  fine  j  we  have  as  good  fullers  rarth  and 
tobacco  pipe  clay  in  this  Province,  as  any  in  the  world  j  Low  farr 
this  will  be  for  the  service  of  England  I  submit  to  better  Judg- 
ments ;  but  however  I  hope  I  may  be  pardoned,  if  I  declare  my 
opinion  to  be,  that  all  these  Colloneys,  which  are  but  twigs 
belonging  to  the  Main  Tree  (England)  ought  to  be  Kept  entirely 
dependent  upon  &  subservient  to  England,  and  that  can  never  be 
if  they  are  suffered  to  goe  on  in  the  notions  they  have,  that  as 
they  are  Englishmen,  soe  they  may  set  up  the  same  manufactures 
here  as  people  may  do  in  England ;  for  the  consequence  will  be 
that  if  once  they  can  see  they  can  cloath  themselves,  not  only 
comfortably  but  handsomely  too,  without  the  help  of  England, 
they  who  are  already  not  very  fond  of  submitting  to  Government 
would  soon  think  of  putting  in  Execution  designs  they  had  long 
harbourd  in  their  breasts.  This  will  not  seem  strange  when  you 
consider  what  sort  of  people  this  Country  is  inhabited  by. 


Mf  CALEB  HEATHCOTE  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE, 

3  AUG.  170a 


[Lond.  Doo.  XVII.] 


<  I 


A't 


My  Lords — ^This  comes  chiefly  to  ask  pardon  for  all  the  trouble 
I  have  given  your  Lordships  in  my  severall  letters  relating  to  the 
Naval  Stores.  What  I  aimed  at  chiefly  therein  was  the  service  of 
my  Nation  &  I  do  assure  yo<^  Lordships  (notwithstand?  I  may  have 
been  otherwise  represented)  is  very  dear  to  me.  And  what  in  the 
first  place  I  aimed  at  by  my  proposals  was,  to  have  diverted  the 
Americans  from  goeing  on  with  their  linen  and  Woollen  Manufac 
torys  &  to  have  turn'd  their  thoughts  on  such  things  as  might  be 
Qsefull  &  beneficiall  to  Great  Britain.  They  are  already  so  far 
advanced  in  their  Manufactoryes  that  3|4  of  y«  linen  and  Woollen 
they  use,  is  made  amongst  'em ;  espetially  the  Courser  sort,  &  if 
some  speedy  and  effectual  ways  are  not  found  to  putt  a  stop  to  it, 
they  will  carry  it  on  a  great  deal  further,  &  perhaps  in  time  very 
much  to  (he  prejudice  of  our  manufactorys  at  home.  I  have  been 
discoursed  with  by  some  to  assist  them  in  setting  up  a  manufactory 


it-^ 


OF  THE  PROTIKCE  OF  NEW-YOMC. 


713 


of  fine  stu£fs,  but  I  have  for  the  present  putt  it  by,  &  vr'iW  for  my 
own  part  never  be  concerned  in  y^  nor  any  thing  of  y*  nature,  but 
use  all  the  little  intrest  &  skill  I  have  to  prevent  it.  * 


TKADE, 


II  the  trouble 
[lating  to  the 
W  service  of 
Ik  I  may  have 
Id  what  in  the 
I  diverted  the 
lien  Manufac 
as  might  be 
Iready  so  far 
and  Woollen 
^ser  sort,  &  if 
tt  a  stop  to  it, 
in  time  very 
I  have  been 
manufactory 


GJOV.  HUNTER  TO  THE  ROARD  OP  TRADE.  12  NOV*  1715 

[Lond.  Doe.  XZ.l 

The  Trade  of  this  Province  has  consisted  chiefly  of  Provisions, 
We  may  reckon  it  considerably  [decreased]  since  the  late  Peace, 
by  reason  that  the  Spaniards  do  not  permit  our  Vessels  to  come 
on  their  coasts,  as  they  did  formerly,  having  lately,  as  I  am  well 
informed  sent  several  ships,  some  of  which  are  French  with 
Spanish  Commiss"*  to  Guard  their  Coasts  from  that  Traffick, 
which  formerly  we  had  by  private  ccmmunications  with  them ; 
and  these  Provinces  raising  much  more  than  serves  for  their  own 
consumption  and  that  of  the  West  Indies,  I  can  think  of  no  solid 
way  of  prevent?  the  total  decay  of  Trade,  and  consequently  the 
ruin  of  the  Provinces  but  by  setting  on  foot  and  carrying  vigor- 
ously the  production  of  Naval  Stores,  and  if  nemp  were  not  so 
bulky  a  commodity,  we  know  experimentally  that  our  swamps 
and  low  land  will  produce  as  good  of  that  kind  as  any  in  the 
world.         .         .         ......         .         . ' 

The  People  of  this  Town  (N.  York)  and  Albany,  which  make 
a  great  part  of  the  Province  wear  no  clothing  of  their  own  manu- 
facture, but  if  the  letters  mentioned  in  your  Lordships  mean  the 
Planters  aiid  poorer  sort  of  Cduntry  people,  the  computat"  is 
rather  less  than  more,  but  the  several  sorts  are  Coarser  than  what 
come  from  England;  I  know  no  way  to  prevent  it,  than  by 
encouraging  them  to  go  on  some  manufactures  that  may  be  useful 
to  England  &  beneficial  to  themselves,  for  few  that  are  able  to  go 
to  the  expense  of  English  manufacture  do  wear  home  spun,  and  a 
law  to  oblige  such  as  are  not  able  to  go  to  that  expense  to  do  it, 
under  penalties,  would  be  equivalent  to  a  law  to  compel  them  to 

1  Ool.  Heathcote  the  writer  of  the  above,  was  Member  of  the  Council, 
wd  an  applicant  for  a  contract  to  supply  the  Crown  with  Naval  Stores  &  some 
small  sloops  of  War  for  coasting  purposes. 


n  1 


TO 


TRADE  AND  MAMUFACTORKS  01* 


go  naked,  for  your  Lordships  well  know  that  Goods  at  100  per 
cent  advance  are  reckoned  cheap  here,  nor  does  it  consist  with  my 
knowledge  that  ever  uny  home  spun  was  sold  in  the  shops. 


"\^  CADWALLADER  GOLDEN  ON  THE  TRADE  OF 

NEW  YORK;  1723 

,.'■  ,*  ,,tj         [Load.  Doe.  XXII.]         h  »  .'    />     ■  ' 

The  Trade  of  New  York  is  chiefly  to  Britain  k  the  British 
Plantations  in  the  West  Indies  ;  besides  which  we  have  our  wines 
from  Madeira  &  a  considerable  Trade  with  Curacoa ;  some  with 
Surinam  &  some  little  private  Trade  with  the  French  Islands — 
The  Trade  to  the  West  Indies  is  wholly  to  the  advantage  of  this 
Province  the  Balance  being  every  where  in  our  favor  so  that  we 
have  money  remitted  from  every  place  we  trade  with,  but  chiefly 
from  Curacoa  and  Jamaica,  these  places  taking  off  great  quantitys 
of  Flower  for  the  Spanish  Trade    The  Trade  to  Barbadoes  is 
more  considerable  than  to  any  one  of  the  rest  Provisions  being 
carried  thither  not  only  for  the  supply  of  that  Island  but  likewise 
for  Transportation  to  the  Spanish  coast  while  the  Assiento  Factors 
were  settled  there,  &  to  the  French  Islands,  so  that  tho'  we 
c6nsume  more  of  the  produce  of  that  Island  in  Rum  Sugar  & 
Molasses  than  of  all  the  others  put  together  we  have  money 
frequently  remitted  from  thence  on  Bills  of  Exchange  for  England 
The  Trade  to  Madeira  is  to  our  Loss  this  Province  consuming  more 
wine  from  thence,  than  can  be  purchased  with  our  commodities 
which  obliges  the  Merchant  either  to  send  money  or  to  pay  the 
Ballance  of  Bills  of  Exchange  for  London    But  whatever  advan- 
tages we  have  by  the  West  India  Trade  we  are  so  hard  put  to  it 
to  make  even  with  England,  that  the  money  imported  for  the  West 
Indies  seldom  continues  six  months  in  the  Province,  befrtre  it  is 
remitted  for  England    The  Current  Cash  being  wholly  in  the 
Paper  Bills  of  this  Province  and  a  few  Lyon  Dollars 

In  the  time  of  the  last  war  when  the  great  scarcity  of  p  *ovisions 
happened  in  France,  we  had  a  very  profitable  Trade  with  Lisbon 
for  wheat,  by  which  several  have  made  estates  but  that  Trade 


TBI  nowvxtm  or  nbwtobx. 


716 


was  of  no  long  duration,  for  the  Distance  made  the  carriage  ao 
chargeable  being  the  Ships  were  obliged  to  return  empty,  that  th«t 
Trade  could  not  be  carried  on  any  Longer  without  Loss,  after 
wheat  fell  to  its  usual  price,  tho  the  Wheat  of  America,  be  of 
greater  value  there  than  the  Eurbpean,  &.  we  cannot  hope  for  a 
return  of  this  Trade  unless  such  a  general  scarcity  of  Provisioiu 
happens  over  Europe  as  did  then 

The  Staple  Commodity  of  the  Province  is  Flower  d&  Bntad 
which  is  sent  to  all  Parts  of  the  West  Indies  we  are  alluwed  to 
trade  with,  Besides  Wheat,  Pipe  staves  and  a  little  Bees  Wax  to 
Madeira,  We  send  likewise  a  considerable  quantity  of  Pork,  Bacon, 
Hogshead  Staves,  some  Beef  Butter  &  a  few  Candles  to  the  West 
Indies.  The  great  Bulk  of  our  commoditys  in  proportion  to  their 
value,  is  the  reason  we  cannot  Trade  directly  to  the  Spanish 
Coast  as  they  do  from  the  West  Indies  it  being  necessary  to 
employ  armed  vessels  to  prevent  Injuiies  from  the  Spaniards  ft 
Pirates,  but  we  sometimes  send  vessels  into  the  Bays  of  Campe- 
chie  &  Honduras,  to  purchase  Logwood  &  we  have  it  imported 
from  thence  frequently  by  Strangers.  This  commodity  is  entirely 
exported  again  for  England 

From  Barbadoes  we  import  Rum,  Molasses  &  Sugar  which  are 
all  consumed  in  the  Province,  from  Antigua  &  the  adjacent  Islicnds, 
Molassus  &  some  Rum  for  the  country  consumption,  &  sometimes 
sugar  &  Cotton  for  exportation  to  England,  From  Jamaica  some 
Rum,  Molasses  &  the  best  Muscovada  Sugar  for  the  consumption 
of  the  Country  &  sometimes  Logwood,  but  the  principal  returns 
from  thence  are  in  Spanish  money,  From  Curacoa  the  returns  are 
in  Spanish  money  &  Cocoa  which  is  exported  again  for  England 
Surinam  returns  nothing  besides  Molasses  &  a  little  Rum  whidi 
are  consumed  in  the  Province,  in  the  time  of  War  when  the 
English  could  not  trade  with  the  French  there  was  some  conside- 
rable Trade  to  the  Island  St  Thomas  The  Danes  from  thence 
supplying  the  French  with  our  Provisions.  We  have  Cotton  from 
thence  &  now  from  the  French  Islands  we  sometimes  have  Cocoa 
Sugar  &  Indigo,  the  far  greatest  part  of  which  are  exported  again 
from  England 

Several  of  our  Neighbours  upon  the  Continent  cannot  well 


I- 

i; 

ir 


716 


T&ADK  AMD  MANVrACTUllCS  6? 


i.'? 


m 


V- 


tl>^ 


■■??, 


£ 


f-  - 


subsist  without  our  assistance  as  to  Provisions  for  we  yearly  send 
W4ieat  and  Flower  to  Boston  &  Road  Island  as  well  as  to  South 
Carolina  tho  not  in  any  great  quantity  Pensylvania  only  rivals  us 
in  our  Trade  to  the  West  Indies,  but  they  have  not  that  Credit  in 
their  Manufactures  that  this  Province  has 

Besides  our  Trade  by  Sea  this  Province  has  a  very  considerable 
inland  Trade  with  the  Indians  for  Beaver  other  Furrs  &.  Peltry  6s, 
with  the  French  of  Canada  for  Beaver,  all  which  are  purchased 
with  English  Commodity  except  a  small  quantity  of  Rum.  As 
this  Trade  is  very  profitable  to  England,  so  this  Province  has  a 
more  considerable  share  in  it  than  any  other  in  His  Matys 
Dominions  &  is  the  only  Province  that  can  Rival  &  I  beleive 
out  do  the  French,  being  the  most  advantagiously  situated  for  this 
Trade  of  any  part  of  America 

This  Government  (since  the  arrival  of  the  present  Governor) 
considering  that  the  French  of  Canada  buy  yearly  of  the  people 
of  this  Province  great  quantitys  of  English  Goods  in  English 
Cloaths  fit  for  the  Indians  use,  &  being  convinced  that  the  French 
cannot  without  great  difficulty  and  expence  import  these  goods 
directly  from  Europe  &  that  without  them  they  cannot  carry  on 
their  trade  with  the  Indians  exclusive  of  the  English :  did  by 
a  severe  Law  prohibit  the  selling  of  any  Indian  Goods  to  the 
French  At  the  same  time  considerable  encouragement  was  given 
to  a  number  of  young  men  to  go  into  the  Indian  Country  as  far 
as  the  Pass  between  the  great  Lakes  at  the  Falls  of  lagaraj  to 
learn  the  language  of  these  Indians,  and  to  renew  the  Trade  with 
the  far  Indians  which  our  Traders  have  disused  ever  since  the 
beginning  of  the  Wars  with  France  This  they  could  not  be 
persuaded  to  undertake  of  themselves  having  of  late  fallen  into 
the  more  safe  and  less  toilsome  Trade  with  the  French  tho  less 
profitable  in  ♦  ♦         •  >  ^ 

The  Government  has  pursued  this  with  a  good  deal  of  diligence 
notwithstanding  many  difficultys  put  in  the  way  by  the  merchants 
who  trade  with  the  French  &  these  measures  are  likely  to  have  a 
very  happy  effect,  to  strengthen  the  British  Interest  on  this  con- 
tinent. For  if  the  Indians  shall  be  once  convinced  that  the 
French  cannot  supply  them  with  the  Goods  they  want  or  that 


TBK  PROVINCE  OF  MXW-TOaK. 


717 


isiderable 

Peltry  k 
purchased 
Rum.  As 
nee  has  a 
lis  Matys 

I  beleWe 
ted  for  this 

Governor) 

the  people 

in  English 

i  the  French 

|these  goods 

,ot  carry  on 

ish:  did  by 

[oods  to  the 
kt  vras  given 
intry  as  far 

|f  lagara,  to 
Trade  with 
'er  since  the 
lould  not  be 
Ite  fallen  into 
lenoh  tho  less 

n  of  diligence 
Ihe  merchants 
lely  to  have  a 
It  on  this  con- 
Iced  that  the 
1  vrant  or  that 


they  are  furnished  much  cheaper  by  the  English  it  will  take  off 
the  dependance  of  the  remote  Indians  on  the  French,  which  has 
been  increasing  of  late  to  the  Great  Dangtr  of  this  province,  in 
case  of  a  War,  as  well  as  to  the  loss  of  its^  trade  in  time  of  Peace, 
What  id  already  done  has  had  so  good  effect,  that  but  a  few  days 
ago  80  Indian  Men,  besides  Women  &  Children  arrived  at  Albany 
from  the  furthest  nation  who  live  about  the  place  called  by  the 
French  Missilimakenak  1200  miles  distant  from  Albany,  they 
could  not  be  stopt  in  their  design  by  all  the  art  of  the  French 
who  in  several  places  endeavored  to  divert  them  When  they 
came  to  Albany  they  entered  into  a  League  of  Friendship  with 
this  Government  &  desired  to  be  added  to  the  Six  Nations  under 
this  Government,  and  that  they  may  be  esteemed  the  seventh 
Nation  under  the  English  Protection — ^The  Language  of  those 
Indians  is  not  understood  by  any  Christian  among  us,  &  is  the 
first  time  we  have  had  any  League  with  them — ^It  is  the  opinion 
of  many  here  that  by  the  arts  of  Peace,  with  the  assistance  of  a 
less  sum  than  a  tenth  of  what  the  expedition  to  Canada  cost  the 
Nation  the  settlement  of  Canada  would  be  rendered  useless  to  the 
French,  and  that  they  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  it 

It  is  evident  that  the  whole  Industry,  Frugality  &  Trade  of 
this  Province  is  employed  to  ballance  the  Trade  with  England  & 
to  pay  for  the  goods  they  yearly  import  from  thence,  &  therefore 
it  is  undoubtedly  y»  Interest  of  Britain  to  encourage  the  Trade 
of  this  Province  as  much  as  possible  :  For  if  the  people  here 
could  remit  by  any  method  more  money  or  Goods  to  England 
they  would  proportionably  consume  more  of  the  English  Manu- 
factures. We  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  it  is  truly  the  desire 
of  our  mother  country  to  make  her  colonys  flourish — The  only 
thing  in  question,  is  by  what  methods  the  produce  and  Trade  of 
the  Plantations  can  be  best  encouraged  with  the  greatest  advan 
tage  to  England.  It  may  be  that  many  in  England  are  not  so 
well  informed  what  their  Colonys  are  able  to  produce  &  by  what 
means  the  people  in  the  colonys  will  most  effectually  be  put  upon 
such  Manufacture  or  Trade  as  shall  be  most  beneficial  to  the 
Kingdom  for  the  Colonys  differ  very  much  in  the  soil  &  inclina- 
tions &  humour  of  the  Inhabitants  .  «..  ,« 


\  ' 


k 


M 


1/  ,»    *( 


M    * 


718 


rBJLDB  AND  MANUFACTUKIS  OW 


It  geems  to  be  the  desire  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain 
thalt  y»  Kingdom  be  supplyed  -with  naval  Stores  from  their  Plan- 
tations, that  thej  may  iK>t  rely  so  much  on  the  Pleasure  of  foreign 
Princes  for  what  is  so  necessary  to  y«  Strength  &  Wealth  of  y* 
Kii^dom.  Towards  this  end  none  of  His  Matys  Provinces  can  be 
more  useful  than  this  &.  perhaps  no  country  in  the  World  ia 
naturally  better  fitted  for  such  produce  or  manufactures.  There 
is  not  any  where  a  richer  Soil  for  producing  Hemp  than  in  many 
places  in  thii  Provifiice'^ueh  Land  as  has  every  year  borne  grain 
for  above  90  years  together  without  dunging  in  which  I  believe 
this  exceUsall  the  other  Provinces  in  North  America.  Our  barren 
Sandy  Lands  bew  great  quantitys  of  Pitch  pme  for  Tar,  The 
Northern  parts  of  the  Province  large  white  Pines*  for  Masts :  & 
for  iron  we  have  gr^at  plenty  of  that  Oar  in  many  places  close  by 
tfae  Bank  of  the  River,  where  Ships  of  3  or  400  Tuns  may  lay 
their  sides  the  ground  every  where  covered  with  wood  for  the 
rurnCDce  and  no  want  of  Water  Streams  iny  where  for  the  Forge 

The  reasons  which  have  hindred  the  Inhabitants  from  going 
upon  any  of  these  manufactures  are  the  difficulty  with  which  peo- 
ple can  be  persuaded  to  leave  the  common  me$ns  by  which  they 
have  supported  their  familys  to  adventure  upon  any  new  methods 
which  are  always  expensive  in  the  beginning  &  uncertain  in  the 
profits  they  yield  This  reasoning  has  the  more  force  because  few 
of  the  Planters  have  any  stock  of  money  by  them  but  depend 
yearly  on  the  Produce  of  their  Farms  for  the  support  of  their 
FainiliM.  North  America  containing  a  vast  Tract  of  L&nd  every 
one  is  able  to  procure  a  piece  of  land  at  an  inconsiderable  rate 
and  therefore  is  fond  to  set  up  for  himself  rather  than  work  for 
hire  This  makes  labor  continue  very  dear  a  common  laborer 
tisually  eitrning  3  Rhillings  by  the  day  &  consequently  any  under- 
taking which  requires  many  hands  must  be  undertaken  at  a  far 
greater  expense  than  in  Europe  &  too  rften  tlus  charge  only  over- 
ballances  all  the  advantages  which  the  country  naturally  affords  & 

*  Neither  the  Pitch  Pine  nor  White  Pine  are  properly  Pinet  according  to  the 
Botanists  but  are  put  by  them  under  the  class  of  ye  Larix  the  White  Pine  being 
called  by  Tournefourt — iMrix  orientalit  fructu  rotundiori  obtuso  &  by  J  Bonhim. 
Cedrus  magna,  Siv$  Libant,  Conifera.  I  have  not  seen  the  true  Pine  to  the  North- 
ward of  Maryland. 


M 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YOBK. 


719 


u 


M 


is  the  hardest  to  overcome  to  make  any  commodity  or  Manufacture 
profitable  which  can  be  raised  in  Europe 

The  Merchant  will  not  readily  adventure  his  Stock  in  raising 
Hemp  or  making  Tar  being  unacquainted  with  husbandry  and 
will  more  difficultly  be  induced,  because  he  knows  the  Farmer  docs 
not  gain  yearly  half  the  common  Interest  of  the  value  of  his  land 
&  stock  after  he  has  deducted  the  charge  of  labor 

One  of  the  methods  already  thought  of  for  making  this  Province 
more  useful  as  to  Naval  Stores,  is  a  severe  prohibition  of  cutting 
any  white  Pines  fit  for  Masts,  No  doubt  the  destroying  of  so 
necessary  a  commodity  ought  to  be  prevented  &  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  frame  a  Law  for  that  end  with  many  exceptions  or  Limi- 
tations which  could  be  of  much  use  on  the  other  hand  when  the 
literal  Breach  of  the  Law  becomes  generally  unavoidable  it  must 
loose  its  force,  The  Lands  of  this  Province  are  granted  upon 
condition  that  the  Grantee  within  three  years  after  the  Grant 
effectually  cultivate  three  acres  for  every  fifty  granted  &  it  will 
not  be  supposed  that  it  is  the  intent  of  the  Law  to  put  a  stop  to 
cultivating  the  Land  which  however  cannot  be  done  without 
destroying  the  Timber  that  grows  upon  it  One  at  first  is  ready 
to  fear  that  the  poor  Planter  is  under  a  sad  Dilemma.  If  he  does 
not  cultivate  he  cannot  maintain  his  family  &  he  must  loose  his 
Land  j  if  he  does  cultivate,  he  cuts  Jown  Trees,  for  which  he  is 
in  danger  of  being  undone  by  prosecution  &  fines — ^The  inhabitants 
cannot  build  Houses  without  pine  for  boards  &  covering,  nor  send 
Vessels  to  sea  without  masts.  It  cannot  surely  be  the  intent  of 
the  Legislature  to  put  the  inhabitants  under  such  extreem  hard- 
ships by  denying  us  necessary  timber  while  we  live  in  the  midst 
of  such  Forests  as  cannot  in  many  ages  be  destroyed — And  the 
more  that  the  King  for  whose  use  these  Trees  are  reserved,  does 
not  nor  has  not  made  use  of  one  Tree  for  many  years  in  this 
Province 

Nor  need  we  mind  the  apprehensions  of  some  who  tell  us  of  what 
ill  consequence  it  may  be  if  the  People  of  the  Plantations  should 
apprehend  that  the  people  of  England  design  to  cut  them  off 
from  the  common  body  of  English  subjects  by  denying  them  the 
fundi^mental  English  Privilege  of  being  tryed  by  their  country 


720 


TRAI>2:  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF 


iiK*.'li: 


I  M 


K, 


Our  mother  country  the  nursery  of  Liberty  will  never  give  up  her 
children  to  the  ravenous  appetites  of  any  one  man  nor  will  they 
loose  the  surest  tye  she  has  upon  the  aflfections  of  the  people  in 
the  Plantations  especially  in  a  Frontier  Province  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  so  pot'iut  &  cunning  a  nation  as  the  Frencjii  are  where 
the  native  English  are  less  in  number  than  Foreigners  French  & 
Dutch  who  at  present  think  themselves  happy  under  the  English 
liberty,  for  .the  maxim  that  free  subjects  are  more  useful  to  their 
Prince  than  Slaves  will  be  found  as  true  in  America  as  in  Europe. 

But  suppose  the  People  could  be  restrained  from  cutting  any 
White  Pines  it  will  not  answer  the  end  for  which  it  was  designed, 
For  if  the  King  were  to  send  People  to  cut  down  Masts  in  the 
place  where  they  grow  and  to  transport  them  to  such  places  where 
they  can  be  carried  by  water  the  charge  will  amount  to  treble 
the  sum  they  might  be  bought  for  at  New  York,  if  the  carrying 
of  them  were  left  to  the  Inhabitants  themselves  The  King  in 
this  case  must  have  a  great  many  hands  &  overseers  in  constant 
pay  He  must  buy  horses.  Oxen  &  Carriages  &  maintain  them  or 
hire  them  after  the  most  chargeable  manner — whereas  the  country 
people  carry  these  Trees  in  the  Winter  upon  the  Snow  &  Ice 
when  they  cannot  labor  in  the  ground  &  are  glad  to  make  a  little 
profit  at  any  rate  i 

To  balance  any  hard  ship  which  the  Colonys  may  apprehend 
themselves  to  be  under  The  British  Parliament  has  given  such 
rewards  &  encouragements  to  their  Plantations  as  no  other  nation 
has  done  the  like  for  the  manufacture  of  Hemp  &  Tar.  The 
benefit  of  this  however  does  not  so  immediately  reach  the  i'lanters 
as  the  before  mentioned  penalties  affect  him,  There  is  a  considera- 
ble difference  between  encourageing  the  exportation  &  sale  of  a 
commodity  which  is  already  the  manufacture  of  the  country  & 
engageing  people  to  go  upon  a  new  commodity  or  manufacture  in 
the  first  it  is  sufficient  to  give  the  merchant  encouragement  to  buy 
&  export  in  the  other  the  encouragement  would  be  more  effectual 
if  it  were  immediately  applied  to  the  persons  who  were  to  begin 
the  Manufacture  &  run  the  whole  risque  of  its  turning  to  advantage 
or  not 

Now  I  shall  mention  the  means  which  I  think  most  probable  to 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK. 


721 


make  this  Province  useful  in  producing  Naval  Stores  &  which 
may  with  the  least  difficulty  be  put  in  practice — In  the  first  place, 
to  prevent  the  decay  o^  Timber,  fit  for  masts  every  one  that  im- 
proves Lands  on  which  white  Pines  grow  ought  to  be  obliged  to 
plant  white  Pines  at  proper  distances  all  round  his  fields  &  enclosures 
when  any  of  these  shall  dye  cr  be  cut  down  to  put  another  in  its 
place  and  some  officer  be  obliged  to  see  this  punctually  observed 
and  for  the  encouragement  of  such  as  shall  raise  Hemp  that  the 
Receiver  General  be  directed  to  receive  Hemp  when  offered  in 
lieu  of  money  for  the  Kings  Quit  Rents  at  an  encouraging  price 
which  Price  the  Receiver  General  ought  to  publish,  pursuant  to 
the  directions  he  shall  receive  from  England — ^The  Commissioners 
of  the  Navy  to  appoint  a  Factor  at  New  York  whose  credit  must 
be  punctually  kept  up  to  purchase  Masts  &  Tar,  made  according 
to  the  direction  of  the  Act  of  Parliament,  who  shall  yearly  pub- 
lish the  prices  he  will  give  for  any  of  these  commoditys  &  the 
Government  to  save  themselves  the  Benefit  of  the  Bounty.  For 
some  years  the  price  to  be  allowed  be  above  the  intrinsic  value  of 
the  commoditys,  the  loss  of  which  to  be  defrayed  by  some  publick 
fund,  which  I  believe  without  great  difficulty  may  be  found  &  if 
these  proposals  be  thought  practicable  &  useful  shall  be  the  sub- 
ject of  another  paper. 

The  Parliament  appears  desirous  to  encourage  the  importation 
of  materials  for  dyeing  which  hitherto  have  been  only  brought 
from  Foreign  Parts  I  have  seen  fine  Reds  and  Yellows  &  good 
black  (the  Country  people  say  they  have  seen  all  colors)  died  by 
the  Indians  with  some  roots  &  weeds,  which  grow  plentifully  in 
the  country.  As  the  Indians  know  very  little  of  the  art  of  dying 
from  what  I  have  seen  of  their  Reds  I  am  apt  to  beleive  the  root 
they  dye  that  color  wUh,  maybe  very  valuable  &  we  may  find 
some  commoditys  which  at  present  are  not  in  the  Least  thought 
of — ^When  I  go  next  to  the  Indians  country  I  intend  to  procure 
some  quantity  of  them  sufficient  to  make  a  few  experiments 


U  \ 


i( 


46 


71S 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURE  Or 


■iX 


fi  !Pi  .r.ia*^ 


%VLi    fli    Hi/f  ' 


I  w 


'.    ^•u 


'iM'\ 


GOV*  COSBY  TO  THE  BOARD  OP  TRADE.  , 

,  w  [Lond.  Doe.  XXIV.] 

New  York  18th  D«er  I73S. 

My  Lords — I  ackno^'ledge  the  receipt  of  your  Lordpp*  to  me 
of  the  16">  of  June  last,  and  in  pursuance  of  His  Matx"  directions 
to  your  LordPP"  Board  have  made  the  strictest  inquiry  in  respect 
tt  manufactures  sett  up,  &  Trade  carryed  on  in  this  Province  of 
New  York  &  can  discover  none  that  may  in  any  way  affect  or 
prejudice  the  Trade,  Navigation  &  Manufactures  of  the  Kingdom 
of  Great  Britain.  As  to  the  Laws  made  here,  I  beg  leave  to  refer 
your  LordPP*  to  the  acts  which  I  shall  transmitt  to  your  LordPP* 
80  soon  asthey  are  engrossed  which  I  fear  I  cannot  have  time  to  have 
done  to  send  by  this  opportunity.  The  inhabitants  here  are  more  lazy 
&  inactive  than  the  world  generally  supposes,  &  their  manufacture 
extends  no  farther  than  what  is  consumed  in  their  own  famillys, 
a  few  coarse  Lindsey  Woolseys  for  clothing,  and  linen  for  their 
own  wear :  the  hatt  makeing  trade  here  seemed  to  promise  to 
make  the  greatest  advances  to  the  prejudice  of  Great  Britain, but 
that  the  Parliament  having  already  taken  into  their  consideration, 
needs  no  more  mention,  whatever  new  springs  up  that  may  in  the 
least  affect  or  prejudice  the  Trade  or  Navigation  of  Great  Britlain, 
shall  be  narrowly  inspected  &  annual  returns  of  your  Lordt'P* 
querries  constantly  sent  In  the  mean  time  I  have  the  honor  to 
be  with  the  greatest  respect  imaginable  My  Lords  ,  . 
„     ,       ,   .,(    .,       Your  Lordpp*  most  obedient  i    r  . 

.  ,,:  &  most  humble  servant 

./'  ,,     '       ■ 

,        ,    .  (signed)  W.  Cosby. 


Ill 


'   <i 


SAME  TO  THE  SAME  6  DEC.  1734. 

[Loml.  Doc.  XXV.] 

Wheat  is  the  staple  of  this  Province,  and  tho'  that  comodity 
Been  literally  to  interfere  with  the  product  of  Great  Biitain,  it 
do's  not  so  in  fact,  for  it's  generally  maiiufactur'd  into  flower  and 
bread)  and  sent  to  supply  the  sugar  Collonys,  aiul  whenever  a 


is    :, 


Tint  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


1^3 


\1  ■yhitri 
»;  r  ''rati 

)eer  1738. 
[PP«  to  me 
directions 
in  respect 
rovince  oi 
V  affect  OT 
e  Kingilom 
ave  to  refer 
)ur  LordPP' 
lime  to  have 
Te  more  \azy 
manufacture 

wn  famillysi 
len  for  their 
0  promise  to 

Britain,  but 
lonsideration, 

it  may  in  the 
Ireat  BriUain, 

our  LordPP* 

the  honor  to 


IW .  Cosby. 


Iihat  comodil) 
pat  B/Uain,  it 
ito  flower  and 
->vht'uever  a 


maricett  in  Spain  Portugal  or  other  parts  of  Europe  has  enc6ur- 
*  aged  the  sending  it  thither  in  Grain,  the  adventurers  have  often 
suffered  by  the  undertaking,  for  at  this  remote  distance,  the  in- 
telligence of  a  demand  reaches  us  so  late,  that  the  marketts  are 
fup|ilyed  before  our  vessells  come  there,  and  evt-n  if  it  were  other- 
trise  our  merchants  lye  under  vast  and  certain  disadvantages  besides 
for  freight  of  wheat  from  hence  in  time  of  warr  was  at  least  two 
riiillings  and  six  pence,  and  in  time  of  peace  is  eighteen  pence 
sterling  per  bushell,  and  by  the  length  of  the  passage  it  often 
gt()W8  musty,  at  least  cannot  come  so  fresh  to  markett  as  from 
Great  Britain ;  whence  freights  (as  it's  said)  are  not  above  one 
({Wirter  part  of  what  they  are  here. 

The  main  bont  of  our  farmers  is  to  raise  wheat,  and  they  are 
liki^  to  remain  in  that  way  until  the  price  of  it  becomes  so  low, 
that  necessily  puis  upon  some  other  way  of  Cultivation  ;  which 
ih  process  of  time  is  like  to  happen,  because  the  Sugar  Islands 
dannot  increase  in  the  proportion  which  the  Northern  Collony* 
do,  and  whether  some  other  encouragement  may  bring  them  over 
Mttikiet  I  cannot  affirm.  *  ^    "  •        -  •'  • «  ^ 

tn  this  Collony  are  a  great  many  lands  extream  fit  for  hemp, 
and  there  is  not  one  farm  in  it  but  has  land  proper  to  raise  flax  ;  but 
llttl6  more  of  either  is  raised  than  what  is  for  private  use,  the 
roWtifer  they  apprehend  to  require  more  hands  than  they  have  to 
spare,  and  labour  is  still  so  dear  that  they  cannot  aflbrd  to  hxtt 
people  for  that  purpose.  Nor  do  they  (as  I  believe)  well  under- 
stand how  to  rost  [rot  ?]  and  dress  it. 

Tarr  Pitch  ?r  u  Turpentine  may  be  got  here,  but  more  plentifully 
in  some  of  tiie  other  Northern  Collonys,  in  greater  quautitys  than 
can  be  made  use  of  by  the  Navy  or  Nation  of  Great  Britain,  if 
the  price  at  l\ome  will  encourage  it,  which  I  am  informed  it  has 
not  done  for  several  years  past,  notwithstanding  the  bounty  allowed 
on  the  importation. 

I  am  told  your  Lordships  formerly  sent  hither  the  method  used 
in  Russia  for  making  of  J'ar  and  that  upon  tryal  thereof  >>  veas 
found  not  to  answer  hen,  which  is  attributed  more  to  the  difference 
of  the  nature  of  their  pitch  pine  and  that  of  this  Country,  than 
to  the  unskillfulness  of  our  people. 


:     ! 


^  V 


n  i  ' 


i  t 


^^  TBADE  AND  MAMUFACTTJAES  Or 

In  the  Jerseys  is  an  extraordinary  rich  mine  and  some  others 
are  discovered  there  which  afibrd  a  good  prospect  but  in  this  Pro-  * 
vince  none  have  as  yet  been  discovered ,  th6'  a  good  deal  of  money 
has  been  expended  in  search  of  them.  T^ti?' ' 

Some  lead  mines  have  been  found  in  several  parts  of  this  Collony 
but  they  hitherto  not  by  farr  quitted  the  cost  expended  on  them, 
and  if  they  happen  to  prove  good,  I  believe  the  proprietor  will 
rather  send  it  home  in  Oar  than  be  at  the  charge  to  erect  smelt 
houses  here. 

We  have  a  great  many  Iron  mines  both  of  the  bogg,  and  cf  the 
Mountain  Oar  but  as  yet  no  Iron  Work  is  set  up  in  this  prr^vince 
if  any  encouragement  was  given  upon  the  importing  of  it  iu  Piggs 
and  Bars,  at  least  that  it  might  be  free  of  dutys,  It  is  very  pro- 
bable that  in  a  few  years  the  Nation  might  be  amply  supplyed 
from  her  own  Plantations  and  it  is  evident  that  the  whole  amount 
thereof  wo'ti  be  paid  in  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain,  who 
now  pays  ready  money  (as  I  am  informed)  for  greatest  part  of 
the  Iron  It  has  from  Sweden 

I  am  informed  that  when  the  Dutch  were  in  possession  of  this 
Collony  they  sett  up  a  Pottash  work  at  vast  expence  but  found  it 
wo'd  not  answer,  about  twenty  five  years  agoe  it  was  attempted 
here  again  at  the  expense  of  a  Gentleman  in  London  but  dropt 
for  the  same  reason,  and  a  like  essay  is  lately  set  on  foot  in  Jersey; 
which  it  is  feared  will  be  attended  with  the  same  fate. 


■.'i: 


\     1- 


ut.iiJ  .-: 


kA-    U   li 


>•■;■ 


i"    i 


^. 


i  '.^ . 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


725 


le  otlneis 
this  Pro-* 
of  money 

isCoUony 
.  on  thenii 
rietor  "will 
>rect  smelt 

and  cf  the 
is  province 
itiuPiggs 
18  vory  pro- 
y  supplyed 
\xo\e  amount 
Britain,  wlio 
itest  part  of 

,  r ,  ,,   ^ 

;ssion  of  this 
but  found  it 
as  attempted 
m  but  dropt 
)0t  in  Jersey; 


H^ 


at 


■S—  tJo  S— ' 

**  t)  "T  i  c—  ■«  < 

r  fi      rt  oj  o  < 


r  fi      rt  oj  o 

^ft<  O  B  S  i-'t! 


rt  2  2 

>>^  o 


O  S£ 

"3  a^ 


«  *J  -S  !'  ««  «  E 

,s  •  —  I-  •-  2  o 


o  »" 

op 
«  «  P£ 


«  - 


mi '. 

J-' 

m 

I'M;, 
■     It 


'■?* 


w 


rajkDZ  AKJ)  MAiruFACTVRGs  or 


!  i-ii   '•• 


1 


rl 


■^t 


?i>.' 


i 


i*i' 


TBB  P&OVINCB  or  NEW-TOBX. 


im 


.}     f^-v.l 


NEW  YORK  IN  AMERICA. 


) 


•SO 
11 

a3 


1 

« 

I 


"  i 

1 1 

'>  ^ 

52   S 

i»*   « 

^.2     ^ 

^«    -2 

1 

s 

ej 

0 

o 

i 

5    ^ 

a 

i 

•3 

9 

S<~ 

a 

3 

V  Z 
3  «! 

1 

Id 

TBS  mEFGMlCO  QUEKIES  FROM  THE  LORDS  OF  TRADE  AND  PLANTA- 
TIONS ;  AND  THE  REQUIRED  ANSWER  FROM  THE  BOOKS  OF  REPORTS 

,  AND  ENTRIES  IN  THE  CUSTOM  HOUSE  AT  ITS  PORT  BY  DIRECTIO* 
OF  THE  GOV^  OF  THIS  HIS  MAJESTV's  PROVINCE.       1749. 

[Load.  Doe.  %XIX.} 

Qre.  What  is  the  Trade  of  the  ProTince,  the  Number  of 
Piping,  their  Tonage  and  the  number  of  Seafaring  Men  with  the 
respective  Increase  or  Diminution  within  the  years  past  *?  What 
Quantity  and  Sorts  of  British  Manufactures  do  the  InhaUtants 
ABBualiy  take  from  hence  1  What  trade  has  the  Province  with 
asy  Foreign  Plantations  or  any  part  of  Europe  besides  Great 
Britain  1  How  is  that  Trade  caryed  on  ?  What  Commodities  do 
the  People  send  to  and  receive  from  Foreign  Plantations  ?  What 
methods  are  there  used  to  prevent  Illegal  Trade  and  are  the  same 
eSectual  1 

jSnsr.  The  Inward  Trading  in  General  is  from  Great  Britain, 
European  Goods,  &  those  India  with  Silk  Manufactures  chiefly. 
From  Ireland  liinncn  and  Canvas  Manufacturies  certified  duly. 
From  British  Colonies,  enumerated  Commodities,  Piemento, 
Sulphur,  Strawplating,  Lime  juice.  Coffee  growth  thereof.  Hides, 
Deec  Skins,  Conch  Shells,  Mahogonie,  Plank,  Ebonie,  &  Negros. 
From  Europe  and  Africa,  besides  from  English  Foreign  Settle- 
ments in  America,  Salt.  From  the  African  Coast  within  the 
proper  limits  Directed,  Negrus :  now  less  than  formerly.  From 
the  Northern  &  Southern  parts  of  this  Continent ;  Fish,  Ot), 
Bluber,  Whale  fins,  Turpentine  oil,  Seal  Skins,  Hops,  Cyder, 
Flax,  Bricks,  Cole,  Lamp  Black,  certain  wrought  Iron,  Tin  & 
Briiziery,  Joinery,  various  Carriages  and  Chairs.  From  Plantar 
tions  not  under  his  May*  Dominions,  Molasses,  Sugar,  &  Rum  in 
no  great  Quantitys,  since  the  Act  imposing  the  new  Dutys  thereon, 
Lign.  Vitae,  Drugs,  Logwood  and  other  Dying  Wood,  Indico, 
Cocoa  Ntitts,  Cotton  Wool,  SnufF&c*.  And  the  Outward  is  to 
London  and  its  Outpoits,  the  latter  more  seldom,  Nav^l  Stores, 
Copper  Ore,  Furs  and  other  the  enumerated  species,  with  the 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTiy^  OF 


Ell-  ■     f*      ". 
ft  :i<.    if  ;     " 


■^v., 


t"    !■ 


legal  Import  of  divers  Mercantile  Wares,  Plantation  Iron,  Oil, 
Spermaceti,  Whale  Fins,  Lime  Juice,  Shruflr',  [snuff?]  Myrtle 
Candles,  Mahogany  &.  Wulnut  planks,  Keeds  &  Drugs.  To 
I.eland  Flax  Seed,  Rum,  Sugar,  being  Prise  effects,  and  Staves. 
To  sev^  Parts  in  Europe,  Grain,  Hides,  Deer  &  Elk  Skins,  Ox 
Horns,  Sarsaperila,  Indico,  Logwood,  Cocoa  Nutts  &ca.  And* 
Foreign  Pioduce  &  Lumber,  Moreover  Argent  Yivum,  Coffee, 
Anatts,  Elephant's  Teeth;  Beewax,  Leather,  Sarsafrax,  Casia- 
fistula,  Wines  &  other  goods  as  Prise  effects  hitherto  brought  and 
in  the  Vice  admiralty  Courts  here  and  els  where  adjudicated  upon 
proper  certifying.  To  Madeira  &  the  Azorts,  Grain  and  other 
Provisions,  Bee  Wax  &  Staves.  To  English  Districts  North  & 
South  of  this  Continent  &  West  Indies,  Provisions,  Chocolate, 
Lumber  European  &  India  Goods  with  those  enumerated  in  the 
Plantation  Trade  Acts,  and  such  other  Imported  here  for  Convey* 
ance  home  regularly  To  neutral  Ports  an  Curacoa,  Suranhaim,  &, 
Saint  Thomas;  Provisions,  Lumber,  Horses,  Sheep,  and  other 
live  Stock  with  their  Provender.  All  which  are  particularized  as 
to  the  Quantilys  and  Qualitys  in  tlic  Quarterly  Lists  of  Yessells : 
the  du<.'  transmitting  whereof  to  their  honours  the  Commissioners 
of  the  Customs  from  the  offices  hereat ;  thereby  may  appear  within 
the  <iueries  signify ed  time  whit  the  Increase  or  Diminution 
respectively  differenceth ;  Therefore  upon  comparing  which  it  '1 
be  thus  considerate,  that  the  first  is  somewhat  more  than  the  other. 
As  to  the  Shipping  which  at  present  belong  here,  the  Number 
whereof  is  157,  the  tons  for  registry  6406  &  Navigated  with  1228 
men  of  Sea  Employ,  and  for  the  preventive  method  of  which 
happening  ilticite  here,  such  prescribed  in  the  principal  Laws  and 
aptly  made  use  of,  whereby  to  effect  the  same  as  contrary  thereto; 
so  that  upon  any  Breach  carefully  inquired  after  by  the  Deputed 
Officers,  process  w  issued  against  ihe  like  in  the  Vice  Admiralty, 
or  sometimes  in  the  Courts  of  Record  holden  hereat,  for  recovery 
of  the  subjected  Penalty  on  the  Committed  fraud  &  abuse.      . ,  i 

Qre.  What  is  the  natural  produce  of  the  Country,  Staple  Com- 
modities and  Manufacture,  and  what  Value  thereof  in  Sterling 
Money  may  you  actually  export  1 

Ansr.  The  production  and  Manufacture  is  that  the  people  in 


;it    ■'», 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  MEW- YORK. 


729 


an,  Oil, 
Myrtle 

gs.    To 

i  Staves. 

dns,  Ox 

;a.     And" 

I,  Coffee, 

jc,  Casia- 

)ugbi  and 

lated  upon 

and  other 
North  & 

Chocolate, 

ted  in  the 

or  Convey- 

ranhaim,  & 
and  other 

cularized  as 

pf  Vessells : 

nmissioners 
pear  within 
Diminution 
•which  it'l 
in  the  other, 
he  Number 
d  with  1228 
[)d  of  which 
il  Laws  and 
rary  thereto; 
the  Deputed 
;  Admiralty, 

"for  recovery 
use. 

Staple  Coro- 
in  Sterling 

le  people  in 


the  Country  here  for  many  years  &  yet  have  their  home  spun,  so 
termed,  of  Flax  and  Wool  to  supply  themselves  somewhat  with 
necessaries  of  Cloathing  &c.  That  for  thirty  four  years  or  there- 
abouts, have  been  raised  Linseed  &  mil'd  into  Oil,  Hats,  made 
of  beaver  Furs,  their  Exportation  prohibited  by  the  act  from 
Michaelmas  1730,  also  the  working  of  Lampblack.  That  for 
nineteen  years,  Sugar  baking  and  its  refining  in  order  to  consump- 
tion here  &  transportation  for  other  Districts  on  the  Continent  & 
the  West  Indies  upon  regular  certi''  •  And  Erecting  Six  houses 
latterly  that  rum  and  other  Spirits  ...ay  theirein  Distillable.  That 
in  the  said  Province  are  Mines  of  Lead  &  Iron  ores ;  the  Manu- 
facturing of  which  hath  been  of  late  proposed ;  likewise  Hemp 
raised ;  And  that  besides  there  are  Grain  of  all  kinds  &  other 
Provisions  with  Tobacco,  a  small  quantity  out  of  soil  naturally 
productive :  Yet  such  with  the  like  hither  brought  from  the 
Western  &  Eastern  parts  of  this  Continent  being  Vendible  abroad 
cannot  be  distinguished  as  to  ascertain  the  Prices  of  Annual 
Export,  neither  could  be  practicable  if  from  the  seperated 
Exportness,  because  their  current  value  according  to  the  Markets 
in  their  respective  Species  vary. 

Q  Clinton. 
New  York  23«»  May,  1749. 


»<( 


GOVERNOR  CLINTON'S  CERTIFICATE  ABOUT  IKON  ROLLING 

MILLS,  &c.,  1750. 

I    ■       t  (Lond.  Doc.  XXIX.]  '     ,  "'  ^    ' 

By  His  Excellency  Honble  George  Clinton  Captain  General, 
and  Governor  in  Chief  of  the  Province  of  New  York  and  terri- 
tories thereon  d^ending  in  America,  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same 
and  Admiral  of  the  White  Squadron  of  His  Majesty's  Fleet.      ( 

In  Obedience  to  an  Act  of  Parliament,  Entitled,  "  An  Act  to 
Eucourage  the  Importation  of  Pig  and  Bar  Iron' from  His  Colonies 
in  America;  and  to  prevent  the  erection  of  any  Mill  or  other 
Engine  for  Slitting  or  Rolling  of  Iron  ;  or  any  plating  Forge  to 
work  \vith  a  Felt  Hammer,  or  any  Furnace  for  hiaking  Steel  in 


t^^. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


// 


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2.2 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


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O^ 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)872-4503 


'<> 


4' 


in 


m 

'»:■■ 


■  1 


180 


TBADX  AND  KANDVACTVRES  OF 


•ny  of  the  said  Coloiues"  passed  in  the  twenty  third  year  of  Hii 
Bbjtsty'lB  Reign  His  said  Excellency  doth  hereby  certify,  that 
therct  is  erected  within  the  said  Province,  in  the  County  of  Orange, 
at  A  place  called  Wawaganda,  about  twenty  six  miles  from  Hud- 
SODA  River,  one  plateing  Forge  to  work  with  a  Hit  Hammer,  which 
bielongs  to  Lawrance  Scrauley  of  the  said  County  a  Blacksmith ; 
has  been  built  about  four  or  fire  years,  and  is  not  at  present  made 
me.  And  further  that  there  are  not  erected  in  his  said  Excellen- 
cy^t  Government,  any  other  or  more  plateing  Forges,  to  work 
with  a  Tilt  Hammer  or  any  Mill  or  Mills,  or  other  Engine  for 
SUttiag  or  Rolling  of  Iron,  6.  any  Furnace  or  Furnaces  for  mak- 
iijlg  Steel.  In  Testimony,  whereof  his  said  Excellency  halh  sub* 
scnbed  these  Presents,  and  caused  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Provincs 
of  Ifew  York  to  be  hereunto  affixed.  At  Fort  George  in  the 
ciif  of  New  York  the  fourteenth  day  of  December  in  the  year  of 
Our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  Hundred  and  Fifty,  and  in  the 
seventy  fourth  year  of  His  Majestys  Reign. 

G.  CLnrrov. ' 


I..  ' 


.V<''- 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  IRON  MADE  AT  ANCRAM, 


m  THfc  MANOUR  OF  LIVINGSTON,   BY    ROB*   LIVINGSTON  JUN'  »»' 

[Load.  Doe.  XXXIV.] 


MADE  INTO  BARS.                  | 

Tear. 

T 

c 

qri. 

lbs. 

T 

c 

Cutingft. 

1750.... 

43 

3 

3 

13 

195 

15 

5 

2 

3 

7 

1751.... 

606 

6 

3 

17 

164 

12 

6 

1 

2 

•  • 

1752.... 

354 

7 

3 

0 

183 

14 

3 

2 

1 

14 

1753.... 

22 

9 

2 

0 

215 

6 

2 

3 

0 

21 

1764.... 

•  •  •  • 

•  • 

■  • 

•  • 

211 

5 

4 

t  2 

2 

•  • 

1755.... 

722 

2 

3 

0 

149 

16 

36 

2 

3 

7 

1756.... 

267 

14 

0 

14 

182 

0 

10 

0 

0 

0 

2016 

4 

3 

16 

1302     8 

66 

15 

0 

21 

1302 

8 

0 

0 

Pr  DiRcK  Jansen, 

Total 

3318 

12 

3 

16 

Store  keeper. 

THE  PROYINCC  OF  NEW-YOBX. 


m 


earofHU 

■ttify,  ti»* 
of  Orange* 
from  Httd- 
imeTj'wbicb 

Jlacksmiik ; 
iresent  made 
id  Excellen- 
res,  to  "work 
.  Engine  f<w 
ices  for  mvk- 
acy  balb  w*- 
« tbe  Provinca 
leorge  in  the 
in  the  year  of 
y,  and  in  the 

Q.  Cmwtow- 

■  i'  ■ 

fUAM, 

rtON   JUM'  ***'• 


Casting*. 


15  i    0  I  21 
Store  kcf per. 


JAMES  DE  LANCEY  TO  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

ir«w  York  lat  ]>fef nbflr  1787. 
''My  Lords — ^I  had  the  honour  of  your  Lordships  letter  of  the 
9*^  of  June  directing  me  forthwith  .upon  the  receipt  thereof  to 
take  the  most  effectual  method  for  obtaining  an  account  of  the 
qil^ntity  of  Iron  made  in  this  Province  from  the  year  1749  to  the 
&*k  of  January  1756.  I  accordingly  wrote  to  Mr.  Eobert  Livmg' 
stone  who  has  the  only  Iron  work  in  this  Province  which  is  carried 
on  &  I  send  your  Lordships  enclosed  the  account  I  received  from 
him  as  soon  as  it  came  to  my  hands.  This  Country  abaundf  ijgi 
Irpn  ore  especially  in  the  Highlands)  &  several  works  have  been 
begun  but  were  dropt  through  the  mismanagement  o;r  inability  of 
t]be  undertakers;  of  these  there  were  two  Furnaces  in  the  Manner 
of  Cortland  &  several  Bloomeries;  but  they  have  not  been  worked 
for  several  years  past ;  it  is  probable  after  the  war  upon  the  SJn* 
couragcment  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  are  giving  the  Colo- 
nies in  this  Article  these  &  several  others  will  be  carried  ^  in 
this  Province. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Your  Lordship^s 

most  obed*  &  most  humble  servt 

James  De  Lanct. 
Right  Honorable  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade. 


.Ti{':tt«:?'^ 


.M<.IJi'AM.i»' 


[Council  Min.  XXIII.] 

;         At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  city  of  New  York, 

Wednesday,  ZV^  May  1761. 

The  Petition  of  William  Hawkshurst  praying  a  Grant  for  the 
sole  miiking  of  Anchors  and  AnviDs  within  this  Province  for  the 
T^m  of  Thirty  years,  or  such  other  Term,  and  under  such  Regu- 
lations as  shall  be  thought  meet,  was  presented  to  the  Board,  and 
being  read  was  rejected. 


Hi 


i 
1 


'n 


1 1 


.1 


'.  .lifiW 


732 


0„i,  Jl.; 


'TfT?  ;r 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  Of 


CIRCULAR. 


THS  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO  ALL  THE  GOVERNORS  ON  THE  CONTINENT 
i'     '  OF  AMERICA. 

^^  [Lond.  Doe.  XXXIX.]  . 

Whitehall  August  1. 1766. 

In  pursuance  of  an  Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  His 
Majesty  on  the  27^^  March  last,  and  of  His  Majesty's  Commands 
thereupon,  signified  to  us  by  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Richmond, 
in  a'letterto  us  dated  the  ll^i>  ultimo,  you  are  forthwith  to  pre- 
pare, and  as'  soon  as  possible  transmit  to  us,  in  order  to  be  laid 
before  the  House  of  Commons  in  the  next  Session,  a  particular 
and  exact  Account  of  the  several  manufactures  which  have  been 
set  up  and  carried  on  within  the  Colony  under  your  Government 
since  the  year  1734  and  of  the  Public  Encouragement  which 
have  been  given  thereto. 

You  are  also  from  time  to  time  Annually  to  transmit  the  like 
Account  of  any  Manufactures  which  shall  be  hereafter  set  up,  and 
of  the  Public  Encouragement  which  have  been  given  thereto. 

We  are  &c. 

.Y^^'U  lit  -luyJ., 


*^.:;r 


Dartmouth. 
Ed.  Elliot. 
John  Roberts. 
Wm.  Fitzherbert. 
Palmerston. 


^■s^'l 


i'^%. 


^u;    ( 


(  P^onneil  Min.  XXVI.] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  New  York 

on  Friday  the  7»h  day  Nov'  1766. 

Present — His  Excellency  Sir  Henry  Moore  Baronet,  Capt.  Genl  &c 
,-     M'  Horsmanden        M'  Read  M'  Apthorpe 

M'  Smith  M'  Morris. 

His  Excellency  communicated  to  the  Council  a  Letter  to  him 
of  the  l»t  of  August  from  the  Right  Honble  the  Lords  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  &  Plantations  requiring  his  Excellency,  in  pur- 
suance of  the  Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  his  Majesty 


THE   PROVINCK  OF   NEW   YORK. 


733 


»»TlNKHt 


lUBt  1.1786. 

ions  to  His 
Commands 
Richmond, 
fith  to  pre- 
er  to  be  laid 
a  particular 
5h  have  been 
Government 
ement  which 

smit  the  like 
;er  set  up,  and 
en  thereto. 


Lts. 


ofNevfYork 
Nov'  1766. 
,Capt.Genl&c 
Apthorpe 

Letter  to  him 
.ords  Commis- 
pUency,  in  puT- 

to  bis  Majesty 


on  the  27  March  last,  and  of  his  Majesty^s  Commands  thereupon, 
forthwith  to  prepare  and  tiansmit  to  their  Lordships,  in  order  to 
be  laid  before  the  House  of  Commons,  at  their  next  Sessions,  a 
particular  and  exact  Account  of  the  Several  Manufactures  &c.  [Jis 
in  the  preceding  Letter.^  !►;(//'  iji; 

The  Council  declared,  that  no  manufactures  had  been  set  up 
within  this  Colony  since  that  Period,  or  received  any  public  en- 
couragement ;  nor  did  they  know  of  any  Manufacture  of  Wool 
or  Woolen  Cloth,  but  what  was  principally  confined  to  private 
Families,  for  their  own  particular  Consumption. 


'V3''1» 


GOV.  MOORE  TO  THE  LORDS  OF  TRADE. 


.*f 


[Lond.  Doc.  XL.] 


fiLj 


Jt)U 


■vrt 


Fort  George,  New  York,  19.  Jany  1767* 


My  Lords — Having  reC^  your  Lordships'  commands  in  a  letter 
dated  the  first  of  August  last,  in  which  I  was  directed  to  prepare 
and  transmit  as  soor  as  possible  an  account  of  the  Several  Manu- 
factures Set  up  and  carried  on  within  this  Colony  singe  the  year 
1734, 1  took  the  liberty  of  giving  Mf  Peter  Hasenclaver  a  Letter 
of  Introduction  to  your  Lordships  as  he  was  then  ready  to  sail 
for  England,  imagining  that  from  his  Character  and  Knowledge 
of  the  Country  a  more  perfect  Account  might  be  obtained  from 
him  of  what  was  required  in  the  beforementioned  Letter,  than  I 
could  possibly  give  by  that  opportunity.  I  have  since  made  all 
the  Inquiries  I  could,  and  the  whole  of  the  Information  given  to 
me  may  be  reduced  to  the  following  Heads.  :  a  :y>ifi 

There  is  a  Small  Manufactory  of  Linen  in  this  City  under  the 
Conduct  of  one  Wells,  and  supported  chiefly  by  the  Subscriptions 
of  a  set  of  men  who  call  themselves  the  Society  of  Arts  and 
Agriculture.  No  more  than  fourteen  Looms  are  employed  in  it, 
and  it  was  established  in  order  to  give  Bread  to  several  poor  fam- 
ilies which  vter'e  a  considerable  charge  to  the  city  and  are  now 
comfortably  supported  by  their  own  daily  Labour  in  Spinning  of 
Flax.  It  does  not  appear  that  there  is  any  e^tublished  Fabric  of 
Broad  Cloth  here ;  and  some  poor  Weavers  from  Yorkshire,  who 


I: 


m 


TRADE  AND  liAMUFACTURl!!  OV 


li 


tlf. 


I't 


came  over  lately  in  expectation  of  being  engaged  to  make  Bro&d 
Cloths  could  find  no  Employment.  But  there  is  a  general  Man- 
ufactory ,  of  Woolen  carried  on  here  and  consists  of  two  Rorts, 
the  first  a  coarse  cloth  entirely  woollen  |  of  a  yard  wide ;  and 
another  a  stuff  which  they  call  Linsey  Woolsey.  The  Warp  of 
this  is  Linen,  and  the  Woof  Woollen,  and  a  very  small  quantity 
of  it  is  ever  sent  to  market.  Last  year  when  the  Riots  and  Dis- 
orders  here  were  at  their  height  on  the  occasion  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  these  manufactures  were  greatly  boasted  of,  and  the  Quantity 
then  made  greatly  magnified  by  those,  who  were  desirous  of  dis- 
tinguishing themselves  as  American  Patriots,  and  would  wear 
nothing  else ;  They  were  sometimes  sold  for  three  times  their 
value ;  but  the  manufacterers  themselves  shewed  that  they  had 
more  good  sense  than  the  persons  who  employed  them  ;  for  they 
never  cloathed  themselves  with  the  work  of  their  own  hands,  but 
readily  brought  it  to  market,  and  selling  it  an  extravagant  price 
there,  bought  English  Cloth  for  themselves  and  their  families. 
The  Custom  of  making  these  Coarse  Cloths  in  private  families  pre- 
vails throughout  the  whole  province,  and  almost  in  every  House 
a  sufficient  quantity  is  manufactured  for  the  use  of  the  Family, 
without  the  least  design  of  sending  any  of  it  to  market.  This  I 
had  an  opportunity  of  Seeing  in  the  late  Tour  t  made,  and  had 
the  same  Accounts  given  me  by  all  those  persons  of  whom  I  made 
any  inquiry,  for  every  hoube  swarms  with  children,  who  are  set 
to  work  as  soon  as  they  are  able  to  Spin  and  Card,  and  as  every 
filmily  is  furnished  with  a  Loom,  the  Itinerant  Weavers  who  travel 
about  the  Country,  put  the  finishing  hand  to  the  Work. 

There  is  a  Manufactory  of  Hats  in  this  City,  which  is  very 
eonsiderable ;  for  the  Hats  are  not  so  good  as  those  made  in 
England,  and  are  in^nitely  dearer.  Under  such  Disadvantages  as 
tiiese  it  is  easy  to  imagine  with  what  difficulty  it  is  supported,  k 
how  short  the  duration  of  it  is  like  to  be ;  the  Price  of  Labour  is 
80  great  in' this  part  of  the  World,  that  it  will  always  prove  the 
greatest  obstacle  to  any  Manufactures  attempted  to  be  set  up  here, 
and  the  genius  of  the  People  in  a  Country  where  every  one  can 
have  Land  to  work  upon  leads  them  so  naturally  into  Agriculture, 
thilt  it  prevails  over  every  other  occupation.    There  can  be  no 


••longer  rmtancs  of  this  il..  •    .v    - 

arop.  of  different  T,  J  '.'^:'"  "■:,«""■"»  '•"Por.ed  f..„ 

I«d.n.ures  i.  Expired,  theiH  r?    '  """  '"'"''«''''  »  «l»ir 

Porertjj  but  all  (his  i,  oaiiJl.  k   '  '"  ""  ""»'  «««• 

"■ooth,  every  difScuI.y  &  LT  f  u'°"  '"r'""«  ^''"'"«"'''«- 
'■Ttogto  thai  comfort.be  «rr  "  '^"'"'  «''«  ">™erof 
t'l  ttemselve,  .»d  be  f^^tT  "'T'  ""^  ""'"  P~«"~ 
wMch  tbey  were  brought  „p  ""^  *"'''"8  «'  "■«  Trade,  in 

The  Master  of  a  Glats-house  •  »!,•  u 
y«ar.  .go  now  a  Bankrunt  .T '  ,  ""  '<"  "P  l-'re  .  f-- 
•o  "o  otber  cause  thlXte^MTn  l!;"'  "''  '"'»  ^  -^ 
'«"»,  *hick  be  bad  Importfd  ral^  ,  "  "°"""  ^  ""  & > 
others  bad  suffered  and  CI?  f'"' «P™« i  and tbat  man, 
of  misfortune.  "''  '«'''«''  »»  ^  «»»,  by  tbe  same  I^J 

«».^ar;„Srj,::t-e:.':  --  «"»  -"^^ormak.:^ 
--J  as  ye.  very  inconsiderlwe  "  ""  °  ''^  P"™"  P«"on.! 

As  to  the  Foundaries  which  Mr  n 
J.irerent  parts  of  this  C^^^  "^  HasenC.ver  has  set  up  in  tb. 
•>o  able  to  give  y„„  uZt  \  ml '°""™  """"'  ^  "«  ««' 
progress  be  has  already  made'  ll  T  ''™  '"^  "'  *« 
P'ovmce  is  "ndervery  great  o'biL,  °"  V'^  "^'  ^  '""k  'hi. 
of  money  be  has  laidT  here  fn  "  .  "  '"  "'  '"8e  sum. 
^»P,  and  introducingtbevaaril^^t"':^.™-' 


I  have  the  honor  to  be  &c. 


H 


ana  Pot 
MboRE. 


GOl^- MOOSE  TO  WW)  HIusBOROUGE 

[I-ond.  Doc.  XLI.J 

My  L„rd-I  have  the  honour  to '.^r^:.'!'* ''"'"  '  "•^-  "»»• 
™py  of  a  letter  I  wrote  in  th,  ^    •     •    °"'  '°^''"''  ^""'^hip  the 

Wd,  Commissioners  ri^^.TZt:-''-'  '°^'  ^-'  '»  «» 

*  Plantations,  m  answer  to  a 


736 


TIUSS  AND  MAMVriCruBldl  OF,  ETC. 


letter  I  received  from  their  'Lordships  in  consequence  of  the 
Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  His  Majesty  concerning  the 
Manufactures  of  this  Country,  dated  March  21^^  1766.  Another 
copy  of  this  Address  has  been  inclosed  to  me  in  your  Lordships 
Letter  marked  N^  3,  to  which  I  must  make  the  same  answer,  as 
the  Progress  of  Manufactures  in  this  part  of  the  world  by  no 
means  corresponds  with  the  pompous  accounts  given  of  them  in 

the  public  papers 

No  mention  is  made  in  the  former  Letter  of  the  great  quantities 
of  Leather  being  tanned  in  this  Country,  as  this  branch  of  business 
has  been  carried  on  for  many  years ;  the  leather  is  greatly  inferior 
in  quality  to  that  made  in  Europe ;  and  they  are  not  yet  arrived 
to  the  perfection  of  making  Sole-leather.  Your  Lordship  maybe 
assured  that  I  shall,  from  time  to  time,  give  every  due  information 
required  in  this  Address,  and  be  particularly  attentive  to  any  new 
Establishments  of  which  we  have  no  instances  since  my  last  letter, 
except  in  the  paper-Mill  begun  to  be  erected  within  these  few 
days,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  Town. 

I  am  &c.  H.  MooBE. 


-w, 


;>a^:hh.n^nur.' 


•  fi 


•r'c 


M 


'J>   04   (^5 :Teiii"ii>4(   ^iJ^^-'MI 


Jil 


:\m>*i\'  jm 


'.T    '','"■/  \f    l::-.^Ui'.:'.'iJ   :*■  ■ -J^iw!.;,"  'K^i^^J  f  0  l*-- 'iTO'I   ■'i' 


%t 


ifsi  O'    %. 


3 


ence  of  the 
)Dcerning  tbc 
i6.    Another 
)ur  LordsWps 
ae  answer,  as 
world  by  no 
■n  of  them  in 


XXVI. 


rreat  quantities 
nch  of  business 
greatly  inferiot 
not  yet  arrived 
.ordship  may  be 
due  information 
fttivctoanyncvr 
cc  my  last  letter, 
vithin  these  few 


REPORT 


GOVERNOR   WILLIAM   TRYON, 


...t* 


H.  MOORB. 


.,vl 


ON  THE  STATE  OF  THB 


^xnmtt  of  l^m-fntk 


V 


7W 


1774. 


47 


■rQ- 


■:     I, 


u 


miftf  MAMwii^   it^>;4)i;4v^Ki 


MT  '^'j.Mj'ATw:  :*»"•■■  ^^^ 


Mf"^n!i  fe  ■{'Kniitit?! 


.1^ 


SH"' 


REPORT  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  WILLIAM  TRYON,  ESQUIRE, 

CAFTAIN  GENERAL  AND  GOVERNOR  IN  CHIEF  IN  AND  OVER  THE  PEO- 
YINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  AND  THE  TERRITORIES  DEPENDING  THEREON 
IN  AMERICA,  CHANCELI^OR  AND  VICE  ADMIRAL  OF  TH&  BAtOr—OK 
CERTAIN  HEADS  OF  ENQUIRY  RELATIVE  TO  THE  PRESENT  STATE  & 
CONDITION  OF  HIS  MAJESTY's   SAID  PROVINCE 

[Lond.  Doe.  XLTY.] 

Question  J^o.  1. 
What  is  the  situation  of  the  Province  under  your  Government, 
the  nature  of  the  Country  soil  and  Climate :  the  Latitudes  and 
Longitudes  of  the  most  considerable  places  in  it :  have  those 
Latitudes  and  Longitudes  been  settled  by  good  Observations,  or 
only  by  common  Computations,  and  from  whence  are  the  Longi- 
tudes computed  ? 

Answer. 
fKoiince.  The  Province  of  New  York  is  situated  on  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  which  washeii  its  Southern  shores :  The  Colonies  of  Con- 
necticut, Massachusetts  Bay,  and  New  Hampshire  lying  to  the  East, 
Quebec  to  the  North,  and  New  Jersey, Pensylvania  and  the  Indian 
Country  to  the  West. 

Nature  of  the  The  Facc  of  the  Country  is  every  where  uneven, 
•ru.  With  all  thevariety  of  Soil  to  be  found  any  where.    In 

the  Northern  Parts  are  low  lands  enriched  by  the  overflowing  of 
Rivers,  but  little  of  this  sort  lies  within  seventy  miles  of  the  city  of 
New  York  the  Metropolis — ^The  soil  in  general  is  much  thinner 
and  lighter  in  the  Southern,  than  in  the  Northern  Parts  and  having 
been  longer  under  Culture  and  subject  to  bad  Husbandry,  is  much 
more  exhausted. 

ciinute.  The  Province  extending  nearly  Four  Degrees  and  a  half 
of  Latitude  the  difference  of  Climate  between  the  Southern  and 
Northern  Parts  is  remarkable.    In  Summer  the  Heat  is  sometimes ' 
excessive,  and  in  general  much  greater  than  in  England — ^Melons 


J  \l^ 


I* .: 


740  GOVERNOR  TRYON^S  REPORT  ON  THE 

and  many  other  things  arc  raised  here  by  the  natural  warmth  of 
the  Climate  which  in  England  require  the  aid  of  Hot  Beds  and 
Glasses — The  Winter  in  all  parts  of  the  Province  is  more  severe 
than  in  England,  tho'  the  Latitude  of  London  is  about  ten  Degrees 
more  North  than  the  City  of  New  York — Even  in  the  Southern 
P&rt  the  Mercury  in  Farrenhight's  Thermometer  sinks  some 
Degrees  below  0  and  rises  to  90°  but  these  extremes  are  always 
of  short  Duration. — At  Albany  and  to  the  Northward  of  that  City 
the  Harvest  is  about  a  MoDth  later  than  at  New  York,  Rnd  the 
Winter  is  much  earlier.  Hudson's  River  is  generally  frozen  over 
many  miles  below  Albany  before  the  middle  of  December  but  no 
Quantity  of  Ice  is  found  in  the  River  within  thirty  Hiiles  of  the 
City  of  New  York,  earlier  than  the  Month  of  January — In  March 
the  Navigation  is  dgain  open  up  to  Albany ;  And  it  is  observed  the 
Selfeons  both  as  to  Heat  and  Cold  grow  more  temperate. 
uHiodei.  The  Latitudes  of  the  following  places  have  been  deter- 
mined by  good  observations. 

the -Light  House  at  Sandy  Hook        -        -         -    40° 27' 40" 
Foit  George  City  of  New  York        -         -        -         40  4150 
Mouth  of  Mackhacaraac  Branch  of  Delaware,  where 
the  Line  settled  between  New  York  &  New  Jersey 

tetminates 41  21  37 

City  of  Albany 42  36  OC 

Th«  South  End  of  Lake  George  -        -  -    43  16  12 

Crown  Point 43  50  07 

Windmill  Point 44  57  18 

Point  au  Pine  -         -         -        -        -        -        -        44  68  48 

Moores  Point 45  00  00 

LMigtmde.  The  Longitude  of  the  City  of  New  York  has  been  found 
by  good  Observations  of  the  Satellites  of  Jupiter  to  be  74°  36 
West  from  London.         fJ  -;  :  ->■->:.  .    •  a  :   >'  •  ir  ni  /     ?: 

::  ,jua  it  ,r.  I'd  »•«.";?.!   i        Question  JTo.  2.  i/'t;/*  r-fw-;;  •:•.■;. ,.•;  it-: 

What  are  the  reputed  Boundaries,  and  are  any  parts  disputed 

and  by  whom  •    '  ■'^-        .. 

Answer, 

SHwi".!!'  The  Boundaries  of  the  Province  of  New  York  ap6  dfe- 
rivfed  from  Two  Sources.— First,  the  Grants  fVom  Kihg  Charles  thie 


raoviNCK  or  NSW  vonx. 


m 


irmiU  of 
Beds  and 
e  severe 
1  Degrees 
Soutberu 
rtks  some 
ire  always 
fthatCtty 
k,  fend  the 
irozen  over 
iber  but  no 
iiles  of  the 
—In  March 
)b8erved  the 

tte.        ■•     '• 
I  been  detev- 

40°2r40" 
40  41  60 


41  21  37 

42  36  00 

43  16  12 

43  60  07 

44  57  18 

44  58  48 

45  00  00 
M  been  found 
b  be  74°  38 


tarts 


disputed 


Yovkar^dfe- 
|hg  Chafl€9  the 


Second  to  his  Brother  James  Duke  of  York  dat«d  the  12^^  Marok 
16G3|4  and  the  29  June  1674,  which  were  intended  to  convey  t« 
the  Duke  all  the  Lands  claimed  by  theDutch,  the  first  occupant!,  of 
this  Colony. — Secondly,  from  the  Submission  and  Subjection  ^ 
the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  to  the  Crown  of  England. 
A*  HraMNM  ^he  Descriptive  part  of  both  the  Duke's  Orant«  if 
ff«f  chiSUI  in  the  same  Words  and  exclusive  of  the  Territory 
jl'i^ovko  Eastward  of  Connecticut  River,  since  granted  to  tb« 
Massachusetts  Bay  by  their  Charter  of  1691,  compre- 
hends '^  AH  that  Island  or  Islands  commonly  called  Muttawatke 
or  Long  Island,  together  with  Hudson's  River,  and  all  the  Lan4 
from  the  West  side  of  Connecticut  River  to  the  East  side  of 
Delaware  Bay."  Connecticut  River  extends  beyond,  and 
Hudson's  River  takes  its  rise  a  little  to  the  Southward  of  the 
Forty  fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude;  And  as  a  Line  from  the 
Head  of  the  River  Connecticut  to  Delaware  Bay,  would  exclude 
the  greatest  part  of  Hudson's  River,  which  is  expressly  granted  to 
the  Duke  of  York,  the  Bound»ry  most  consistent  with  the  Qranti 
to  the  Duke,  and  the  claim  of  New  York  founded  thereon,  is  a 
Line  from  thu  Head  of  the  Connecticut  Uivtr  to  the  Source  of 
Hudson's  River,  thence  to  the  Head  of  the  Mohawk  Branch  of  th« 
Hudsons  River  and  thence  to  the  East  ;>ide  of  the  Delaware  Bay^. 

That  this  has  been  the  reputed  Boundary  under  the  Duke's  Title 
has  been  confirmed  by  the  Grants  o"  this  ( ''overnment  extending^ 
Westward  nearly  to  the  Head  of  the  Mohawk  Branch  of  the  Hud- 
son's  River,  and  Southward  of  that  Branch  to  within  a  few  mile* 
of  the  North  Boundary  of  Pensylvania. 

No  other  Construction  will  justify  ihe  Terms  of  the  Grants  to, 
the  Duke,  nor  any  Lines  less  comprehensive  include  the  Lands 
patented  by  this  Province  or  ceded  to  the  Crown  by  the  Indianf^ 
at  the  Treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix  in  1768.  •  i^  .;:t 

AtWn»rron.i.     "jhe  Secoud  source  of  the  Title  of  this  Government 

oed  00  the 

Mv^Nn  *«  is  grounded  on  the  Claim  of  the  Five  Nations  who  are  in, 
of  indi...,.  jijg  Treaty  of  Utrecht  acknowledged  by  France  tp  be 
a^hject  to  Gre^t  Britain. 

Soon  after  the  English  conquered  this  Country  from  the  Dulch). 
pursuing  their  System  of  Policy,  they  entered  into  a  strict  Alliano«> 


742 


GOT.   TRTON's  report  OM  THE 


I     ' 


W) 


M'^ 


I 


■with  the  Natives  who  by  Treaties  with  this  Colony,  subjected 
themselves  to  the  Crown  of  England,  and  their  Lands  to  its 
protection,  and  from  this  Period  were  always  treated  as  Subjects, 
ayd  their  Country  considered  by  this  Government  as  part  of  the 
Province  of  New  York,  which  probably  gave  rise  to  the  extended 
Jurisdiction  of  the  Colony  beyond  the  Duke's  Grants,  signified  by 
the  Words  "  The  Territories  depending  thereon"  which  are  found 
in  all  the  Commissions  of  the  Crown  to  its  Governors.  Nor  has 
the  Crown  except  by  the  Confirmation  of  the  Agreement  fixing 
the  Boundary  of  Connecticut  at  about  Twenty  miles  East  of 
Hudson's  River  at  any  Time  contracted  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Colony  Westward  of  Connecticut  River  &  Southward  of  the 
Latitude  45  the  Proclamation  of  His  present  Majesty  of  the  1*^ 
of  October  1763,  leaving  the  jurisdiction  Southward  of  that 
Latitude  as  it  stood  before,  tho'  it  prohibits  for  the  present  the 
further  Extention  of  the  Grants  and  Settlements  into  the  Country 
thereby  reserved  to  the  Indians,  to  avoid  giving  Umbrage  to  that 
People  who  complained  they  were  too  much  strait ned  in  their 
hunting  grounds.  It  is  uncertain  to  this  Day  to  what  Extent  the 
Five  Nations  carried  their  claim  to  the  Westward  &  Northward 
but  there  is  no  doubt  it  went  to  the  North  beyond  the  46  Degree 
of  Latitude  and  Westward  to  Lake  Huron,  their  Beaver  Hunting 
Country  being  bounded  to  the  West  by  that  Lake,  which  Country 
the  Five  Nations  by  Treaty  with  the  Governor  of  this  Province 
at  Albany  in  1701,  surrendered  to  the  Crown  to  be  protected  and 
defended  for  them — Mitchel  in  his  Map  extends  their  claim  much 
further  Westward  and  he  is  supported  in  this  opinion  by  Maps 
and  other  Authorities  very  Ancient  and  Respectable. 

The  above  Treaty  of  1701  is  to  be  found  among  the  Records 
of  Indian  Transactions  but  it  is  recited  and  the  Surrender  made 
thereby  confirmed  in  a  Deed  dated  the  li^^  September  1726  by 
which  the  Seneca,  Cayouga  and  Onondaga  Nations  also  surrender'd 
their  Habitations  to  King  George  the  first,  a  Copy  whereof  is  in- 
serted in  the  article  of  the  Appendix,  Number  1. 

Oswego  on  the  South  side  of  Lake  Ontario  was  first  established 
by  this  Colony  about  1724,  a  Garrison  of  the  King's  Troops 
supported  there  at  the  Expence  of  this  Government,  and  the  Juris- 


PROYINCE  CF   NEW-YORK. 


743 


,  8ub]ecte<l 

Mids  to  Us 

as  Subjects, 
part  of  the 

ihe  extended 

,,8igmftedby 

ich  are  found 

,ra.    Nor  has 

jeroent  fixing 

lUes  East  of 

liction  of  the 

thwat'^  of  the 

5sty  of  the  V^ 

iward  of  that 

txe  present  the 

to  the  Country 

fmbrage  to  that 

raitncd  in  their 

L'bat  Extent  the 

[l  &  Northward 
the  46  Degree 
kaver  Hunting 
which  Country 
,f  this  Province 
ke  protected  and 
leir  claim  much 
,inion  by  Maps 

,ng  the  Records 

Surrender  made 

lember  1726  by 

also  surrendered 

whereof  is  in- 

,  first  cstnblished 
King's  Troops 
»t,nndthcJuri5'- 


diction  of  New  York  actually  exercised  Westward  to  Oswego 
and  its  Vicinity  untill  the  Commencement  of  Hostilities  in  the 
late  war. 

His  Majestys  Order  of  the  20  July  1764  confirming  the  Ancient 
Limits  as  granted  the  Duke  declares  "  The  Western  Banks  of  the 
"  River  Connecticut  from  where  it  enters  the  Province  of  the 
"  Massachusetts  Bay  as  far  North  as  the  Forty  fifth  Degree  of 
"  Northern  Latitude,"  to  be  the  Boundary  Line  between  the  two 
Provinces  of  New  Hampshire  and  New  York  :  And  if  the  Agree- 
ment lately  concluded  at  Hartford  should  finally  be  ratified  by 
the  Crown,  the  Eastern  Limits  of  this  Colony  where  it  borders 
on  the  Massachusetts  Province,  will  extend  about  twenty  miles 
only  East  from  Hudson's  River. 

SSIlSdMy "upf.  Without  any  view  to  the  more  Westerly  claim  of  the 
,  ^"tl^ncSde  ^*^®  Nations,  supposing  the  Colony  to  comprize  within 
hunt^g*coun-its  Limits  or  Jurisdiction  the  Country  those  Nations 
57  to"th?"' Surrendered  to  the  Crown  by  the  Description  of  the 
SSI^wTth  Beaver  Hunting  Country  as  before  mentioned — The 
in  1701.        Boundaries  of  the  Province  of  New  York  are  as  follow. 

On  ihe  South 

The  Atlantic  Ocean,  including  Long  Island,  Staten  Island  and 

others  of  less  note.  .    >  r. 

On  the  West  j 

The  Banks  of  Hudson's  River  from  Sandy  Hook,  on  the  Ocean, 
to  the  41  Degree  of  Latitude,  thence  the  Lme  established  between 
New  York  and  New  Jersey  to  Delaware  River — Thence  the  River 
Delaware  to  the  North  East  Corner  of  Pensylvania  or  the  Be- 
ginning of  the  Latitude  43,  which  in  Mitchel's  Map  is  by  mistake 
carried  thro'  the  whole  of  that  degree — Thence  the  North  Boundary 
Line  of  Pensylvania  to  the  Northwest  Corner  of  that  Province, 
and  continuing  the  same  Line  to  a  point  in  Lake  Erie  which  bears 
due  South  from  the  East  Bank  of  the  Streights  of  D'Etroit  and 
of  Lake  Huron  to  the  Forty  Fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude. 

On  the  Korth 
A  Line  from  a  point  on  the  East  bank  of  Lake  Huron  in  the  Lati- 
tude of  Forty  Five  East  to  the  River  St  La\vrence,  or  the  South 
Boundary  Line  of  Quebec  j     Thence  along  the  South  Boundary 


744 


OOY.    TBYON^S   REPORT   ON  THE 


'»  * 


/ 


pp 

ijH";  V,i 

m.'  V ''  ' 

pi' 

1 

^1 

s 

Q 

% 

h 

,* 

, 

I  « 


li  f 


Ltine  of  that  Province  across  the  River  St  Lawrence  to  the  Mon- 
ument on  the  East  Bank  of  Lake  Champlain  fixed  there  in  the  45 
Degree  of  Northern  Latitude ;  Thence  East  along  the  Line 
already  run  and  marked  to  the  Monument  or  Station  fixed  on  the 
West  Bank  of  the  River  Connecticut  in  the  same  Latitude. 

On  the  East 

The  Western  Banks  of  the  River  Connecticut  from  the  last 
mentioned  Station  to  the  South-west  corner  of  the  Province  of 
New  Hampshire,  in  the  North  boundary  Line  of  the  Massachu- 
setts bay;  and  from  thence  along  that  Line,  (if  continued)  and  the 
Western  limits  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  the 
Colony  of  Connecticut. 

In  the  Appendix  N^  4,  is  a  M.u-  of  tlie  Province  of  New  York 
according  to  the  preceding  Discription  of  its  Boundaries. 
DiqmtMUiat       The  Boundary  of  the  Province  of  New  York  (in  res- 
widi  Mmu-  pect  to  the  other  G  overnibtntb)  being  established  in  every 
iBiMpeetio'  part  except  where  ii  borders  to  the  East  on  the  Massa- 

thelimiu  of  _; 

thitProTince.  chusetts  Bay,  it  was  conceived  the  late  agreement  with 
that  Province  when  ratified  by  the  Crown,  would  extinguish  every 
Controversy  respecting  the  Limits  of  New  York,  the  North  Boun- 
dary Line  of  the  Massachusetts  having  in  the  year  1740  been  ascer- 
tained by  a  Royal  Decree  of  the  King  in  Privy  Council  in  the 
Contest  between  that  Province  &  New  Hampshire.  But  the 
Massachusets  Commissaries  at  the  late  Meeting  at  Hartford  in 
1773  declared  that  they  had  no  authority  to  settle  their  North 
Boundary  which  they  considered  as  undetermined  with  respect  to 
New  York,  and  one  of  those  Gentlemen  intimated  that  they  still 
left  open  their  Western  Claim  to  the  South  Sea. 

Hence  two  very  important  Disputes  may  still  arise  of  great 
Consequence  to  the  Interests  of  the  Crown,  as  well  as  the  property 
of  His  Majesty's  subjects  of  this  Colony. 

The  Massachusetts  Northern  Claim  beyond  the  Line 
M  the  MaiH- settled  between   that  Province   and  New  Hampshire, 

ehuMtU  Nor- 

them  Claim,  gxteuds  uorth  from  that  Liiie  about  Fifty  miles,  and 
from  thence  Westward  to  within  Twenty  Miles  East  of  Hudson's 
River,  and  after  passing  this  Province,  is  commensurate  with  their 
Western  Claim  to  the  South  Sea— The  immediate  object  of  their 


,»'' 


PROVINCE  OF  NCW-YORK. 


746 


Northern  Claim  is  a  Country  between  Connoctlcut  &  Hudson^s 
Rivers  about  Fifty  Miles  in  length  and  about  Forty  in  breadth  and 
includes  not  only  the  greater  part  of  the  County  of  Cumberland, 
but  a  large  District  of- the  Counties  of  Albany  and  Charlotte. — ^The 
Lands  there  in  question  are  wholly  appropriated  under  Grants  of 
this  Province  [and?]  of  New  Hampshire,  and  the  Families  settled 
thereon  are  not  less  than  Two  Thousand,  the'  they  probably  exceed 
thatnumber.  ;        ,,   ,  ;.,  k,  . 

The  Massachusetts  Bay  long  acquiesced  in  the  Royal  Decree  of 
1740,  the  Line  established  by  that  Decision  hath  actually  been 
run  and  marked  from  the  south  West  Corner  of  New  Hampshire 
Westward,  to  within  about  Twenty  miles  East  of  Hudson's  River, 
and  the  Inhabitants  of  New  York  and  the  Massachusets  Bay  hav« 
deemed  ihat  Line  to  be  the  utmost  Extent  of  the  Massachnsetti 
North  Boundary,  whatever  might  have  been  determined  as  to 
their  Western  Limits.  And  that  this  was  the  sense  of  the  General 
Court  of  that  Province  soon  after  the  Treaty  of  1767,  for  settling 
the  Boundary  of  the  Two  Provinces,  appears  clearly  by  their 
Resolution  of  the  23*  January  1768  in  these  Words  "  Resolved 
that  this  Court  will  concede  to  and  confirm  the  last  proposal  mad« 
by  their  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  Ne'w  York  at  their  late 
Conference  in  the  Words  of  the  Report  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  and 
Plantations  in  May  1757,  That  a  Streight  Line  be  drawn  Northerly 
from  a  point  on  the  Southern  Line  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
Twenty  Miles  due  East  fiom  Hudson's  River,  to  another  point 
Twenty  Miles  due  East  from  the  said  River,  on  the  Line  which 
divides  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  from  JVew  Hamfr 
shnCj  be  the  Eastern  Boundary  of  New  York." 

Nor  can  any  Line  more  favorable  to  the  Massachusetts  Colony 
be  hereafter  established,  without  subverting  the  Principles,  and 
calling  in  question  the  Justice  of  the  Royal  Decree  pronounced  in 
1740  after  full  hearing  of  the  merits  of  the  Massachusetts  claim 
on  the  appeal  of  both  parties  to  the  King  in  Privy  Council  ;  and 
which  could  it  now  be  eflfected,  must  not  only  prove  highly  InjiB^ 
nous  to  the  Crown  in  respect  to  the  right  of  Soil,  its  Quit  Renti 
&  Escheats,  but  be  productive  of  the  greatest  disorder  &  confusioii 
in  that  Country. 


f'l 


;.:ir.vf' 


M''  4 


'^■^  I 


I) 


746 


GOV.  tbyon's  report  on  the 


m 


IT*  ■- 


/ ' 


I 
I    I 


11 


,3>' 


I 


tl      . 
i     I 


Remark!  on       The  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ground   their 

the  oUdm  of      .   .      w,.  i         i      o       i   «  •'    o 

MaiMchasetucIaim  Westward  to  the  South  Sea  on  the  Deed  dated  19th 

Bay  Weat-      .  _ 

wart  to  the  March  1627 18  from  the  Council   of  Plimouth   to  Sir 

Bonui  sea, 

fec*nn"Sieil?*^^°'^y  Roswell  &c.  and  their  Associates. — As  also  on 
K«u"n\5;d"^^e  Charter  or  Letters  Patent  of  Charles  the  First  dated 
?fflS«X.the  4  March  1628|9— The  Lands  granted  are  the  same 
Soi^.houid  in  both,  being  in  breadth  about  Sixty  Miles,  and 
thefr''iuim'*to  extending  as  described  in  these  Instruments  "  From  the 
dary  beyond '  Atlantic  and  Western  Sea  and  Ocean  on  the  East  part 
Line  Estab-  to  the  South  Sea  on  the  West  part." 

luhed  bo-  -n        %      r*  i    •         ..  i 

tween  that         fiut  the  Crown  being  divested  of  these  Lands  bv  the 

ProTineeand  «  i 

2^^  Hamp-^  Grant  to  the  Council  of  Plimouth  in  1620,  could  not 
SiStoVe  pass  them  by  its  Charter  of  162819,  which  had  no 
South  Sea,  ^^j^g,.  operation  than  to  form  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
into  a  Province,  and  to  invest  the  same  with  Powers  as  a  Body 
Corporate. 

•^  It  became  necessary  therefore  for  the  Massachusets  Bay  after 
they  were  incorporated,  to  obtain  a  Conveyance  to  the  Corpora- 
tion of  the  Lands  granted  to  Roswell  &c.  and  Associates. — That 
they  obtained  such  Conveyance  has  not  been  pretended. — If  they 
had,  the  Crown  either  became  reseized  of  the  Lands  of  the 
Corporation  by  the  Judgment  in  1684  which  Vacated  the  Letters 
Patent  of  1628|9  or  the  Property  reverted  to  the  Grantees  of  the 
Council  of  Plymouth. 

Had  the  Crown  been  reseized  it  might  have  passed  the  same 
Lands  to  the  Massachusetts  Province  by  the  present  Charter  of 
1691.  But  instead  of  so  extensive  and  unreasonable  a  Grant  of 
Three  Thousand  Miles  in  length  they  obtained,  it  is  true,  by  that 
Charter  a  great  addition  of  Territory  Eastward  but  were  confined 
in  their  Western  limits  which  extend  "  towards  the  South  Sct  as 
far  as  the  Colonies  of  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut  and  the  Narra- 
gansett  Country."  This  Description  in  strict  Construction  (f 
Law  will  carry  the  Massachusetts  Bay  West  no  further  than  the 
Eastern  Bpunds  of  Connecticut,  and  by  the  most  liberal  interpre- 
tation do  not  extend  their  Boundary  beyond  the  West  Line  of 
Connecticut,  then  and  for  some  years  before  determined  by 


if* 


lv?5 


"T 


PROVINCE  OP  NEW-YORK. 


747 


und   their 
dated  19t»» 
ith  to  Sir 
Ls  also  on 
First  dateil 
e  the  same 
^iles,    and 
«  Froin  the 
le  East  part 


>ts  Bay  after 
the  Corpora- 
nates. — That 
led.— If  they 
,ands  of  the 
d  the  Letters 
•antees  of  the 

ped  the  same 
it  Charter  of 
Je  a  Grant  of 
.  true,  by  that 

fere  confined 
I  South  Se  A  as 
^d  the  Narra- 

istruction  (f 
Ither  than  the 
leral  interpre- 
RVest  L'.ne  of 

etermined  by 


Agreement  between  that  Colony  and  New  York  to  be  upwards 
of  Twenty  Miles  East  of  Hudson's  River. 

On  the  other  hand  admitting  the  Massachusetts  Bay  after  their 
charter  of  1628|9,  and  before  it  was  vacated  in  1684,  did  not 
obtain  a  Conveyance  of  the  Lands  granted  to  Roswell  &c.  and 
Associates,  the  Judgment  which  vacated  that  charter  did  not 
affect  the  Lands  but  left  the  Title  in  Roswell  &c.  and  Associates, 
and  the  Crown  could  not  by  the  Charter  of  1691,  grant  them 
to  the  Massachusetts  Colony  ;  So  that  the  Title,  if  any  einstSy 
must  at  this  day  be  vested  in  the  heirs  or  assigns  of  Roswell  &c. 
and  Associates  in  their  private  Right,  and  not  in  the  Government 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  unless  transferred  to  or  vested  in  the 
latter  by  some  ^ct  of  their  Provincial  Legislature,  if  such  an  Act 
could  possibly  have  any  Efficacy.  •     ':  '    ' 

It  is  however  presumed  no  Law  of  that  Tendency  has  been 
passed,  and  if  any  should  hereafter  be  presented  for  His  Majesty's 
approbation,  that  it  will  be  objected  to  (so  far  as  it  may  counten- 
ance the  extension  of  their  Northern  or  Western  claims  beyond 
the  Limits  of  their  present  Charter)  as  a  measure  calculated  to 
divest  the  Crown  of  the  right  of  Soil  in  that  very  large  and  exten- 
sive Territory,  which  lies  Westward  of  the  Colony  of  New  York 
to  the  South  Sea. 

This  claim  had  it  been  considered  as  well  grounded  would  long 
since  have  been  prosecuted  and  brought  to  a  decision. — The  Mas- 
sachusetts General  Court  or  Assembly  assert  it  in  a  Resolve  they 
passed  on  the  23d  of  January  1768,  but  whether  with  an  intention 
to  maintain  it.  Time  must  discover. — A  claim  so  long  dormant, 
can  hardly  be  expected  under  any  circumstances  to  be  now  revived 
with  a  prospect  of  success,  &  whatever  Judgment  the  Assembly 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  may  have  formed  certainly  their  present 
Governor  had  no  opinion  of  its  solidity,  when  at  a  late  Meeting 
of  the  Commissaries  of  both  Provinces  at  Hartford  in  1773  he 
declared  "  That  it  was  a  mere  Ideal,  Visionary  project,  in  which 
he  believed  Nobody  to  be  sincere,"  and  discovered  an  anxietv 
least  it  should  interrupt  the  progress  of  the  Treaty.      '         *'       ' 

Question  JVo.  3.  ^  ,. 

What  is  the  size  and  extent  of  the  Province,  the  number  of 


748 


GOT,  TBYON'S  report  OK  TlIE 


f. 

5*4 


■It ' 


:r 


Acred  supposed  to  be  contained  therein ;  What  part  thereof  is 
cultivated  and  improved;  and  under  what  Title  do  the  Inhabitants 
hold  their  possessions'?  .       , 

Answer. 


,'y( 


{Mm  Miiu;-  The  Extent  of  the  Province  from  North  to  South  is  about 

lemofthe  m  ■kr 

r^vinee.  300  Statute  miles.  Nassau  Island  (commonly  called 
Long  Island)  is  situated  to  the  South,  its  length  from  East  tc  West, 
ipi^l^out  150  ipiles,  and  its  breadth  on  a  medium  fifteen  miles;  The 
Ureadth  of  the  Province  Northward  of  this  Island  is  various.  From 
th?>  city  of  New  York  Nort'a  about  20  miles  up  the  Country,  the 
breadth  does  not  exceed  14  miles,  and  lies  wholly  on  the  East  side  of 
Hudson^s  River,  New  Jersey  being  bounded  by  the  opposite  shore — 
From  the  41  ■  Degree  of  Latitude  the  Province  extends  on  both 
sides  of  that  River;  soon  widens  to  about  60  miles;  and  increases 
\»  breadth  up  to  the  42"^  Degree,  where  it  is  about  80  miles  wide; 
sn^poping  the  Western  Boundary  to  extend  to  the  line  mentioned 
in  the  Answer  to  the  preceding  Question  No.  2,  the  extent  from 
tbje  42*  Degree  to  the  North  Line  of  Massachusets  Bay  (a  distance 
of  49  miles)  is  about  456  miles,  and  from  thence  to  the  45t'> 
Degree,  it  extends  East  i%,  West  on  a  Medium  about  500  miles, 
a(Ki  pn  the  like  supposition  the  number  of  square  miles  contained 
within  this  Province  exclusive  of  the  Lakes  is  82,1 12  or  52,55 1 ,680 
acres,  >yhich  is  one  foufth  less  than  the  number  contained  in  the 
Province  of  Quebec. 

Parts  ouitirved.  Nassau  Or  Long  Island  which  contains  Kings,  Queens 
and  Suffolk  Counties.— Staten  Island  which  forms  Richmond  County 
and  the  Counties  of  Ntw  York,  Westchester,  Dutchess,  Orange  and 
TJlstcr,  are  all  well  inhabited,  and  not  many  large  Tracts  of 
improveable  land  are  left  uncultivated. — The  County  of  Albany 
tho'  the  Inhabitants  are  numerous,  and  the  Lands  in  general  under 
Cultivation  in  the  South,  contains  extensive  and  valuable  Tract!) 
unwproved  in  the  North  Part.' — Try  on  County  tho'  thinly 
settled,  as  its  extent  is  great,  has  many  Inhabitants.  =     The  culti- 

1  Anwny  County  at  this  date  inclu'led  the  present  Counties  of  Greene,  Colum« 
bia,  Albany,  Rensselaer,  Schenectady  and  Saratoga. 

2  This  County  was  taken  from  Albany  County  in  1772,  and  named  in  honour  of 
Wm.  Tryon  then  the  Governor  of  the  Province.  In  1784  it  was  changed  to  that 
ofMootfonevy.    When  formed  it  embraced  all  that  part  of  the  SjUte  lying  West 


PEOVISCE   OF  NEW-YOHK. 


7« 


Ihertof  19 
nhabitants 


ith  is  about 
)nly  called 
istto  West, 
miles;  The 
ovis.    From 
ounlry,  the 
East  side  of 
isite  shore — 
lids  on  both 
nd  increases 
I  miles  wide; 
le  mentioned 
extent  from 
y  (a  distance 
to  the  45^'» 
500  miles, 
ics  contained 
r  52,55 1,680 
ained  in  the 

lings,  Queens 
lond  County 
.,  Orange  and 
le  Tracts  of 
ly  of  Albany 
Icneral  under 
[uable  Tracts 
tho'   thinly 
The  culti- 

3reenei  Colum* 

led  in  honour  of 
lehanged  to  that 
ate  lying  W«»t 


vated  parts  of  Charlotte  County  are  inconsiderable,  compared  with 
'what  remains  to  be  settled  and  the  same  may  be  remarked  with 
respect  to  the  Counties  of  Cumberland  and  Gloucester." — In  the 
Appendix  is  a  list  of  the  Inhabitants  White  and  Black  in  the 
respective  Counties,  according  to  the  returns  of  their  numbers  in 
1771,  since  which  they  are  greatly  augmented,  but  it  is  to  b« 
observed  that  the  new  counties  of  Charlotte  and  Tryon  were  then 
part  of  Albany.* 

The  proportion  of  the  cultivated  to  the  uncultivated  parts  of 
the  Province  (the  Limits  as  stated  in  No.  2)  is  as  one  to  four;  or 
one  fifth  only  improved. 
TiUes  uiid^r  With  rcspcct  to  the  Titles  under  which  the  Inhabitants 

which  land*    ,     ,  ,    ,     .  .  -n   r  i      t*        . 

•re  held.  hold  their  possessions;  Before  the  Province  was  granted 
on  12  March  1663(4  by  King  Charles  the  Second  to  his  brother 
James  Duke  o(  York,  the  Dutch  W  est  India  Company  had  seized  it, 
made  settlements  and  Issued  many  Grants  of  Land.  In  August  1664 
the  Country  was  surrendered  by  the  Dutch  to  the  English,  and  by 
the  3<^  Article  of  the  Terms  of  Capitulation  it  was  stipulated 
^'  That  all  People  shall  continue  free  Denizens  and  shall  enjoy 
their  Lands,  Houses,  and  goods,  wheresoever  they  are  within  this 
Country  and  dispose  of  them  as  they  please."  Some  lands  of  the 
Province  are  held  under  the  old  Dutch  Grants  without  any  confir- 
mation of  their  Titled  under  the  crown  of  England,  but  the  ancient 
Records  are  replete  with  confirmatory  Grants,  which  the  Dutch 
Inhabitants  were  probably  the  more  solicitous  to  obtain  from  an 
Apprehension  that  the  Dutch  conquest  of  the  Province  in  1673, 
alight  render  their  Titles  under  the  former  articles  of  Capitulation 
precarious;  tho'  the  Country  was  finally  restored  to  the  English 
by  the  Treaty  signed  at  Westminster  the  9">  Feby  1674. 

of  a  line  runninjf  North  &  South  nearly  through  the  centre  of  the  present  Couni:^ 
of  Schoharie.— CampbeU**  Antialt  of  Tryon  County,  New  York  1831.  p.  27. 

1  Charlotte  County  embraced  what  now  are  Franlclin,  CI|nton,  Essex,  Warren  Ik 
Washington  Counties  in  this  State,and  the  West  half  of  the  State  of  Vermont ;  CU*i> 
b^rland  fc  Gloucester  lay  on  the  West  bank  of  the  Connecticut  river  and  extended 
from  Canada  to  the  Massachusetts  boundary  ;  the  South  line  of  the  towns  of 
Tuhbridge,  Strafford  and  Thetford  being  the  division  between  the  two.  West- 
Wiuril  they  ran  to  the  East  bounds  of  Charlotte.  Cumberland  was  erected  In  17M{ 
Gloucester  in  177U,  and  Charlotte  was  taken  from  Albany  in  1772,  at  the 
time  as  Tryon.  2  For  the  Census  table  see  ante  p.  697. 


ri 


1^ 


in   ' 


* » 


^  t 


760 


GOV.  tryon's  report  on  the 


i  From  that  period  it  has  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  En)^- 
lish,  and  the  Duke  of  York  on  the  29'^  of  June  1674,  obtained 
a  new  Grant  from  the  King,  of  all  the  Territories  included  within 
the  former  Letters  Patent  in  1663 14. 

During  the  life  of  King  Charles  the  Second,  the  Duke  of  York 
as  proprietor  of  the  Soil,  passed  many  Grants  (by  his  Governor) 
in  Fee,  and  since  his  accession  to  the  Throne,  Grants  have  con- 
tinued to  issue  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  Powers  given  the  several  Governors  by  their  Com- 
missions and  Instructions  from  the  Crown — Two  instances  only 
occur  of  Grants  or  Letters  Patent  for  Lands  under  the  Great  Seal 
of  Great  Britain. — One  to  Sir  Joseph  Eyles  and  others  on  the  l&'ii 
May  in  the  4*''  year  of  His  late  Majesty  King  George  the  Second 
for  a  Tract  of  62,000  acres,  called  the  Equivalent  Land  from  its 
having  been  ceded  to  New  York  by  the  Colony  of  Connecticut 
(on  the  settlement  of  the  boundary  between  the  two  Provinces) 
in  lieu  of  a  like  quantity  yielded  up  to  Connecticut  by  the  Pro- 
vince of  New  York — The  other  lately,  to  Sir  William  Johnson 
Baronet — The  Lands  granted  to  Sir  Joseph  Eyles  and  his  asso- 
ciates are  not  possessed  by  them  oi  their  assigns,  Letters  Patent 
under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province  of  New  York  having  passed 
to  others  for  the  same  Lands,  before  it  was  known  here  that  the 
Royal  Grant  was  obtained  ;  and  the  Lands  are  now  in  possession 
of  the  New  York  Patentees  or  their  assigns. ' 

These  are  all  the  different  modes  by  which  the  Inhabitants  have 
derived  any  legal  Titles  to  their  Lands  within  the  Limits  of  this 
Province,  whence  it  appears  that  all  their  lawful  titles  to  Lands 
m  Fee,  except  in  cases  of  old  Dutch  Grants  unconfirmed,  originated 
from  the  Crown  either  mediately  thro'  the  Duke  of  York  before 
his  Accession  to  the  Throne,  or  immediately  by  Grants  under  the 
Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain  or  of  this  Province. 

1  This  tract,  otherwise  called  «  The  Oblong,"  lies  along  the  eastern  line  of 
Putnam  and  Dutchess  counties,  extending  from  the  north  line  of  Cortland  Manor 
to  about  the  south  bounds  of  Living^ston  Manor  in  Columbia  co.,  as  laid  down 
in  Le  Rouge's  Map  of  the  Prov.  of  N.  Y.;  also  in  Sauthier's  Map  of  New  Yorlc, 
1776,  1779.  Further  particulars  regarding  the  controversy  may  be  learned  by 
reference  to  Book  of  Patents  xi.,  1.;  Deed  Books  xiv.  133  ^  xvii.,  457,  471.  (in 
Sec.'s  Office.)    Also  Smith's  History,  ed.  1829-3U.  i.>  285-288 ;  ii.,  13,  29. 


PROVINCE  or  NEW-YORK. 


761 


Purchases  from  the  Indian  Natives,  as  of  their  aboriginal  right 
have  never  been  held  to  be  a  legal  Title  in  this  Province,  the 
Maxim  obtaining  here,  as  in  England,  that  the  King  is  the  Foun- 
tain of  all  real  property,  and  that  from  this  source  all  real  Titles 
are  to  be  derived.        ;  /,     v      ,,.  , 

Question  Ko.  4* 

What  Rivers  are  there  and  of  what  Extent  &  Convenience  in 

point  of  Commerce  ? .. 

Jinswer. 
Riren.  Hudsons  River  is  the  only  Navigable  River  in  the 

Province,  and  affords  a  safe  and  easy  Passage  for  Vessels  of  Eighty 
Tons  Burthen  to  the  city  of  Albany,  which  is  about  180  miles  from 
the  sea — It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  it  extends  nearly  to 
the  Latitude  of  45 — but  the  Navigation,  except  for  small  Vessels 
terminates  at  or  near  that  City. — To  the  Northward  of  Albany 
about  Ten  Miles  this  River  divides.  The  Western  Branch  which 
(above  the  Great  Cahoo  Falls)  is  called  the  Mohawk  River,  or 
the  Mohawk  Branch  of  Hudson's  River  leads  to  Fort  Stanwix, 
and  a  short  cut  across  the  carrying  Place  there  might  be  made 
into  Wood  Creek  which  runs  into  the  Oneida  Lake,  and  thence 
thro'  the  Onondaga  River  into  Lake  Ontario. 

The  other  Branch  being  the  continuation  of  the  main  River 
tends  to  Fort  Edward,  to  the  North  of  which  it  seems  practicable 
to  open  a  passage  by  Locks  &c.  to  the  Waters  of  Lake  Champlain 
which  communicate  with  tne  River  St.  Lawrence,  passing  over 
the  Falls  at  St.  Johns.  *  •      v      ■'■'*'  •  :i»«r. 

Both  Branches  are  interrupted  by  Falls  and  Rifts,  to  surmount 
these  obstructions  an  Expense  would  be  required  too  heavy  for 
the  Province  at  present  to  support,  but  when  effected  would  open 
a  most  effective  inland  navigation,  equal  perhaps  to  any  as  yet 
known. 

Between  Nassau  or  Long  Island  and  the  Continent  the  greatest 
Distance  scarcely  exceeds  Twenty  Miles.  Near  the  City  of  New 
York  it  is  less  than  one  Mile,  and  is  there  called  the  East  River, 
and  from  thence  bears  the  appellation  of  the  Sound.  The  River 
and  Sound  afford  Navigation  for  Vessels  of  any  Burthen  towards 
the  Collonies  of  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island  and  the  Massachusetts 


:"fl 


?'  J 


il 


752 


Gor.  tryon's  report  on  Tins 


^     !  . 


1) 

f  ,■■. 
I, I 


Bay,  in  some  degree  hazardous  however  at  the  noted  place  (lis- 
itnguishcd  by  the  nume  of  Hell  Gate  about  six  Miles  East  of  the 
City  of  New  York. 

Connecticut  River  where  it  divides  this  Province  from  New 
Hampshire  is  included  within  the  Limits  of  the  latter. 

Question  JVb.  6. 

What  are  the  Principal  Harbours,  how  situated  and  of  what 

extent ;  and  what  is  the  Depth  of  Water  &  nature  of  Anchorage 

in  each  1 

Mf  „;i,.r,/       Answer.    ,/')..„....     ,n 

Harbonra.         There  IS  but  one  principal  Harbour  which  is  the  Port 

of  New  York  being  that  part  of  the  East  River  fronting  the  City 

and  lying  between  that  and  Long  Island. — ^The  Harbour  is  in 

length  from  the  North  East  to  the  Southwest  about  two  miles,  and 

its  Breadth  across  to  Long  Island  about  one  mile.     The  Depth  of 

water  from  Four  to  Eight  Fathom,  tho'  at  some  places  no  more 

at  low  Water  than  Ten  Feet.  In  Nip  Tides  the  Water  rises  about 

Four  Feet  and  an  half,  at  the  Full  and  Change  of  the  Moon,  Six, 

and  if  at  those  Seasons  a  strong  Easterly  Wind  prevails  the  rise 

of  the  Tides  increase  to  Eight  Feet.     The  Anchorage  is  good  in 

a  bottom  of  mud ;  there  is  only  one  remarkable  Reef  of  Rocks 

about  mid-channel,  half  a  mile  within  the  Entrance ;  And  the 

Harbour  being  shelter'd  in  front  by  Long  Island ;  to  the  East  by 

a  sudden  bend  in  the  River ;  and  to  the  West  by  Nutten  Island  ; 

Vessels  during  the  hardest  Gales  ride  in  great  safety,  and  are  only 

incommoded  a  few  days  in  the  Winter  by  the  floating  Ice. 

The  Map  in  the  Appendix  marked  N^  3,  presents  a  full  view 
of  the  Harbour,  the  situation  of  Sandy  Hook,  and  shews  the 
Depth  of  Water  from  thence  up  to  the  Port. ' 

Question  ^o.  6. 

What  is  the  Constitution  of  the  Goverrunent  ? 

.•T/<.--       '..',., T.,.       Answer.      .•  .„•,..      .:> 

OMMftaiion       By  the  Grants  of  this  Province  and  other  Territo* 

GwrJ^ent.  rfes  to  the   Duke  of  York  in  1663|4   and   1674,  the 

powers  of  Government  were  vested  in  him,  and  were  accordingly 

1  None  of  these  Maps  are  in  the  London  Documents.  A  copy  of  Sauthier'i 
large  Map,  reduced  one-half,  engraved  especially  for  this  Vol.  will  be  found 
at  the  end  of  this  Report. 


i^MirfMaiM* 


PROyiffCE  OF  MEW- YORK. 


768 


place  tVis- 
ast  of  the 

from  New 


id  of  what 
Anchorage 

i  is  the  Port 
ing  the  City 
arbour  is  in 
JO  miles,  and 
'he  Depth  of 
Lces  no  more 
er  rises  about 
le  Moon,  Six, 
ails  the  rise 
e  is  good  in 
lef  of  Rocks 
ice ;  And  the 
the  East  by 
[utten  Island ; 
and  are  only 
ig  Ice. 

[s  a  full  view 
id  shews  the 


l>ther  Territo. 
rid  1674,  the 
[e  accordmgly 
Ly  of  Sauthlefi 
bl.  will  be  found 


exercised  by  his  Governors  until  he  ascended  the  Throne  when 
his  Rights  as  Proprietor  merged  in  his  Crown,  and  the  Province 
ceased  to  be  a  charter  Governm^ 

From  that  time  it  has  been  a  Royal  Government,  and  in  [\m 
Constitution  nearly  resembles  that  of  Great  Britain  and  the  other 
Royal  Governments  iti  America.  The  Governor  is  appointed  by 
the  King  during  his  Royal  Will  and  pleasure  by  Letters  Pattent 
under  the  Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain  with  very  ample  Powers. 
He  has  a  Council  in  Imitation  of  His  Majesty's  Privy  Council. — 
This  Board  when  full  consists  of  Twelve  Members  who  are 
also  appointed  by  the  Crown  during  Will  &  Pleasure ;  any  three 
of  whom  make  a  Quorum. — The  Province  enjoys  a 'Legislative 
Body,  which  consists  of  the  Governor  as  the  King's  Representa* 
live ;  the  Council  in  the  place  of  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the 
Representatives  of  the  People,  who  are  chosen  as  in  England : 
Of  these  the  City  of  New  York  sends  four. — All  the  other  Coun- 
ties (except  the  New  Counties  of  Charlotte  &  Gloucester  as  yet 
not  represented)  send  Two. — The  Borough  of  Westchester,  the 
Township  of  Schenectady  and  the  three  Manors  of  Rensselaer- 
wyck,  Livingston  and  Cortlandt  each  send  one ;  in  the  whole 
forming  a  Body  of  Thirty  one  Representatives. 

The  Governor  by  his  Commission  is  authorized  to  convene 
them  with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  and  adjourn,  prorogue  or 
dissolve  the  General  Assembly  as  he  shall  judge  necessary. 

This  Body  has  not  power  to  make  any  Laws  repugnant  to  the 
Laws  and  Statutes  of  Great  Britain.  All  Laws  proposed  to  be 
made  by  this  Provincial  Legislature,  pass  thro'  each  of  the 
Houses  of  Council  and  Assembly,  as  Bills  do  thro'  the  House  of 
Commons  and  House  of  Lords  in  England,  and  the  Governor  has 
a  Negative  voice  in  the  making  and  passing  of  all  such  Laws. 
Every  Law  so  passed  is  to  be  transmitted  to  His  Majesty  under 
the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province,  within  Three  months  or  sooner 
after  the  making  thereof  and  a  Duplicate  by  the  next  conveyance, 
in  order  to  be  approved  or  disallowed  by  His  Majesty ;  And  if 
His  Majesty  shall  disallow  any  such  Law  and  the  same  is  signiBed 
to  the  Governor  under  the  Royal  Sign  Manual  or  by  Order  of  his 
Majesty's  Privy  Council,   from  thenceforth  such  law  becomes 

48 


.;•-!; 


ih 


,1; 


i 


l??|  !    i-:       ia 


,.    •! 


f 


i 


764 


GOT.  TRYOm'b  report  ON  THE 


utterly  void. — A  law  of  the  Province  has  limited  the  duration  of 
the  Assembly  to  seven  years. 

The  Common  Law  of  England  is  considered  as  the  Funda- 
mental law  of  the  Province  and  it  is  the  received  Doctrine  that 
all  the  Statutes  (not  Local  in  their  Nature,  and  which  can  be  fitly 
applied  to'the  circumstances  of  the  Colony)  enacted  before  the 
Province  had  a  Legislature,  are  binding  upon  the  Colony,  but 
that  Statutes  passed  since  do  not  affect  the  Colony,  unless  by  being, 
specially  named,  such  appears  to  be  the  Intentions  of  the  British 
Legislature. 

The  Province  has  a  Court  of  Chancery  in  which  the  Governor 
or  Commander  in  chief  sits  as  Chancellor  and  the  Practice  of  the 
Court  of  Chancery  in  England  is  pursued  as  closely  as  possible. 
The  officers  of  this  Court  consist  of  a  Master  of  the  Rolls  newly 
created — Two  Masters. — Two  Clerks  in  Court. — A  Register. — 
An  Examiner,  and  a  Serjeant  at  Arms. 

Of  the  Courts  of  Common  Law  the  Chief  is  called  the  Supreme 
Court. — ^The  Judges  of  which  have  all  the  powers  of  the  King's 
Bench,  Common  Pleas  and  Exchequer  in  England.  This  Court 
sits  once  every  three  months  at  the  City  of  New  York,  and  the 
practice  therein  is  modelled  upon  that  of  the  King's  Bench  at 
Westminster. — Tho'  the  judges  have  the  powers  of  the  Court  of 
Exchequer  they  never  proceed  upon  the  Equity  side. — The  court 
has  no  Officers  but  one  Clerk,  and  is  not  organized  nor  supplied 
with  any  officers  in  that  Department  of  the  Exchequer,  which  in 
England  has  the  care  of  the  revenue. — The  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  hold  their  offices  during  the  King's  Will  and  Pleasure  and 
are  Judges  of  Nisi  prius  of  Course  by  act  of  Assembly,  &  An- 
nually perform  a  Circuit  through  the  Counties. — The  Decision? 
of  this  Court  in  General  are  final  unless  where  the  Value  exceeds 
j£300.  Sterling,  in  which  case  the  subject  may  be  relieved  from  ita 
errors  only  by  an  application  to  the  Governor  &  Council,  und 
where  the  Value  exceeds  jE500  sterling  an  appeal  lies  from  the 
Judgment  of  the  latter  to  His  Majesty  in  Privy  Council. 

By  an  Act  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Province  suits  are  pro- 
hibited to  be  brought  in  the  Supreme  Court  where  the  Value  de- 
manded does  not  exceed  £20.  Currency. 


PUOVfNCE  or  !fFW->  OKK. 


7M 


e  Funda- 
itrine  that 
Ml  be  fitly 
before  the 
olony,  but 
ts  by  being 
the  British 

e  Governor 
ctice  of  the 
as  possible, 
aolls  newly 
Register. — 

the  Supreme 
>f  the  King's 
This  Court 
'ork,  and  the 
r's  Bench  at 
the  Court  of 
. — ^The  court 
nor  supplied 
uer,  which  in 
the  Supreme 
Pleasure  and 
mbly,  &  An- 
'he  Decision! 
alue  exceed* 
jieved  from  ita 
Council,  and 
lies  from  the 

incil. 

suits  are  pro- 

the  Value  de- 


The  Clerk's  Office  of  the  SuprruiP  Court  has  always  been  held 
as  an  Appendage  to  that  oi  the  Secretary  of  the  Province. 

There  is  also  in  each  County  an  Inferior  Court  of  Common 
Pleas,  which  has  the  Cognizance  of  all  actions  real,  personal  8c 
mixed,  where  the  matter  in  demand  is  abovt  £6.  \n  value. — ^The 
practice  of  these  Courts  is  a  mixture  between  the  Kings  Bench 
and  Common  Pleas  at  Westminster.— Their  Errors  are  corrected 
in  the  first  Instance  by  Writ  of  Error  brought  into  the  Supreme 
Court ;  and  the  Judges  hold  their  offices  during  pleasure. — The 
Clerks  of  these  Courts  also  hold  their  offices  during  pleasure  and 
are  appointed  by  the  Governor,  except  the  Clerk  of  Albany  who 
is  appointed  under  the  King's  Mandate. 

'Besides  these  Courts  the  Justices  of  peace  are  by  Act  of  Assem- 
bly empowered  to  try  all  causes  to  the  amount  of  JC5.  Currency, 
(except  where  the  Crown  is  concerned  or  where  the  Title  of  Landsi 
shall  come  into  Question ; — and  Actions  of  Slander)  but  the  parties 
may  either  of  them  demand  a  jury  of  Six  Men. — If  wrong  is 
done  to  either  party,  the  person  injured  may  have  a  Certiorari 
from  the  Supreme  Court,  tho'  the  remedy  is  very  inadequate. 

The  Courts  of  Criminal  Jurisdiction  are  Correspondent  to  those 
in  England. — The  Supreme  Court  exercises  it  in  the  City  of  New 
York,  as  the  King's  Bench  docs  at  Westminster. — ^Tbe  Judges 
when  they  go  the  Circuit  have  a  Commission  of  Oyer  and  Terminer 
and  General  Goal  Delivery ;  and  there  are  Courts  of  Sessions 
held  by  the  Justices  of  the  peace ;  the  powers  of  which  and  their 
proceedings  correspond  with  the  like  Courts  in  England. — ^The 
Office  of  Clerk  of  the  Sessions,  is  invariably  connected  with  that 
of  the  Clerk  of  the  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas  in  the  re- 
spective Counties. 

By  acts  of  the  Provincial  Legislature  the  Justices  of  the  Peace 
have  an  extraordinary  Jurisdiction  with  respect  to  some  offences 
by  which  any  three  Justices,  (one  being  of  the  Quorum)  where 
the  offender  does  not  find  Bail  in  48  Hours  after  being  in  the 
Custody  of  the  Constable, may  try  the  party  without  any '  or  a 

jury,  for  any  offence  under  the  Degree  of  Grand  Larceny ;  and 
inflict  any  punishment  for  these  small  offences  at  their  Discretion, 

1  Blank  in  the  Orig. 


^1 
^1  , 


4. 


•■'-'I 


''4' 


^k  « 


w 


766 


GOV.  TRYCN  S   REPORT  ON  THE 


SO  that  it  exceeds  [qy"?  extends]  not  to  Life  or  Limb. — And  any 
three  Justices  of  the  Peace  (one  being  of  the  Quorum)  and  Five 
Freeholders  have  power  without  a  Grand  or  Petty  Jury  to  proceed 
against  and  try  in  a  Summary  Way,  Slaves  offending  in  certain 
cases,  and  punish  tliem  even  with  death. 

The  Duty  of  His  Majesty's  Attorney  General  of  the  Province 
is  similar  to  the  Duty  of  that  Officer  in  England,  and  the  Master 
of  the  Crown  Office:  He  is  appointed  by  the  Crown  during  Plea- 
sure, and  His  Majesty  has  no  Sollicitor  General  nor  Council  in 
the  Province,  to  assist  the  Attorney  General  upon  any  Occasion. 

There  are  two  other  Courts  in  the  Province.  The  Court  of 
Admiralty  which  proceeds  after  the  Course  of  the  Civil  Law  in 
matters  within  its  Jurisdiction,  which  has  been  so  enlarged  by 
divers  Statutes  as  to  include  almost  every  breach  of  the  Acts  o) 
Trade. — From  this  Court  an  appeal  lies  to  a  Superior  Court  of 
Admiralty,  lately  Established  in  North  America  by  Statute;  before 
this  Establishment  an  appeal  only  lay  to  the  High  Court  of  Admi- 
ralty of  England. 

The  Prerogative  Court  concerns  itself  only  in  the  Probate  of 
wills  and  i;i  matters  relating  to  the  Administration  of  the  Estates 
of  Intestates  and  in  granting  Licences  of  Marriage.  The  Gover- 
nor is  properly  the  Judge  of  this  Court  but  it  has  been  usual  for 
him  to  act  in  general  by  a  Delegate. 

The  Provice  is  at  present  divided  into  fourteen  CountieS)  yix*- 
The  City  and  County  of  New  York— The  County  of  Albany- 
Richmond  (which  comprehends  the  whole  of  Staten  Island)  Kings, 
Queens  &  Suffolk  (which  include  the  whole  of  Nassau  or  Long 
Island)  Westchester,  Dutches,  Ulster,  Orange,  Cumberland,  Glou- 
cester, Charlotte  and  Tryon. — For  each  of  these  Counties  a  Sheriff 
and  one  or  more  Coroners  are  appointed  by  the  Governor  who  hold 
their  offices  during  pleasure. 

As  to  the  Military  power  of  the  Province,  the  Governor  for  the 
time  being  is  the  Captain  General  and  Commander  in  Chief  and 
appoints  all  the  Provincial  Military  officers  during  pleasure. 

Question  JVo.  7. 

W^hat  is  the  Trade  of  the  Province,  the  Number  of  shipping 
belonging  thereto,  their  Tonnage,  and  the  number  of  seafaring 


PROVINCB  OF  NEW-TORK. 


767 


Men  with  respect  to  the  Increase  and  Diminution  within  ten  years 
past? 

Jinstoer.  :      :•     >     m 

Pt^incl  ^^  '^^^  Province  carries  on  a  considerable  Trade  with 
the  British  Settlements  on  the  Continent  of  North  America,  sup- 
plying some  of  them  with  the  produce  of  the  Colony,  others  with 
British  Manufactures  and  West  India  goods.  The  Trade  to 
the  British  West  Indies  is  extensive  they  having  a  constant  demab'd 
for  provisions  and  Lumber  of  all  kinds,  which  articles  are  th« 
natural  produce  of  this  Province. 

The  returns  from  the  American  Ports  and  West  India  Islands, 
are  made  in  such  produce  and  manufactures  of  the  Provinces  and 
Islands,  as  best  suit  the  Trade  and  consumption  of  this  Colony — 
There  are  also  fitted  out  from  the  Port  of  New  York  several 
Whaling  and  Fishing  Vessels.  ...,■      v" 

Number  of  The  abovc  together  with  the  Trade  of  Great  Britain, 
QMSftfty  of  Ireland,  Afifrica  and  the  foreign  ports  in  Europe  and  the 
NumbM  of    West  Indias  as  stated  in  the  Answers  to  Questions  Nd. 

Seafaring  i     »«       i         1.1        ti         « 

Men-  8  and  No.  9,  include  the  whole  Trade  of  the  Province 

which  employed 

In  the  year  TesBels        Tons  Burthen  Men  ,  ; > 

1762    -    -    .    -    477  19,514  3,552        -» 

In  1772     -    -    -    -  709  29,132  3,374 

232  9,618  178 

So  that  the  increase  of  shipping  in  that  perio^l  of  Ten  years  is 
232  Vessels  and  of  the  Tonnage  or  Burthen  9,618  Tons.— And 
the  Decrease  of  men  178.  A  less  number  of  Hands  being  em- 
ployed on  board  of  Vessels  in  peace,  than  they  sail  with  in  time 

of  War. 

Question  J^o,  8. 

What  Quantity  or  sorts  of  British  Manufactures  do  the  Inhabi- 
tants annually  take  from  hence,  What  Goods  and  Commodities 
are  exported  from  thence  to  Great  Britain,  and  what  is  the  annual 
Amount  at  an  Average?  * 

Answer. 
Imports  from     ^ore  than  Eleven  Twelfths  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this 

ureal  liritain. 

Province  both  in  the  necessary  and  ornamental  parts  of  their  Dress 


k\ 


■r  'I , 


768 


GOV.  TRYON  S  REPORT  ON  THE 


U   "■'■': 


l\ 


if;' 

1.' 

pff ,,  ' 

B' 

pi  ■ 

i 

l-M- 


a   I  ;   ! 


f 

'? 

1' 

': 

■Vl  : 

■       :   • 

t 

-■i% 

'   0 

-• 

J 

h 

\ 

;V 

~i 

,1 

*■ 

1 

are  cloathed  in  British  Manufactures,  except  Linen  from  Ireland 
and  Hats  and  Shoes  manufactured  here.  The  same  proportion 
of  Houses  are  in  like  manner  furnished  ^vith  British  Manufactu- 
reS}  except  Cabinet  &  Joiner's  Work,  vrhich  is  Generally  made 
here. 

When  the  number  of  Inhabitants  are  considered  a  better  idea 
may  be  formed  of  the  Quantity  and  variety  of  sorts  of  British 
Manufactures  used  in  this  Province,  than  can  be  done  by  enumer- 
ating the  names  under  which  they  are  imported. 

Besides  the  Articles  necessary  for  cloathing  and  Furniture,  there 
are  imported  from  Great  Britain,  large  Quantities  of  all  kinds  of 
East  India  Goods. — Grocery  of  all  sorts  (except  Sugars,  Coffee, 
and  Ginger)  Ironmongery,  Arms,  Gunpowder,  Lead,  Tin,  Sheet 
Copper,  Drugs,  Brimstone,  Grindstones,  Coals,  Chalk,  Sail  Cloth, 
Cordage,  Paints,  Malt  Liquors  &  Cheese. — There  are  indeed  few 
articles  the  British  Market  affords,  but  what  are  in  some  propor- 
tion imported  here,  except  such  as  are  among  our  Staple  Commo- 
dities, particularly  mentioned  in  the  Answer  to  No.  11. 

If  the  Brokers  in  Great  Britain  employed  as  shippers  of  goods 
were  for  one  year  obliged  to  give  in  the  value  of  the  Goods  when 
they  apply  for  Cockets,  the  exact  amount  of  what  the  Inhabitants 
of  each  Province  in  America  take  from  thence  would  be  easily 
ascertained.  In  this  Country  it  is  not  possible  to  make  such  a 
calculation  with  any  Degree  of  Precision,  for  as  the  Amount  of 
Goods  never  appears  in  the  Cockets,  no  Judgment  can  be  formed 
of  their  Value  from  the  Quantity  or  Number  of  pieces. — Silks 
for  Instance  come  out  from  25s  to  2  shillings  per  yard,  and  in 
general  the  other  Articles  differ  in  the  same  proportion  from  the 
first  cost  of  the  highest  to  that  of  the  lowest  in  quality. 
ciSlTnlported  When  no  particular  stop  is  put  upon  Trade  with  Great 
ftitein.""*  Britain,  it  is  generally  estimated  here  that  the  Annual 
Imports  from  thence  into  this  Colony,  amount  on  an  average  to 
Five  Hundred  Thousand  Pounds  Sterling. 
OwrtBritain.  '^^^  Goods  exported  from  hence  to  Great  Britain  that 
are  the  produce  of  this  Colony,  are  chiefly  pot  and  pearl  ashes, 
Pig  and  Bar  Iron,  Peltries,  Beeswax,  Masts  and  Spars,  wiih  Tim- 
ber and  Lumber  of  all  kinds: — And  of  the  produce  of  the  West 


PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


759 


.  Ireland 
oportion 
inufactu- 
ly  made 

;tler  idea 
)f  British 
f  enumer- 

ture,  there 

I  kinds  of 

rs,  Coffee, 

Tin,  Sheet 

Sail  Cloth, 

indeed  few 

me  propor- 

,le  Commo- 

1. 

■rs  of  goods 

>oods  when 

Inhabitants 
d  be  easily 

lake  such  a 
Amount  of 
be  formed 
eces. — •Silks 
ard,  and  in 
on  from  the 

ty- 

with  Great 

the  Annual 

average  to 

Britain  that 
J  pearl  ashes, 
Is,  wiih  Tim- 
lof  the  West 


n 


Indies  and  Honduras  Bay,  Log  Wood  and  other  Dye  woods  and 
.Stuffs,  Sarsaparilla,  Mahogany,  Cotton,  Ginger  &.  Pimento  with 
some  Raw  Hides — And  Tar,  Pitch  &  Turpentine,  the  produce  of 
North  Carolina. 

Value  thereof.  The  Annual  Amount  of  the  Exports  to  Great  Britain 
on  an  Average,  is  One  Hundred  &  Thirty  Thousand  pounds  Sterling 
exclusive  of  the  Cost  of  Ships  built  here  for  the  Merchants  in 
England  to  the  Amount  of  Thirty  Thousand  pounds  Sterling 
annually.        .  ., 

Question  JVb.  9 
What  Trade  has  the  Province  under  your  Government  with  aiiy 
Foreign  Plantations,  or  any  part  ef  Europe  besides  Great  Britain ; 
how  is  that  Trade  carried  on,  what  Commodities  do  the  People 
under  your  Government  send  to  or  receive  from  Foreign  Planta- 
tions, and  what  is  the  annual  Amount  thereof  at  an  Average  1 

Answer 
pirefgn 'plan-  "^  Considerable  Trade  is  carried  on  from  this  Province 
tatioM  &ca  ^q  ^^  Foreign  West  India  Islands,  Surrinam  and  Hondu- 
ras Bay.  Provisions  and  Lumber  are  the  principal  Articles  with 
which  they  are  supplied  from  hence. — ^The  returns  are  generally 
in  Sugar,  Molasses,  Dye  Woods,  Mahogany,  Hides,  Silver,  and 
Bills  of  Exchange. 

With  Africa  There  are  a  few  vessels  employed  annually  in  the 
Affrican  Trade,  their  Outward  Cargoes  are  chiefly  Rum  and  some 
British  Manufactures. — The  high  price  and  ready  sale  they  meet 
with  for  their  Slaves  in  the  West  Indies  induce  them  always  to 
dispose  of  their  cargoes  among  the  Islands. 

To  Madeira  &  Teneriflfe  the  Trade  from  hence  is 
considerable.  The  outward  Cargoes  are  composed  of 
Wheat,  Tndiari  Corn,  Flour,  Provisions  in  General,  Lumber  and 
Beeswax. — ^The  returns  are  made  in  Wines,  the  greatest  part  of 
which  are  carried  directly  from  Madeira  to  the  British  and  Foreign 
West  India  Islands,  there  sold  and  West  India  Cargoe  purchased 
with  which  the  Vessel  returns. 

wKm' Fo*eiffn  When  Grain  is  Scarce  in  Europe  there  is  also  a  very 
rop^slmiu-  considerable  Trade  from  hence  to  Ihe  Spanish  ports  in 
FWtte?''*  the  Bay  of  Biscay  and  to  other  Foreign  porls  in  Europe 


Madeira  k 
TeneriSe 


m 


760 


GOV.  tryon's  report  on  the 


m 


■  ■■    ! 


If: 


1  S^/'T-'l  ."'? 


fl:  '  i 
IF-     • 


^"'yi  , 


lying  to  the  Southward  of  Cape  Finnistre. — To  these  places  are 
exported,  Wheat,  Rye,  Flour,  Indian  Corn  &  Beeswax ;  and  the 
returns  are  in  Specie,  Bills  of  Exchange  and  large  Cargoes  of  Salt. 
Sometimes  the  Vessels  employed  in  this  Trade  take  in  a  Load  of 
Wines  and  Fruit,  and  call  at  solne  of  the  Outports  in  England 
for  Clearances  agreeable  to  Law.— The  Trade  is  Carried  on  in 
Ships  belonging  to  British  Subjects  and  navigated  conformable  to 
the  Acts  of  Trade. 

Value  of  For.  The  Annual  Amount  of  the  Commodities  exported 
eign  Exporu  fj^^  hence  to  Foreign  Countries  is  on  an  average,  One 
Hundred  and  Fifty  Thousand  Pounds  Sterling ;  and  the  foreign 
Imports  on  an  Average  One  Huildred  Thousan<l  Pounds  Sterling. 
tikiMruta  Bcsidcs  the  Trade  to  the  Foreign  Ports  in  Europe, 
ir«faud  jj^gj,g  jg  every  year  a  great  Quantity  of  Flax  seed  and 
Lumber  and  some  Iron  sent  to  Ireland,  in  ships  generally  belonging 
to  that  Kingdom,  which  come  out  annually  with  passengers  and 
Servants,  as  also  Linen,  Beef  and  Butter.  # 

To  Gibraiter  "^^  Province  hath  likewise  some  Trade  with  Gibral- 
•nd  Minorca,  ^g^  ^^^  Minorca,  the  Cargoes  out  generally  consist  of 
Grain,  Flour,  Provisions  of  other  Kinds,  Lumber,  Naval  Stores, 
aiid  Rifce. — As  they  are  British  Ports,  it  has  ever  been  the  practice 
here  to  allow  enumerated  Goods  to  be  shipped  to  them,  the 
Master  o^  the  vessel  giving  the  enumerated  Bond  at  the  Naval 
offic^.^— The  Returns  are  Specie,  Bills  of  Exchange  and  Salt. 

Question  J\ro.  10. 
What  Methods  are  there  used  to  prevent  illegal  Trade,  and  are 

the  same  effectual  ] 

Answer 

At  this' Port  there  is  generally  one  of  His  Majesty's 

Ships  of  War,   stationed  near  its  principal  entrance, 

ex:ct^"'t  during  the  Four  Winter  Months,  when  she  is  obliged  on 

account  of  the  severe  Weather  and  the  Ice  to  come  to  the  Wharf. 

The  Custom  House  officers  are  Eight  in  Number ;  viz.    The 

Collector,  Comptroller,  Surveyor,  and  Searcher,  Land  Waiter, 

Tide  Surveyor  and  Three  Tide  Waiters ;    There  is  also  a  Naval 

officer.    The  Tide  Waiters  are  mostly  employed  on  Board  of 

Vessels  that  arrive  with  dutiable  goods,  so  that  there  are  but  three 


MeaiU  to  pre- 
vent illegal 
Trade. 


PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK, 


761 


places  are 
;  and  the 
oes  of  Salt, 
a  Load  of 
n  England 
rried  on  in 
formable  to 

es  exported 
rerage,  One 
I  the  foreign 
is  Sterling, 
in  Europe, 
ax  seed  and 
ly  belonging 
ssengers  and 

with  Gibral- 
ly  consist  of 
J^aval  Stores, 
the  practice 
to  them,  the 
at  the  Naval 
and  Salt. 

'rade,  and  are 


His  Majesty's 
ipal  entrance, 
is  obliged  on 
to  the  Wharf, 
viz.    The 
Land  Waiter, 
ts  also  a  Naval 
on  Board  of 
e  are  but  three 


!r 


other  out  door  officers  to  look  after  the  business  of  a  very  exten- 
sive Harbour,  lying  on  two  sides  of  the  Town,  which  is  situated 
on  a  point  between  two  large  Rivers. 

As  all  Articles  of  Commerce,  Provisions  and  Fuel  are  conveyed 
to  Town  by  Water  in  a  Number  of  Small  Boats,  from  Landings 
that  lay  on  each  side  of  both  entrances  to  the  Port,  the  strictest 
attention  of  the  officers  of  His  Majesty's  ship,  or  the  Vigilance 
of  the  Collector  &  Comptroller,  (who  speak  favourably  of  their 
present  Outdoor  officers)  cannot  altogether  prevent  the  illegal 
Trade  in  a  port  situated  as  this  is  j  there  can  be  no  doubt  there- 
fore but  that  Assistance  different  from  what  the  Officers  have  at 
present,  would  be  very  necessary,  and  tend  much  to  the  increase 
of  His  Majesty's  Revenues  in  this  Province. 

Question  JVo.  IL 
What  is  the  Natural  produce  of  the  Country,  staple  Commodi- 
ties and  Manufactures,  and  what  Value  thereof  in  Sterling  Money 
may  you  annually  Export  1 

Answer. 

.^  ,  „  The  Natural  produce  &  Staple  Commodities  of  this 
pie  commodi- Province  are  Wheat,  Indian  Corn,  Oats,  Rye,  Pease, 

lies  and  Man-  '  J  7        j    7  7 

ufacturc3.  Barley  and  Buck  Wheat,  Live  Stock,  Masts  &  Spars, 
Timber  &  Lumber  of  all  sorts,  Furrs,  Skins,  Beeswax,  Iron  Ore, 
Pork,  Beef,  Flour,  Pot  &  Pearl  Ashes. — And  its  Manufactures 
are,  the  making  of  Pig  and  Bar  Iron,  Distilling  of  Rum  and 
Spirits,  Refining  of  Sugar,  and  making  Chocolate  ;  from  Molasses, 
brown  Sugar  and  Cocoa  imported. — The  Making  of  Soap  and 
Candles,  Hats,  Shoes,  Cordage  and  Cabinet  Ware,  Tanning 
Malting,  Brewing  &  Ship  Building. 

vn'.ue  of  those  The  Annual  Amount  of  the  above  mentioned  Articles 
lixportLd.  Exported  (Hats  excepted)'  is  on  an  average  Four  Hun- 
ilred  ThoUs<^  Pounds  Sterling. 

1  In  Feb.  1731  the  Master  Wardens  and  Assistants  of  the  Company  of  Feltma- 
leers  of  London  petitioned  Parliament  to  pass  a  law  to  prevent  the  Inhabitants  of 
the  American  Colonies  exporting  Hats  of  American  Manufaeture  to  any  place 
whatsoever,  as  the  foreign  Markets  wore  then  almost  altogether  supplied  from 
the  Plantations  as  well,  also,  as  Great  Britain  to  tlie  great  prejudice  of  the  Trade. 

Diispetitidn  was  referred  to  a  Special  Committee  who  reported  t!ie  Evidence 
in  which  the  number  of  Beaver  Hats  then  Manufactured  in  New  York  iV.  New 
UinjlanJ  was  estimated  at  10,000  yearly  j  In  Boston  tliere  were  IG  Hatters  one  of 


762 


GOV.  tryon's  report  on  the 


I- 


'T'f, 


Mines. 


Question  JVo.  12; 
"What  Mines  are  there  ? 

Answer. 
There  are  few  Mines  yet  discovered  in  the  Province. 
— One  of  Iron  Ore  in  the  Manor  of  Livingston  in  the  County  of 
Albany  belonging  to  Robert  Livingston  Esquire, — Another  of  Iron 
also  in  Orange  County,  the  property  of  Vincent  Matthews  Esquire 
and  one  in  the  Manor  of  Philipsburgh  in  the  County  of  Westches- 
ter lately  leased  for  99  years  (pursuant  to  the  Royal  Order)  to 
Frederick  Philipse  Esquire. — ^It  is  called  a  Silver  Mine,  but  from 
the  small  Quantity  of  Silver  the  Ore  has  hitherto  yielded,  may 
perhaps  more  properly  be  classed  among  the  Richer  sort  of  lead 
Mines. — The  Works  belonging  to  the  First  are  carried  on  to 
great  advantage. 

Question  JVb.  13. 
What  is  the  Number  of  Inhabitants,  Whites  &  Blacks  t 

Answer.  ^ 

By  the  last  account  taken  in  1771,  the  number  of 
Inhabitants  stood  thus. 

Whites  .         .         .         148,124 

Blacks  .        .        .  19,883 

Total  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  1771      .         .         168,007 
Supposing  the  Increase  from  1771  to  1774  to  have 
been  no  more  than  the  average  Proportion  of  the 
Increase  between  1756  and  1771 ,  there  must  be  added 

whom  was  stated  to  have  commonly  finished  40  hats  a  week.  The  Exports  were 
to  the  Southern  Plantations,  the  West  Indies  an<l  Ireland. 

A  law  was  accordingly  passed  the  same  Session  (5.  Geo.  II.  c  xxii.,)  "  to  pre- 
vent the  Exportation  of  Hats  out  of  any  of  His  Majesty's  Colonies  or  Plantations 
in  America  and  to  restrain  the  number  of  Apprentices  taken  by  the  Ilatmakers 
in  aaid  Colonies"  &c  All  such  exported  hats  were  declared  forfeit  ;  th"^  exporter 
subjected  to  a  fineof  Jt'oOO  and  every  Master,  Mariner,  Porter,  Carter,  Waggorer, 
Boatman  &c  aiding  and  assisting  him  became  liable  to  a  fine  it  Fc.Jy  pouni.^  ; 
any  officer  of  Customs  passing  an  Entiy  for  such  Export  was  to  be  fined  aiso 
jCSOO.  No  person  was  to  make  Hats  in  the  Colonies  unless  he  served  seven  years 
to  the  Trade  &  no  master  could  take  more  than  two  apprentices.  This  law  con- 
tinued in  force  in  this  country  as  long  as  it  belonged  to  Great  Britain  and  is  still 
applicable  to  the  existing  Colonies.  This  explains  the  exception  above  made  in 
Gov.  Tryon'i  Report. 


Number  of 
lahabitante. 


li    ■'■• 


Vi 


PROVINCE  OF  NKW-YORK. 


763 


?rovmce. 
ounty  of 
er  of  Iron 
s  Esquire 
^estches- 
Order)  to 
,  but  from 
Ided,  may 
)rt  of  lead 
ried  on  to 

) 
t 

L\ 
:ks1 

number  of 

148,124 
19,883 

168,007 


Exports  were 

Lii.,)  "  to  P""*- 
lor  Plantations 
Ihc  Hatmakers 
1;  th-^  exporter 
|er,  Waggorer, 
?r;'ty  pouni-^ ; 
I  be  fined  also 
led  seven  years 
iThis  law  con- 
lain  and  is  still 
I  above  mailc  in 


to  compleat  the  Number  of  Inhabitants  to  the  present 

Time 

Whites      .         .        12,974 

•  ,  '  Blacks  .  1,266 


14,244  > 


182,251' 


Total  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  1774 

Q,utstivn,  JVb.  14. 
Are  the  Inhabitants  increased  or  decreased  within  the  last  Ten 
years ;  how  much  and  for  what  Reasons  ? 

Jinsvotr. 

haWmJus*'^'"'    The  number  of  Inhabitants  in,  1771  as  appears  in  No. 

13  was 168,007 

By  the  returns  in  1756  from  which  year  to  1771  no. 
Census  was  taken,  the  numbers  appear  to  have  been 
Whites     ....    83,233 
Blacks      ...        -     13,542 


1756 


Which  shews  the  Increase  from  1756  to  1771  to  be  - 
Admitting  the  Increase  for  the  succeeding  three  years 
to  be  no  more  than  the  average  proportion  of  this 
number  which  is  much  less  than  the  Proportion  at 
which  it  ought  to  be  rated,  there  must  be  added  for 
the  Increase  from  1771  to  1774  -        .        - 


96,775 
71,232 


14,244 


Increase  of  Inhabitants  from  1756  to  1774  a  Period  of 

18  years      - 85,476 

Hence  by  taking  the  proportion  of  the  last  mentioned  number 
it  is  found  that  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Colony  are  increased  dur- 
ing the  last  Ten  years  according  to  the  lowest  Calculation  47,480. 
Causes  of  the  The  reasons  coiumonly  assigned  for  tlic  rapid  nopula- 
Inhabitants,  tion  01  the  Coionies,  are  doubtless  the  principal  causes 
of  the  Great  Increase  in  this  Province. 

The  high  price  of  Labour,  and  the  plenty  and  cheapness  of  new 
land  fit  for  Cultivation,  as  they  increase  the  means  of  subsistence 
are  strong  additional  Incitements  to  Marriage,  and  the  people 

1  Incorrect :  ought  to  be  14,240.       2  Ought  to  be  182,247. 


764 


GOV.  tryon's  report  on  the 


"'5 


m- 


:     '1: 


entering  into  that  state  more  generally  and  at  an  earlier  period  of 
life  than  in  Europe,  the  Proportion  of  Marriages  and  Births  so 
far  exceeds  that  of  populous  Countries,  that  it  has  been  computed 
the  Colonies  double  their  Inhabitants  by  natural  Increase  only  in 
Twenty  years. 

The  increase  in  this  Colony  has  been  nearly  in  same  proportion, 
but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  accession  to  our  own  numbers  by 
Emigrations  from  the  neighbouring  Colonies  and  from  Europe, 
has  been  considerable,  tho'  comparatively  small  to  the  number 
thus  acquired  by  some  of  the  Southern  Colonies. 

Question  J^To.  15 

What  is  the  Number  of  Militia  and  under  what  Regulations  is 
it  constituted  ? 

Answer         '         •  ' 

thHiiiiti'a     "^^  White  Inhabitants  amounting  to  161 ,102,  the  Militia 
may  be  supposed  to  consist  of  about  Thirty  two  Thousand. 
Repuintion        A  law  is  passed  annually  or  every  two  years  for  regu- 

under  which  it       .  na-i-  .mi  •      /.  i-  nn 

is  constituted,  latiug  the  Miutia;  1  he  act  now  m  force  directs  1  hat  every 
Man  from  Sixteen  to  Fifty  years  of  age  (a  few  excepted)  shall 
inlist  himself  with  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the  Troop  of  Horse, 
or  Company  of  Foot  in  the  place  where  he  resides. — That  the 
Militia  armed  and  equipped  (as  the  Law  prescribes)  shall  appear 
and  be  exercised  twice  a  year  — And  imposes  fines  on  both  Officers 
and  Soldiers  for  every  neglect  of  Duty,  with  other  less  material 
provisions  relative  to  the  service.  The  Officers  are  all  appointed 
by  the  Governor,  and  the  whole  Militia  is  under  his  Command  and 
subject  to  his  Orders,  agreeable  to  the  power  vested  in  him  as 
Captain  General  of  the  Province  by  the  Royal  Letters  Patent  or 
Commission. 

As  no  Act  relative  to  the  Militia  was  passed  during  the  last 
Session  of  the  General  Assembly,  the  above  regulations  will  cease 
on  the  first  day  of  May  1774,  when  the  present  Militia  Law 
expires  by  its  own  Limitation. 

Question  J\ro.  16. 

What  Forts  and  places  of  Strength  are  there  within  your 
Government,  and  in  what  Condition  ? 


PROVINCE  or  NEW-VOBK. 


766 


JlnswcT. 

Porta  mid  pv  '^'''■'  ^^^X  "^  New  York  the  Metropolis,  is  protected 
cc*»f8ircn8th.  ^^,  ^  p^^,.,  ^^^^^  ,^  j^.^j^^.^  ^j.  j^,., juries  at  the  Entrance  of 

the  East  River  or  Harbour,  in  good  order  and  capable  of  mounting 
about  One  Hundred  pieces  of  Ordnance. — Albany  and  Schenectady 
are  defended  by  Forts,  and  both  places  incircled  by  large  Pickets 
or  Stockades,  with  Blockhouses  at  proper  Distances  from  each 
other,  but  which  since  the  peace  have  been  suffered  to  go  to 
Decay  and  are  now  totally  out  of  Repair. 

The  Western  Posts  are  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the  Forts  at  OswegD 
and  Niagara  ;  the  two  former  are  Dismantled  ;  a  few  men  only 
are  kept  at  Oswego. — Niagara  is  occupied  by  a  Garrison  of  the 
King's  Troops. 

The  Northern  Posts  are,  Fort  Edward  which  is  abandoned. — 
A  few  men  only  are  kept  at  the  Works  at  the  South  End  of  Lake 
George  to  facilitate  the  Transportation  to  the  next  Posts,  which 
are  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  j  these  are  both  Garrisoned  by 
His  Majesty's  Troops,  but  since  the  fire  which  happened  at  Crown 
Point,  only  a  small  guard  is  kept  there,  the  principal  part  of 
the  Garrison  being  withdrawn  and  posted  at  Ticonderoga. 

Question  J^o.  17. 
What  number  of  Indians  have  you  and  how  are  they  inclined  % 

Answer 
Number  of  The  Indians  who  formerly  possessed  Nassau  &  Long 
how'^'rethey  Island,  and  that  part  of  this  Province  which  lies  below 
Albany,  are  now  reduced  to  a  small  number,  and  are  in 
general  so  scattered  and  dispersed,  and  so  addicted  to  wandering 
that  no  certain  account  can  be  obtained  of  them. — ^They  are  rem- 
nants of  the  Tribes — Montocks  and  others  of  Long  Island — 
Wapj)ingers  of  Dutchess  County — Esopus,  Papagonck  &c  in 
Ulster  County — and  a  few  Skachticokes. 

These  Tribes  have  generally  been  denominated  River  Indians 
and  consist  of  about  Three  hundred  Fighting  Men — They  speak 
a  language  radically  the  same,  and  are  understood  by  the  Dela- 
wares  being  originally  of  the  same  Race.  Most  of  these  People 
at  present  profess  Christianity,  and  as  far  as  in  their  power  adopt 


I  \ 


766 


GOV.  tryon's  report  on  the 


'i    ." 

■'''■>  ■  ■ 

m: 


til 


i         V' 


our  Customs — The  greater  part  of  them  attended  the  Army  during 
the  late  War  but  not  with  the  same  reputation  as  those  who  are 
■till  deemed  Hunters. 

The  Mohawks  the  first  in  Rank  of  the  Six  Nation  Confederacy 
tho'  now  much  reduced  in  Number,  originally  occupied  the  Coun- 
try Westward  from  Albany  to  the  German  Flatts,  a  space  of  about 
90  miles,  and  had  many  Towns ;  but  having  at  diiferent  times 
been  prevailed  on  to  dispose  of  their  Lands  they  have  little  pro- 
perly left,  except  to  the  Northward,  and  are  reduced  \,o  Two 
Villages  on  the  Mohawk  River  and  a  few  Families  at  Schoharie. 
The  lower  Mohawks  are  in  Number  about  One  Hundred  and 
Eighty  Five,  and  the  Upper  or  those  of  Canajoharie  Two  Hundred 
and  Twenty  one  making  together  Four  Hundred  and  Six ;  this 
nation  hath  always  been  Warm  in  their  attachment  to  the  English, 
and  on  this  account  suffered  great  loss  during  the  late  War. 

The  Nation  beyond  and  to  the  Westward  of  the  Mohawks  is  the 
Oneidaes ;  the  Villages  where  they  reside  including  Onoaughquaga 
are  just  beyond  the  Indian  Line  or  Bound?  ry  established  at  Fort 
Stanwix  in  1768,'  and  their  property  within  that  Line  except  to 
the  Northward  has  been  sold — ^This  Nation  consists  of  at  least 
Fifteen  Hundred  and  are  firmly  attached  to  the  English. 

The  other  Nations  of  that  Confederacy  and  who  live  further 
beyond  the  Indian  Line  are  the  Onondagaes,  Cayouges,  Senccas 
and  Tuscaroras  and  are  Well  inclined  to  the  British  Interest — 
The  whole  Six  Nations  consist  of  about  Two  Thousand  Fighting 
Men,  and  their  number  of  Souls  according  to  their  latest  Returns 
are  at  least  Ten  Thousand ;  the  Seneca  Nation  amounting  alone 
to  one  half  that  number. 

Question  ^o.  18. 

What  is  the  Strength  of  the  Neighbouring  Indians  ? 

Jlnsvoer 
Strength  of       The  Indians  North  of  this  Province  near  Montreal, 
*urlng*'    with  those  living  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence  near  the 

""■  45*'»  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude  form  a  Body  of  about 
Three  Thousand  five  Hundred.  They  are  in  Alliance  with  and 
held  in  great  Esteem  by  the  rest,  are  good  Warriors,  and  have 

1  See  Ante  p.  687  for  thii  Paper  &  Map. 


il  »0: 


PROVINCE  OF  MEW  YORK. 


767 


I 


behaved  Well  since  they  became  allies  to  the  English  previous  to 
the  Reduction  of  Canada. 

The  Tribes  of  Indians  within  ihe  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  and  the  Colonics  of  Connecticut  &  Rhode  Island  &c.  are 
under  similar  circumstances  with  those  denominated  River  Indians 
and  the  Stockbridge  Indians  living  on  the  Eastern  Borders  of 
New  York  may  be  considered  as  within  it,  as  they  formerly 
claimed  the  Lands  near  Albany,  and  still  hold  up  some  claim  in 
that  Vicinity,  They  served  as  a  Corps  during  the  late  War  and 
are  in  number  about  thtee  Hundred. 

Of  the  Susquehana  Tribes  many  are  retired  further  Westward, 
among  which  are  some  not  well  affected  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment— They  are  all  dependants  and  allies  of  the  Six  Nations. 
Total  number  Within  the  Department  of  Sir  William  Johnson  His 
Nof'JhJjJJj'jje.  Majesty's  Superintendant  of  Indian  Affairs  there  are 
partnient.      rp^^^^y  p^^g  Thousand  Four  Hundred  and  Twenty 

Fighting  Men,  and  may  be  about  One  Hundred  and  Thirty  Thou- 
sand Indians  in  the  Whole,  extending  Westward  to  the  Missisippa. 

Question  JVb.  19. 
What  is  the  Revenue  arising  within  your  Government,  and  ho\v 
is  it  appropriated  and  applied  7 

Answer. 

Revenue  The  Rcvenue  of  the  Province  arises  as  follows — First 

from  the  Duties  on  articles  imported  viz.  Slaves — Wines,  DistilPd 
Liquors,  Cocoa,  and  all  European  and  East  India  Goods  from 
the  Biitish  Islands  in  the  West  Indies — Also  a  Duty  of  Two  per 
Cent,  on  certain  species  of  Goods  sold  at  Public  Auction  or 
Outcry,  and  from  Lycences  granted  to  Hawkers  and  Pedlars. 

The  annual  amount  of  the  several  Duties  on  an  average  of  the 

last  Five  Years  is £  5000  Currency. 

Secondly  from  the  Interest  of  £120,000  in 

Bills  of  Credit  emitted  by  a  Law  of  the 

Colony  passed  the  16"^  of  February  1771 

and  put  out  on  Loan  at  5   per  cent,  by 

which  a  clear  Revenue  until  1776  is  to  be 

paid  into  the  Treasury  of        -        -        -         6602 


768 


GOV.  TRYOM^a  REPORT  ON  THE 


■'V7,T 


1?- 


From  the  year  177C  One  Tenth  part  of  the  Principal  Sum  is 
10  be  paid  yearly  into  the  Treasury  until  the  whole  sum  of 
jC120,000  is  paid,  So  that  this  Branch  of  Revenue  decreasing 
annually  in  that  proportion,  .wilt  totally  cease  in  1786. 
uiS'iitvenue"'^  The  Revenue  arising  from  the  Articles  under  the  first 
Head  as  it  is  grounded  on  Laws  annually  passed,  (except  the  Duty 
on  Goods  sold  at  Auction  granted  for  three  years)  is  appropriated 
by  annual  Laws  towards  payment  of  the  salaries  of  the  Officers 
of  Government,  and  other  necessary  Expences  for  the  Public 
Service  enumerated  in  such  Laws.  * 

And  the  Interest  Money  arising  from  the  Loan  above  mentioned, 
which  is  the  Second  Branch  of  Revenue,  is  annually  applied  in 
furnishing  necessaries  for  His  Majesty's  Troops  quartered  in  this 
Colony,  for  which  there  is  usually  granted  JC2000  Currency,  and 
the  Residue  is  occasionally  applied  to  the  payment  of  Debts  con- 
tracted by  the  Province,  such  as  repairs  to  the  Fort  &  Batteries, 
t^e  Governor's  House,  the  making  of  gun  carriages  &c. 

A  Third  Branch  of  the  Revenue  is  the  Excise  on  spirituous 
Liquors. 

^^iAti^n^ot'  ^y  ^  ^^"^  passed  the  St^  of  March  1773  This  Fund 
Sttong  yquws  ^^  appropriated  for  Twenty  Years  as  follows — The  sum 
of  JE800  (part  of  jEIOOO  to  be  raised  by  the  Excise  in  the  City 
and  County  of  New  York)  is  to  be  paid  Annually  for  Twenty 
years  to  the  Governors  of  the  Hospital  now  erecting  in  the  city 
of  New  York  for  the  support  of  that  Institution,  and  the  remain- 
ing sum  of  j£200  is  for  the  First  Five  years  to  be  paid  to  the 
Corporation  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  for  encouraging  a 
Fishery  on  the  Sea  Coast  for  the  better  supplying  the  Publir 
Markets  of  the  City,  and  during  the  remaining  Fifteen  Years  this 
sum  is  appropriated  for  repairing  the  Public  Roads. 

By  the  same  Law  the  sums  which  shall  be  raised  by  the  Excise 
in  the  other  Counties  subject  to  this  Duty,  are  directed  to  be 
appropriated  for  the  same  period  of  Twenty  years  towards  repair- 
ing the  Highways  and  defraying  the  necessary  Charges  of  the 
respective  Counties. 

The  whole  produce  of  the  Excise  Fund  before  the  passing  of 
this  Law  usually  amounted  to  about  j£1450  per  annum. 


:'CV' 


I 


PROVINCE  OF  NEW-VORK. 


769 


spirituous 

This  Fund 
— ^The  sum 
nthe  City 
or  Twenty 
in  the  city 
he  remain- 
iMd  to  the 
(uraging  a 
the  Publif 
Years  this 

the  Excise 
jcted  to  be 
lards  repair- 
Irges  of  the 

passing  of 


Question  JVo,  20. 
What  are  the  ordinary  and  extraordinary  Expcnces  of  Govern- 
ment? 

Answer. 
ordinury  K«-    The  Ordinary  Expenccs  are  the  Sallaries  allowed  by 

peine  of  Go-    i        t»         •  i         f\rf  r    t~t  «  •    i 

veriimuit.      the  rrovince   to  the  Omcers  of  Government,  which 
exclusive  of  the  Salary  of  the  Governor  now  paid  by  the  Crown, 
amounted  in  1773  to  the  sum  of          -         -        -  £3120.  2. — 
and  will  continue  nearly  the  same  while  the  sala- 
ries remain  on  the  present  footing. — 
K"*""'''''  '^^^  Extraordinary  Expenses  of  Govern- 
ment  are  the  allowance  for  the  necessaries  with 
which  the  Troops  quartered  in  the  Colony  are 
furnished  usually  amounting  to        -         -        -     2000. — . — 
And  the  Expences  arising  from  the  settlement  of 
the  Boundary  Lines  of  the  Colony,  Repairs  to 
the  Fortifications  &  the  Governors  House, — Car- 
riages and  Utensils  for  Guns,  Barracks  &c.  which 
in  the  year  1773  amounted  to           ...     I807.ll.4t 
For  payment  of  Expresses  and  other  small  contin- 
gent articles  of  Expence  there  is  annually  al- 
lowed   100.—.— 

Question  JVo.  21. 
What  are  the  Establishments  Civil  &  Military  within  your 
Government  and  by  what  Authority  do  the  Officers  hold  their 
Places,  What  is  the  annual  value  of  each  office  Civil  &  Military, 
how  are  they  respectively  appointed  and  who  are  the  present 
Possessors  1 

Answer. 
Shmem's*'''  ^^^  ^ivil  Establishments  in  this  Province  consist  either 
of  the  Officers  whose  salaries  ar'^  paid  by  the  Crownj  or  of  such 
Officers  as  receive  their  Salaries  by  virtue  of  a  law  annually  passed 
by  the  Provincial  Legislature. 


49 


i./.'' 


770 


GOV.  tryon's  report  on  the 


t  ■• 


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,  I 


t    f 


\i    M 


o 


05  2  «3 
-  «  £  e  g 

I  2  sis S 2? 


7    i 


PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK. 


771 


SS-o^ 


H 


nz 


GOV.    TRY  ON  S   REPORT,    ETC. 


tttw  ■ 


:  i  V' 


There  is  no  other  Provincial  Civil  Establishment  in  the  Colony. 
Most  of  the  abovemenlioned  Officers  have  Fees  appertaining  to 
their  offices,  the  amount  of  which  (if  within  the  object  of  the 
present  Enquiry)  can  only  be  ascertained  by  the  Respective  officers. 

The  Province  has  a  Court  of  Chancery,  the  Governor  is  Chan- 
cellor, and  the  Officers  of  the  Court  are  a  Master  of  the  Rolls 
newly  created: — Two  Masters: — Two  Clerks: — a  Register  : — 
An  Examiner,  and  a  Serjeant  at  Arms. — There  is  also  a  Preroga- 
tive Court  of  which  the  Governor  is  Judge  :  Its  officers  are  a 
Register  ami  one  or  more  Surrogates  in  eyery  County. — ^In  each 
of  the  Cities  of  New  York  and  Albany  there  is  a  Mayor,  Sheriff, 
Clerk  and  Corroner,  and  in  each  of  the  other  Counties  of  the 
Province  there  are  three  or  more  Judges,  and  a  number  of  Justices 
of  the  Peace :  One  Sheriff,  one  Clerk  and  one  or  more  Coroners. — 
None  of  these  Officers  have  any  Salary,  but  have  Fees  annexed 
to  their  offices,  and  they  are  all  appointed  by  the  Governor. 
Military  Es-  Military  Establishments  have  only  taken  place  in  Time 
tabikhmems.  ^f  yf^^  ^j^^  Pro\ince  during  the  late  War,  raised, 
cloathed,  and  paid  a  large  Body  of  Forces,  which  was  disbanded 
at  the  Peace,  and  there  is  at  present  no  Provincial  Military  Estab- 
lishment unless  the  Militia  may  be  regarded  as  such  j  The  Officers 
of  this  Corps  are  as  already  observed  appointed  by  the  Governor, 
and  having  no  pay  their  offices  must  be  rather  expensive  than 
lucrative. 

The  Militia  are  not  Subject  to  Garrison  Duty,  and  all  the  posts 
■where  any  Garrisons  are  Kept  are  occupied  by  the  Kings  Troops. 

Wm.  Tryon. 

London  11*''  June  1774. 


APPENDIX  NO.  I. 


DEED  To  KING  GEORGE  THE  FIRST  RECITING  THE  SURRENDER  BY  THE 
FIVE  NATIONS  OF  THEIR  BEAVER  HUNTING  COUNTRY,  AND  CONTAIN- 
ING AN  ACTUAL  SURRENDER  OF  THE  CASTLES  OR  HABITATIONS  OF 
THE  SENNECAS,  CAY0U6AS  AND  ONONDAGAS.  .  >^ 

To  all  People  to  whom  this  present  Instrument  of  Writing 
shall  come. 

Whereas  the  Sachems  of  the  Five  Nations  did  on  the  19^^  day 
of  July  One  Thousand  Seven  Hundred  and  One  in  a  Conference 
held  at  Albany,  Between  John  Nanfan  Esq'  late  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Province  of  New  York  give  and  render  up  All  their 
Land  where  the  Beaver  Hunting  is,  which  they  won  with  the 
Sword  then  Eighty  years  ago  to  Coorachkoo  Our  Great  King 
praying  that  he  might  be  their  Protector  and  Defender  there  for 
which  they  desired  that  their  Secretary  might  then  draw  an  instru- 
ment for  them  to  sign  and  seal  that  it  might  be  carried  to  the  King 
as  by  the  Minutes  thereof  now  in  the  Custody  of  the  Secretary 
for  Indian  Affairs  at  Albany  may  more  fully  and  at  large  appear- 
We  Kanakazighton  and  Shapintzarouwee  Sinneke  Sachims,  Ott- 
soghkoree,  DeKanisoree  and  Aenjeweeratt  Cayouge  Sachims, 
Rachjakadorodon  and  Sadegeenaghtie,  Confirm,  Submit  and  Grant 
And  by  these  presents  do  (for  Ourselves,  our  Heirs  and  Successors 
and  in  behalf  of  the  Whole  Nations  of  Sinnekes,  Cayouges  and 
Onnonilages,)  ratify.  Confirm  and  ^jibhiit  and  Grant  unto  our  most 
Sovereign  Lord  George  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  Great 
Britain  France  &  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  -Faith  &c.  His  Heirs 
and  Successors  for  ever  AH  the  said  Lantl  &  Beaver  Hunting  to 
be  protected  &  Defended  by  his  said  Majesty,  His  Heirs  and  Suc- 
cessors to  and  for  the  Use  of  Us,  our  Heirs  and  Successors,  And 
the  said  three  Nations;  And  we  do  also  of  our  own  accord  frieq.;^ 


!<(  ■ 


1 


ir 


774 


APPENDIX. 


voluntary  Will  give,  render,  submit  and  grant,  and  by  these  pre- 
sents do  for  Ourselves  our  Heirs  and  Successors  give,  render, 
submit  and  Grant  unto  our  said  Sovereign  Lord  King  George, 
his  Heirs  &  Successors  for  ever.  All  that  Land  lying  &  being  sixty 
Miles  Distance  taken  Directly  from  the  Water  into  the  Country, 
Beginning  from  a  Creek  called  Canahogue  on  tte  Lake  Oswego, 
all  along  the  said  Lake  and  all  along  the  Narrow  passage  from 
the  said  Lake  to  the  Falls  of  Oniagara  called  Canaguaraghe  and 
all  along  the  River  of  Oniagara  and  all  along  the  Lake  Catarackqui 
to  the  Creek  called  Sodoms  belonging  to  the  Senekes  &  from 
Sodoms  to  the  Hill  called  Tegerhunkserode  belonging  to  the 
Cayouges  and  from  Tegerhunckserode  to  the  Creek  called  Cay- 
nunghage  belonging  to  the  Onnondages  All  the  said  Land  being  of 
the  Breadth  of  sixty  English  miles  as  aforesaid.  All  the  way 
from  the  aforesaid  Lakes  or  Rivers  directly  into  the  Country  and 
thereby  including  all  the  Castles  of  the  aforesaid  Three  Nations 
with  all  the  Rivers,  Creeks  &  Lakes  within  the  said  Limits  to  be 
protected  and  defended  by  his  said  Majesty  his  Heirs  and  Succes- 
sors for  ever  to  and  for  Our  Use  our  Heirs  and  Successors  &  the 
said  Three  Nations. 

In  Testimony  Whereof  We  have  hereunto  set  our  Marks  and 
affixed  our  Seals  in  the  City  of  Albany  this  Fourteenth  Day 
of  September  in  the  Thirteenth  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign 
Anno  Domini  1726.  '>    ?  >  ■        ,     , 


*  fO. 


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INDEX. 


a; 


AceottBtant  General,  salary  of  the,  in 
1693,  314. 

Admiralty,  the  Court  of,  in  16»8,  89;  in 
1693,  318. 

Albaoel,  Rev.  Father,  accompanies  the 
French  expedition  against  the  Mo- 
hawks, 71. 

Albany,  •  delegation  from  the  town  of, 
meets  the  French  at  Schenectady,  72; 
description  of  the  Garrison  at,  74; 
fort  at,  89  ;  intelligence  from  the 
Indian  country  received  at,  142;  de- 
scription of  the  fort  at,  in  1686,  150; 
town  of,  declared  by  the  law  officers 
of  the  Crown  to  be  a  part  of  Rans- 
laer's  Colonic,  179;  Ranslaer  surren-* 
ders  his  claim  to,  180;  incorporated 
ib. ;  the  pasture  granted  to  the  city 
of,  lb. ;  people  of,  in  great  consterna- 
tion In  consequence  of  a  threatened 
visit  from  the  French,  272;  M.  de 
Calliere's  plan  for  the  capture  of,  285 ; 
number  of  houses  and  adults  in,  in 
1689,  288;  proceedings  of  the  autho- 
rities of,  on  receiving  intelligence  of 
the  burning  of  Schenectady,  302;  city 
and<  county  officers  of,  in  ]i)93,  315; 
strengthof  the  militia  of,  in  I69S,318; 
names  of  the  militia  officers  for  tiie 
city  and  county  of,  in  1700,  364;  of 
the  freeholders  of  the  city  and  county 
of,  in  1720,  370;  Albany  in  1691,  407; 
in  1756,  530;  population  of  the  city 
and  county  of,  in  1698,  689;  in  1689, 
690;   in  1703,  691;    in  .1723,  693;    in 


1731,  '37,  694;  in  1749,  696;  in  1750, 
696;  in  1771,  697. 

Algonquins  the,  the  most  warlike  and 
polished  of  the  Indian  nations,  16. 

Allainville,  Seigniory  of,  637  et  tea. 
681,  686. 

Amboy.  inconvenience  of  making  a  port 
of  entry  of,  152. 

Amersfort,  (see  Flaflands.) 

Anabaptists,  92,  186. ' 

Andaraquc,  proceedings  of  the  French 
at  the  Mohawk  fort  «f,  77. 

Andros,  Gov.  report  of,  on  the  stattt 
of  the  Province,  88;  affords  efnwtoat' 
relief  to  Ne^  England,  154;  ordered 
to  put  the  Ranslaers  in  possession  of 
Albany,  179;  defeated  in  his  attempt 
to  reduce  Connecticut.  187 ;  notifiM 
M.  de  Denonville  that  he  nan  taken 
the  Five  Nations  under  his  protec- 
tion, 286. 

Angleran,  Aev.  Father,  Superior  of  the 
Outaouac  Missions,  110;  Misisionary 
at  Michilimakinac,  200;  wounded  in 
the  engagement  with  the  Senecas,  238. 

Army  List  of  the  Province  of  New  York 
in  1700,  387.'' 

Assembly,  salaries  of  the  officers  of  the 
New  York,  in  1693,  314. 

Assizes,  Court  of  General,  Legislative 
powers  vested  in  the,  87;  how  often 
it  sits,  88;  succeeded  by  a  Court  of 
Oyer  and  Terminer,  147. 

Amiiior  General,  allowance  to  the,  in 
1693,  314. 


B. 


Baptism,  scruples  of  a  Squaw  to  admin-* 
ister,  37;  first  adult  at  Onondaga,  ib. 

Bar.]MaQe8,  Jacob  Leisler  to  the  Gover- 
nor of,  310. 

Rarre,  M.  de  la,  instructions  of  the 
king  of  France  to,  95,  107;  notilies 
Gov.  Donp^an  of  his  intention  to  at- 
tack the  Five  Nations,  99;  declared 
by  the  king  to  be  the  cause  of  the 
trouble  with  the  Imlians,  108 ;  Ordered 
to  send  some  of  the  Iroquois  to  France 
to  be  employed  in  the  galleys,  109; 


memoir  of,  ib. ;  starts  an  his  expedi^ 
tion  against  the  Senecas,  111;  motives 
of,  for  making  peace,  113;  quits  Hun- 
gry Bay,  115;  arrives  at  Montreal, 
116;  treaty  between  the  Iroquois  ancr, 
118;  strength  of  his  army,  120;  M.  de 
Meulles' report  against,  ib.;  general 
dissatisfaction  with,  121 ;  bad  manager 
ment  of,  122,  K5;  charged  with  hav- 
ing converted  to  his  private'  specula- 
tions the  vessels  intended  for  the  con- 
veyance of  supplies  to  the  army,  123 ; 


776 


INDEX. 


•nd  with  havinr  declared  war  on  hia 
own  responRibilitv,  124;  evil  effeciB 
of  the  policy  of,  126:  letlcrt  from,  to 
M.  de  Lamberville,  127 cf  teq.;  M.  de 
Denonvillc  uicceeds,  143;  Gov.  Don- 
ran'!  allusion  to  the  expedition  of, 
167;  addicted  to  big  words,  2Utf. 

Bayard,  Nicholas,  called  to  the  Coun. 
oil,  189. 

Beauharnois,  M.  de,  protests  against 
the  erection  of  Fort  Uswego,  449; 
despatches  an  officer  tu  summon  Oswe- 
go, 46U;  Gk>v.  Burnet's  reply  to,  453. 

Beai^eu,  M.  de,  applies  for  an  extension 
of  time  to  produce  his  titles  to  a 
Seigniory  on  the  river  Saranac,  663. 

Bear,  Indian  name  for  the  tribe  of  the,  U 

Beavers,  number  of,  sent  from  N.  Yorlc 
to  England  in  1687,  269. 

Bellomont,  Lord,  his  design  regarding 
Uswego,  447. 

Blair,  Lt.  Icilled  on  the  Oswego  River, 
477. 

Board  for  the  management  of  Indian 
affairs  established,  343. 

Aois,  Revd.  M.,  71. 

Boundaries  of  the  ProT :  of  N.  Y.  in 
1678,  90:  between  the  Indians  and 
whites,  087. 

Braddocli,  Oeneral,artillery  taken  from, 
used  against  Oswego,  498. 

Bradstrcet,  Col.,  advises  Sir  Wm.  John- 
son that  Oswego  is  surrounded  by 
French  Indians,  476;  battle  between 
the  French  and  a  party  under  com- 
mand of,  478. 


Brebouf,  Father  de,  bible  of,  recovered, 
41. 

Dreuc){lyn,  names  of  the  inhabitants  of, 
in  1687,  669. 

Briarc,  (orilrias)  Rev.  Father,  110, 116, 
136;  on  the  custom  observed  by  the 
King  of  China  towards  the  Jesuits, 
270. 

Brocliholles,  Mayor  of  New-York,  179; 
member  of  council,  188. 

Brool<haven,  names  of  the  officers  of 
militia  of,  in  1700,  368.        * 

Brookland,  officers  of  militia  of  the  town 
of,  360. 

Buildings  at  Niagara  in  1688,  description 
of  the,  276. 

Bull,  instructions  to  Capt.  Jonathan,  on 
the  Burning  of  Schenectady,  304;  ac- 
count of  the  capture,  by  the  French, 
of  Fort,  609,  ct  aeq. 

Burke,  Mr.  Edm.,  opposes  the  French 
claims  for  land  on  Lake  Champlain, 
674;  letter  of,  to  the  Sec.  of  the  board, 
879. 

Burnet,  Got.,  forms  a  settlement  in 
Western  New-York,  443;  informsthe 
Board  of  Trade  of  his  design  to  build 
a  fort  at  Oswego,  447;  replies  to  M. 
de  Beauharnois,  453;  letter  of,  to  the 
Board  of  Trade,  468. 

Burning  of  the  Onondaga  Village,  40; 
of  Schenectady,paperH  relating  to  the, 
299,  et  acq;  of  the  German  Flatts,  515, 
et  leq. 

Bushwyck,  offlcjrs  of  militia  of  the 
town  of,  360. 


c. 


"k 


Callieres,  M.  de,  letter  from,announcing 
that  some  Iroquois  are  to  be  shipped 
to  the  French  galleys,  236;  project 
for  the  reduction  of  Albany  and  New- 
York  by,  285 ;  recommends  the  French 
Court  to  obtain  James  the  Second's 
approval  of  the  design,  291 ;  to  be 
Ctovernor  of  New- York  when  reduced 
by  the  French,  296. 

Canada,enumeration  of  the  Indian  tribes 
connected  with,  15,  27  j  account  of 
the  march  into  the  Province  of  New- 
York  of  the  Governor  of,  71;  the 
cold  of,  fatal  to  the  French  troops, 
158;  population  of,  in  1685,  ib.;  Me- 
moirs on,  196,  213;  state  of,  in  1687, 
228;  state  of  the  British  Province  in 
1743,  with  reference  to,  464. 

Cannatchocari  fort  described,  528. 

Capitulation  of  Oswego,  articles  of,  495. 

Cayugas,  numerical  strength  of  the, 
13,  23,  27,  61,  196;  date  of  the  first 
mission  to  the,  61. 

Census  tables,  279.  368,  370,  611. 

Champlain  Lake,  64;  papers  relating  to 
French  Seigniories  on,  535. 

Chancery,  the  court  of,  who  composed, 
in  16^,  147;  officers  and  powers  of, 
317. 


Charter  of  New- York,  antient,  602,604, 
606,608. 

Chassaigne,  M.  de,  sent  on  a  mission  to 
Gov.  Burnet,  450. 

Chaumont,  Father,  embarks  for  Onon- 
daga, 44. 

Chauvignerie,  M.  de  la,  particulars  of 
his  visit  to  Oswego,  460. 

Chazy,  grant  of  a  Seigniory  at  the  river, 
562. 

Chouegen  (see  Ostrego.) 

Christians,  denominations  of,  in  New- 
York  in  1687,  186. 

Churches  in  1678,  92. 

Civil  list  of  the  Province  of  New- York 
in  1693,313;  in  1767,  704. 

CtARKE,  Gov.,  reproves  the  commander 
at  Oswego,  462;  his  letter  to  the 
Board  of  Trade,  463;  report  of,  on 
the  state  of  the  Province,  464;  de- 
mands tliat  a  regiment  be  sent  from 
England  to  dercnd  the  western  fron- 
tier, 466. 

Climate  of  the  Iroquois  country,  61. 

Colden,  Cadwallader,  report  of,  on  the 
public  lands,  375;  prejudicial  to,  <89; 
Board  of  Plantations  instructions  to, 
relative  to  lands  on  Lake  Champlain, 


f 


\ 


INDEX. 


777 


637;  on  the  trade  of  New- York  in 

17^,  714. 
CoUini)  Mr.,  Collector  at  Weitcheiter, 

16S. 
Golvo,  Gov.,  charter  of,  to  the  cihr  of 

N.  Orange,  008;  tothetownionLong 

Island,  655. 
Commission  of  the  board  for  the  manage- 
ment of  Indian  aCTairt,  343. 
Common  Pleas,  officers  of  the  courts  of, 

315. 
Confedeney,   numerical  force  of  the 

Iroquois,  26:  of  the  Ottawa,  28. 
Connecticut,  defeat  of  Sir  £.   Andros' 

attempt  to  reduce,  187;  Gov.  Dongan 

recommends  the  annexation  of,  to  N. 

Y.,  15(>,  174,  187,256,  269;  population 

of,  in  1686,  159. 
Conscience,  liberty  of,  in  New-York  in 

1688,  88. 
Copper,  sample  of,  from  Lake  Superior, 

'Ml. 
Corlar,  through  respect  for  a  Dutchman 

the  Indians  call  the  Governors  of  New 

York,  156. 
Cornbury,  Lord,  on  the  trade  and  manu- 
factures of  the  Province  of  Nnw-York, 

711. 
Corn  forbid  to  be  exported  from  certain 

places,  266. 
Coiby,  Gov.,  his  characterof  the  people 

of  New-York,  722. 
Council,  names  of  the  members  of  H. 

M's.,  in  1637,  188;  extracts  from  the 

minutes  of,  244, 252,  265,  et  neq;  mem- 


ben  of,  in  1693,  31H;  officers  of  the, 
314;  minute  of  the  Quebec,  C)SO. 

Council  of  New-York,  nuines  of  the 
members  of  the,  under  Uongan,  188; 
extracts  from  (he  minutes  uf,  244,  252, 
26'),  et  leq;  members  of,  under  Fletch- 
er, Sl't;  officers  ol  the,  31 1;  proceed- 
ings of  the,  on  r  coiving  intelligence 
of  the  invasion  of  the  Onondaga  Coun- 
try, 323,  tt  seq;  resolva  to  supply'  the 
Oneidiis  with  grain,  345;  concur  m  the 
propriety  of  strengthening  Oswego, 
471;  names  of  the  members  of  the. 
under  Gov.  Tryon,  554  :  order  of, 
notifying;  claimants  to  land  on  Lake 
Champlain,  under  the  I  reich,  to  pro- 
duce their  titles,  ib.;  report  of  the, 
on  French  seigniories  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  567 ;  minute  of  the  Quebec,  5H0. 

County  courts,  powers  of,  in  1693,  317. 

Courcelles,  M.  de,  expedition  of, against 
the  Mohawks,  5(),  65,  69,  71 ;  a  dele- 
gation from  Albanv  meet,  72. 

Courts  of  Justice  in  1687,  147. 

Croghan,  Geo.,  his  report  on  the  con- 
duct of  the  Oneidas,  520. 

Cross,  the,  why  selected  as  an  Indian 
Totum,  20;  planted  in  the  Mohawk 
country,  77;  at  Niagara,  276;  at  Os- 
wego, 495. 

Cumberland,  population  of  the  countr 
of,  in  1771,  697. 

Customs,  officers  of  the,  in  1693,  314; 
produce  of  the,  701. 


B. 


Dablon,  Father  Claude,  embarks  for 
Onondaga,  44. 

Dartmouth,  the  Earl  of,  discountenances 
the  pretensions  of  New  York  to  all 
Lands  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
673,  578. 

Delancey,  Mr.  informing  the  Board  of 
Trade  of  the  burning  of  the  German 
Flatts,  518. 

Delaware,  the  three  lower  counties  on 
the,  recommended  to  be  annexed  to 
New- York,  153;  a  fort  recommended 
to  be  built  on  the,  155. 

Denonville,  M.  de,  succeeds  M.  de  la 
Barre  as  Gov.  of  Canada,  143;  letters 
of,  to  Gov.  Dongan,  158,  207,  211, 
226,  260;  instructions  ^f  the  king  to, 
193;  endeavors  to  gain  over  the  West- 
ern tribes,  200;  proposed  means  for  a 
war  asjainst  the  Sonecas,  201 ;  recom- 
mends that  New-York  be  jiurchased 
from  the  En/rlish,  202  ;  attempts  to 
deceive  Gov.  Dongan,  207,  214;  com- 
plains of  French  refugees  being  re- 
ceiveit  at  New-York,  208;  charges 
Gov,  Dongan  with  having  caused  the 
Indians  to  plunder  the  French,  211; 
and  with  entertaining  bankrupts  and 
thieves,  212;  memoir  of,  on  tlic  state 
of  Canada,  213;  designs  to  build  a  fort 


at  Niagara,  218 ;  difficulties  in  the  wajr 
of,  219;  calls  for  regular  troops,  222} 
informs  the  minister  that  Gov.  Don- 
gan has  sent  agents  to  winter  among 
the  Senecas,  224;  with  intention  to 
proceed  to  Michilimakina,  225;  fur- 
ther instructions  from  the  French 
king  to,  232;  informs  the  French  min- 
ister that  Gov.  Dongan  has  advised  the 
Senecas  of  the  meditated  attack  on 
them,  234;  his  account  of  his  expedi- 
tion to  tlie  Genesee  country,  237  ; 
erects  a  fort  at  Niagara,  244;  accuses 
Gov.  Dongan  of  duplicity,  260;  re- 
leases Major  McGregory  and  the  other 
English  prisoners,  272. 

Desbergires,  Sieur,  commandant  at  Ni- 
agara, 275. 

Detroit,  garrison  at,  220;  M.  du  Lhut 
arrives  at,  223. 

Dieskau,  Baron,  appointed  commander 
of  the  expedition  against  Oswego, 
474. 

Discovery  of  the  Onondaga  Salt  SpringSi 
42. 

Dogs  draw  the  sleds  of  the  French  in 
their  expeilition  against  the  Mo- 
hawks, 72. 

DoUier,  Rev.  M.,  110. 


1 


K 


778 


INDEX. 


OoNOAN,  Oov.i  latteri  of,  to  M.  do  U 
Barr«,  lUU,  105 1  forbids  the  Iroquoia 
tTMtlng  with  the  French  without  hit 

EarmiMion,  114,  403  (  promiiet  the 
idiani  a  reinforcement,  11&;  HPniti 
an  emiiaary  to  the  Five  Nationi  136 ( 
oomplained  of  by  the  French  Court, 
143  (  Report  of,  on  the  itate  of  the 
Province,  147;  recommenda  Catholfc 
Mlaaionariea  to  be  sent  from  England 
to  the  Five  Nationa,  106;  aends  Maps 
of  the  Province  to  England,  138,  160; 
aocusationa  of,  against  Collector  San- 
ten,  167 1  answer  of,  to  charges  against 
him,  IH,  tt  itq.;  grants  a  Charter  to 
tha  City  of  Albany,  18U;  fees  received 
for  Patents  by,  182;  sends  Collector 
Santen  to  England,  188 ;  proposes  the 
namea  of  new  Councillors,  189;  let- 
ters of:  to  M.  de  Denonville,  200, 209, 
226,  23fi,  266  ;  remonstrates  against 
garrisoning  Fort  Frontenac,  20b;  and 
building  a  fort  at  Niagara,  206;  claims 
2S,000  liv.  from  the  French  Oovern- 
ment,  210;  charged  with  exciting  the 
Indians  against  the  French,  211,  213; 

Sroposes  an  English  post  at  Niagara, 
16LTindicatesnis  conduct  regarding 
tha  Indian  trade,  227;  propositions  of, 
to  the  Iroquois,  229;  the  French  king 
rejecta  the  claim  of,  232;  letters  of; 
to  Father  de  Lamberville,  233;  re- 
monstrates against  that  Jesuit  med- 
dling with  the  Five  Nations,  236;  de- 


nies having  ordered  the  Indians  to  rob 
the  French,  ib. ;  sends  a  present  of 
Oranges  to  M.  de  Denonville,  236; 
letters  of,  to  the  Lord  President,  'M, 
271 ;  recommends  his  ncphnw  to  be 
employed  in  bringing  settlers  from 
Ireland  to  N.  York,  'lUO;  proceedings 
of,  on  learning  the  French  movemeou 
against  the  8enecas,  267;  proposes 
erecting  forts  on  Lake  Champlain, 
Hungry  Bay,  the  Mohawk  river  and 
Niagara,  269 ;  demands  a  surrender  of 
English  taken  |>ri!toncrs  by  theFrench, 
271  (  obtains  a  conveyance  of  the  Up- 
per Su8(|uehannata  river,  401. 

Duke's  county,  places  composing,  317. 

Duperon,  Father  Frs.,  proceeds  to  On- 
ondaga. 45. 

Dupuia,  M.,  commander  of  a  French 
Cfolony  at  Onondaga,  4ti,  50. 

Dutch,  the,  supply  the  French  army  at 
Schenectady  with  provisions,  73;  sup 
posed  to  be  friendly  to  William  III., 
291. 

Dutchess  county  forms  part  of  Ulster, 
317 ;  names  of  the  militia  officers  of, 
in  1700, 363 ;  names  and  number  of  the 
inhabitants  of,  in  1714,  368,  691 1  pop- 
ulation of,  in  1723,  693;  in  1731  and 
'37, 694;  in  1746  and  '49,  695  {  in  1756, 
696;  in  1771,697. 

Duties  on  imports  and  exports  in  )678, 
92;  tariff  of,  in  1(>^,  163. 


II 


E. 


ItMt  Hampton,  officers  of  militia  in  the 
town  of,  in  1700,368;  Lion  Gardiner's 
Observations  on,  674.' 

Effingham,  Lord,  Gov.  of  Virginia,  bu- 
ries the  hatchet  with  the  Iroquois, 
154;  the  Indian  name  of,  195;  arrives 
at  New  TorlC)  ^40. 

Elephant's  teeth  imported  into  New 
Jeraey,  152. 

England,  the  Church  of,  92,  186. 

English,  the,  date  when  they  first  went 
beyond  the  Seneca  country,  156;  De- 
nonville orders  the  seizure  of  the,  on 
Ladce  Erie,  202;  accused  of  inciting 
thai  Indians  against  the  French,  228; 


design  of,  to  monopolize  the  fur  trade, 
286. 

Enumeration  of  the  Indian  tribes  con- , 
nected  with  Canada,  15;  of  the  Nor- 
thern Indians,  26;  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions, 690. 

Esopus  in  1691,  407;  number  of  Ger- 
mans settled  at,  in  1718, 693. 

Estates,  value  of  the,  in  1678,  91. 

Exchequer,  court  of,  jurisdiction  of  the, 
148. 

Expense  incurred  by  N.  York,  through 
the  French  invasion  of  the  Seneca 
country,  273,  et  seq. 

Exports,  m  1678, 90;  in  1686, 160;  tables 
of  Imports,  &c.,  699. 


F. 


k>V^: 


'i 


Fanzine.  La,  (see  Hungry  Bay.) 
FetJuriditJr,  remarkable  instance  of,  150. 
First  English  settlement   in  Western 
New  York,  443;  launch  of  the   Eng- 
lish vessel  on  Lake  Ontario,  472. 
Five  Nations,  the,  (see  Iroquois.) 
Flag,  the  .English,  planted  in  the  Iro- 
qtidts  country,  99;  the  English,  cap- 
tured at  Oswego   deposited   in   the 
ohiuehea  in  Ganad«|i|  497. 


Flaibosh,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of, 
in  1700,  360. 

Flatlands,  militia  officers  of  the  town 
of,  360. 

Fletchek,  Gov,  Bei^amin,  brings  the 
subject  of  Count  de  Frontenac's  expe- 
dition before  the  Council  of  N.  York, 
323;  his  report  thereon  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Trade,  339;  fails  in  obtain- 
ing assistance  from  the  neighbouring 


INDEX. 


779  ^ 


|>wnof, 
I  town 


Colonic*,  310(  report  of  hh  proceed- 
inKi  regarding  the  Iniliaii*  at  Albany, 
341 )  eitabliihrs  a  Doanl  at  Albany  fur 
(ht  management  of  Imllan  attain, 
343)  hi*  initructions  to  Uieume,  344; 
hia  lettei  tu  Mr.  RIathwayte  on  the 
French  invaaion  of  the  <)nnonilaga 
Country,  346)  a  Journal  of  hit  expe- 
dition to  Albany  to  renew  the  treaiy 
with  the  Five  Nationi,  ib.;  extract 
of  hii  speech  to  tlio  Aaiembly  of  N. 
Yorlr,  3ft5. 

Flushing,  officers  of  the  militia  in  the 
ttfwn  of,  in  17U0,  3S9;  names  of  the 
inhabitants  of,  In  16ii8,  6t>l. 

Forces  levied  in  the  Province  of  New 
York,  244. 

Foreigners,  the  mi^or  part  of  the  Pro- 
vince of  New  York  in  lti86,  inhabited 
by,  162. 

Forts,  description  of  the  first  on  the 
rroquois  river,  OU;  of  the  Mohawlc, 


7U;  in  the  Province  of  New  York  in 
l(i78,  8i>i  in  l(i87,  14»;  built  by  tk* 
French,  268;  between  Oswego  and 
Albany,  in  1766,  624. 

Freight,  price  of,  between  Montreal 
and  Fori  Fruntenac  in  168tt,  2(M. 

French,  names  given  by  the,  to  the  se- 
veral Indian  tribes,  14,  16;  the,  in* 
vited  to  settle  atUnonduga,41;  retire 
from  Onondaga,  62:  the,  take  nossea- 
sion  of  the  Mohawk  countrv.  77  {  ea- 
noes  of  the,  plundered,  104,  109  f 
number  of  the  forces  brought  bjr  the, 
from  the  West,  to  aid  M.  ile  la  Barre. 
120;  the,  olalm  as  far  as  the  Oulf  of 
Mexico,  166;  defeat  of  the,  on  the 
Oswego  river,  483 ;  capture  Oswego» 
488;  Seigniories  on  Lake  Champlain, 
636. 

Frontenac,  M.  de,  instructions  to,  292; 
account  of  his  expedition  against  the 
8eneoas,  323,  tt  iiq. 


G. 


Oanantaa,  Lake,  where  situate,  45. 
Gardiner,  Lion,  observations  of,  on  the 

town  of  East  Hampton,  674. 
Oarton,  Thomas,  collector  at  Esopus, 

16S. 
OeneSfle  Country,  papers  relating  to  the, 

191 ;  Indian  name  of  the  river,  436. 
German  Flatts,  account  of  the  burning 

of  tlie,  670;  another  attack  on,  622. 
Gloucester,  population  of  the  county  of, 

in  1771,  897..  .•%%«.   kv-  ....^. . 


Government,  constitution  of  the  pro- 
vincial, in  1678,  88. 

Grant  by  the  Five  Nations  of  their  hunt- 
ing ground  to  the  King  of  England, 


a' 


Greenhalgh,  Wentworth,  obscrvationt 

of,  among  the  Iroquois,  11. 
Gravesend,  militia  officers  of  the  town 

of,  in  1700,  360;  first  patent  for  the 

town  of,  629. 


H. 


Heathcote,  Col.,  on  the  trade  and  manu- 
faeturesof  the  Province  of  New- York, 
712. 

Hempstead,  laws  passed  at,  89:  extent 
of  plain  of,  181 ;  amount  paid  Gov. 
Dongan  for  the  patent  for,  182;  names 
of  the  militia  officers  of,  359;  of  the 
inhabitants  of,  658. 

Herkimer  fort,  descriptions  of,  616, 526. 

Hillvborough,  Lord,  to  Gov.  Moore, 
diVeeting  that  the  French  should  not 
be  distuned  in  the  possession  of  land 
settled  by  them  on  Lake  Champlain, 
549;  approving  of  the  boundary  line 
between  the  province  of  New-York 
and  Quebec,  560. 

History  of  the  first  settlement  of  New 
Utrecht,  633;  of  Easthampton,  674. 


Illinois,  the,  attacked  by  the  Iroquois, 
97;  M.  de  la  Barre  abandons  the,  125; 
distance  of  the,  from  Niagara,  2U1. 

Imports,  value  of,  in  1678,  90. 

Indians,  papers  relating  to  the  several 
tribes  of,  3y  etseq;  numerical  strength 
of  the>  12, 22, 61,  98, 1964  690:  totums 


Hocquart,  Sei^iory  of,  541,  544,  586. 

Houses,  description  of  the,  in  the  Pro 
vince  of  New-York  in  1686, 160. 

Huguenots,  arrival  of,  from  the  West 
Indies,  'J2&\  proposed  disposition  of 
the,  in  case  N.  York  were  conquered 
by  the  French,  295. 

Hungry  bay,  account  of  De  la  fiarre's 
expedition  to,  109;  the  French  en- 
camp St,  113:  sickness  among  the' 
troops  at,  114;  treaty  between  the 
French  and  Indians  at,  117;  Indian' 
name  of,  138,  259,  267. 

Hunter,  fort,  description  of,  629;  Gov., 
on  the  tradeand  manufactures  of  New- 
York,  713. 

Huntington,  militia  ofllcers  of  the  town 
of,  in  1700,  358. 


of  the,  15 ;  why  the  flesh  of  the  French 
was  considered  salty,  by  the,  129; 
their  lands  annexed  to  New-York,154; 
traders  sent  by  Gov.  Dongan  to  tha 
Far,  157 ;  the,  as  far  as  the  South  Sea 
claimed  by  the  English,  209,  214; 
cruelties  after  the  attack«n  theSen*- 


i 


780 


INDEX. 


eas,  exercised  by,  238 ;  Indian  account 
of  the  French  attack  on  the  Seneca, 
246,  iM8;  notices  of  the,  with  pipes 
throue;h  their  noses,  26()-8;  a  board 
established  for  the  management  of  the 
affairs  of  the,  343;  proceedings  at  the 
conference  between  Gov.  Fletcher 
and  the,  349;  conveyance  of  lands  on 
the  Susquehanna,  by  the,  369;  com- 

Slaints  of  the,  against  Pennsylvania, 
13,  et  seq;  deed  establishing  a  Jine 
of  division  between  the  whites  and 
the,  587. 

Ireland,  Gov.  Dongan  recommends  peo- 
ple to  be  sent  over  from,  to  colonize 
New- York,  256. 

Irish  Brigade,  some  of  the,  serve  at  the 
siege  of  Oswego,  491,  504. 

Irondequot  bay,  132,  141,  2.37;  an  Eng- 
lish colony  sent  to  settle  at,  443. 

Iroquois,  papers  relating  to  the,  2: 
names  of  the  several  tribes  of,  3^  cus- 
toms of  the,  4;  explanations  of  lUus- 

>  trations  relating  to  the,  7,  et  seq.; 


WentworthG>reenha\jrh*iobi«rvRtioni 
among  the,  11 ;  first  forts  on  th«  river 
of  the,  59:  location,  olimute  and  pro- 
ducts  of  the  country  of  th«s  tiO;  th« 
river  of  the,  63;  the  Illinois  attacked 
by  the,  97;  general  council  convoked 
at  Onondaga  by  the,  129|  the  boat  sea- 
son  to  wa^e  war  aguinit,  ib. ;  roaun 
of  the  missionaries  returning  from 
among  the,  134 ;  plan  of  the,  if  attack- 
ed, 141:  Gov.  Donean's  character  of 
the,  154;  number  oT  the  oastI(<8  of  the, 
1063  means  adopted  by  the,  to  Increase 
their  numbers,  196;  numorloal  force 
of  the,  196,  231,  bdOi  Fort  St.  LouU 
111.  attacked  by  the,  229:  plan  of  the 
French  attack  on  the,  231 ;  a  number 
of  the,  sent  to  the  French  galleys, 
237;  the,  taken  under  the  proteotiou 
of  Gov.  Andros,  285;  rii;jrl  of  the 
council  for  the  securing  the  friendship 
of  the,  342;  conference  with  the,  at 
Albany,  349. 


i* 


'h 

It     r 


Jamaica,  names  of  the  militia  officers 
of  the  town  of,  in  1700,  359. 

Jerseys,  the,  evils  arising  from  their 
being  separated  from  New- York,  151 ; 
their  annexation  to  the  latter  Govern- 
mei  i  earnestly  recommended  by  Gov. 
Dongan,  152-3,  256,  259. 

Jesuit  missions  to  Onondaga,  33,  44. 

Jews,  92,  186. 

Johnson,  Sir  Wm.,  report  of,  on  the 
numerical  force  of  the  Indians  in  1736, 
26;  remarks  of,  on  the  proceedings 
ofPennsylvania  regarding  the  Susque- 
hanna river,  412;  sends  a  party  of 
savages  against  the  French  settlement 
at  Oswegatchie,  427 ;  gives  the  name 


of  "  George  "  to  Lake  St.  Saerament, 
429;  news  from  Oswego,  communl- 
cated  by,  475;  Indian  name  of,  &21i 
description  of  the  mansion  of,  5^. 

Joncaire,  M.  do,  adopted  Into  the  tribe 
of  the  Plover,  23. 

Journal  of  Gov.  Fletcher's  expedition 
to  Albany  in  1691,  346;  of  the  tlege 
and  capture  of  Oswego,  488. 

Juries  take  cognizance  of  all  oaiet  in 
1668,  88. 

Justices  of  tlie  peace  allowed  to  marry, 
91 ;  names  of  the,  in  the  Province  of 
New- York  in  1693,  315;  power*  of 
the,  317. 


«. 


Kaniatarontaquat,  (see  Irondeqiaot.) 
King's  county,  names  of  the  sheriff  and 
justices  of,  in  1693,  317;  strength  of 
the  militia  of,  318:  names  of  the 
militia  officers  of,  in  1700,  360;  list 
of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1687,  659; 


populationof,  in  1698.6^91  )n17ll9>12, 
691 ;  in  1723,  693;  in  1731,  '37,  CWi  tn 
1746,  '49,  695;  in  1756,  6%;  In  1771, 
697. 
King's  farm,  allowed  to  fiov.  Dongan 
during  his  administration,  13<'). 


L. 


Lambcrville,  Rev.  J.  de,  112;  confers 
with  De  la  Barre,  116;  letters  of,  from 
Onondaga,  127,  it  seq.;  advises  De  la 
Barrc  against  hostilities,  128;  reasons 
of,  lor  such  views,  129 ;  sugge  tts  mild- 
ness towards  the  Seneeas,  130;  urges 
the  Onomlagas  to  give  satisfaction  to 
De  la  Barre,  131;  recommends  Sieur 
Ic  Moine  to  be  cmployeil  as  negoiia'or 
with  tlic  Indians,  132;  reports  pro- 
ceedings of  a' council  ai  Onondaga, 
133;  further  reports  from,  134;  dis- 


tributes presents  among  the  Tndiani, 
135;  counteracts  (Jovernor  Dnngan's 
schemes,  1^6;  endoavoi's  tt)  gain  over 
the  Seneca?  137,  UO;  styled  liberator 
of  the  country,  141 ;  letter  of,  to  Gov, 
Dongan,  194;  Indian  name  of,  I9fi; 
at  Onoiid.\ga,  2(K);  hearer  of  a  letter 
from  Gov.  Dongan  to  M.  do  l)enon> 
ville,  20S;  pxers  htmspir  loprciterve 
peace  between  the  Indiiins  and  the 
French, 214;  persuades  the  Indlansby 
underground  presents,  215;  length  of 


INDEX. 


781    I 


time  he  has  been  a  missionary  at 
Onondaga,  216;  oends  M.  de  Denon- 
vjlle  copy  of  Gov.  Dongan's  speech 
to  the  Indians,  226,  229. 

Lands,  tenure  and  price  of,  in  1668,  87 ; 
Cadwaliader  Colden's  report  on  the 
public  375. 

Latitude  of  New- York  and  Albany,  90. 

Laws  in  force  in  1687, 148. 

Legislative  power  in  New-York,  in 
whom  vested  in  1668,  87;  in  1687, 
89. 

Leisler,  Jacob,  letters  of,  on  the  burn- 
ing of  Schenectady,  307,  et  seq  ; 

Le  Moyne,  Fatlier  Simon,  voyage  of, 
to  Onondaga,  33 ;  speeches  of,  to  the 
Indians,  36,  38;  recovers  Father  Bre- 
bouf  s  bible,  41;  discovers  the  salt 
springs,  42;  returns  to  Quebec,  44; 
notice  of  the  death  of,  65;  Sieur, 
Bent  to  Onondaga,  113;  result  of  his 
nei^otiatlons,  114,  et  seq. 

Lespmart,  Antoine,  communicates  Gov. 
Dongan'i'  movements  to  M.  de  Denon- 
ville,  223,  gives  intelligence  from 
Canada  to  Gov.  Dongan,  253. 

Lighthouse,  when  erected,  704;  how 
supported,  ib. 

Littlchales,  Major  John,  appointed  to 
the  1st.  American  Regiment,  494; 
capitulates  at  Oswego,  ib.;  reflections 
on  the  conduct  of,  499. 


Livingston,  Robt.,  collector  and  town 
clerk  of  Albany,  165;  letters  of,  on 
the  burning  of  Schenectady,  3(>9,  311. 

Long  Island,  excise  of,  farmed,  166, 178; 
character  of  the  peo])le  on  the  East 
end  of,  166;  in  1691,  407;  papers  re> 
lating  to,  627. 

Longueuil,  M.  de,  obliged  by  the  Eng- 
lish at  Oswego,  to  exhibi'.  his  pass- 
port, 445;  endeavors  to  turn  the  In- 
dians agamst  the  English,  446;  directs 
his  son  to  plunder  any  English  canoes 
he  may  meet  with  on  liake  Ontario, 
ib. 

Lotbiniere,  M.  de,  his  representations 
regarding  his  Seigniories  on  Lake 
Champlain,  558;  report  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  on,  581. 

Louis  XIV.,  instructions  of,  to  M.  De 
la  Barre,  regarding  the  Indians,  9f>, 
107;  to  his  Minister  at  London,  to 
prevail  on  the  Duke  of  York  to  order 
his  Gov.  at  N.  Y.  not  to  supply  the  In- 
dians with  arms,  108;  directs  the  Iro- 
quois prisoners  tohe  sent  to  thegalleys, 
109;  all  things  said  to  be  possible  to, 
213 ;  approves  of  the  proposed  attack 
on  the  Senecas,  232 ;  repeats  his  orders 
for  the  transmission  of  the  Iroquois 
to  the  French  galleys,  2^;  instruc- 
tions to  Count  Frontenac  relative  to 
the  conquest  of  New  York,  292. 


11 


M. 


CWi  In 
in  1771, 


Tndiani, 
Dnngan'B 
fiiinovcr 
lib»rator 

to  Gov. 

of,  190; 
"  a  letter 

Denon- 
proHervo 

and  the 
iidian&by 
length  of 


Mamaroneck,  names  of  the  militia  offi- 
cers of,  in  1700,  362. 

Manaudiere,  La,  deed  of  sale  of  the 
Seigniory  of,  564;  location  of,  565, 
567. 

Map,  an  Italian,  of  New  Netherland, 
(faces  Title;)  of  the  Province  and 
harbor  of  New  York,  sent  to  Eng- 
land, 158,  160;  early,  of  the  Susque- 
hannah  river  mentioned,  394 ;  of  the 
south  side  of  the  Mohawk  river,  420; 
showing  situation  of  Forts  Bull  and 
Williams,  509;  of  French  grants  on 
Lake  Champlain,  557  ;  of  English 
grants  on  Lakr»  Champlain,  572;  of 
the  Province  of  New-York,  in  1779, 
774. 

Maryland,  Iroquois  name  for,  401. 

Mayor  of  New-York,  by  whom  ap- 
pointed in  1687,  148;  powers  of  the 
courts  of,  in  1693,  315,  317. 

McGregory,  Major,  sent  by  Gov.  Don- 
gan to  the  Far  Indians,  157;  taken 
prisoner  by  the  French,  259:  de- 
tained at  Montreal,  264;  the  Coun- 
cil propose  measures  for  the  release 
of,  265  ;  liberated  by  orders  from 
France,  273. 

Mercer,  Col.,  appointed  to  the  2d  Ame- 
rican Regiment,  494;  killed  at  Oswe- 
go,  ib. 

Meulles,  M.  de,  report  against  M.  de  la 
Barre,  120, 


Miamis,  numerical  strength  of  the,  29; 
attack  the  Iroquois,  217. 

Michilimakinak,  the  English  visit,  214; 
Gov.  Dongan  despatches  an  expedi- 
tion to,  224 ;  Indians  arrive  at  Albany 
from,  717. 

Militia,  number  of  the  Provincial,  in 
1678,  89;  in  1<^T/,  149;  in  1693,  318; 
in  1700.  357;  in  1716  and  1720,  692. 

Millet,  Rev.  Father,  missionary  among 
the  Oneidas,  112;  retires  from  that 
mission,  131;  at  Catarakoui,  200;  at 
Fort  Niagara,  276. 

Ministers,  the  several  sorts  of,  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  in  1687,  186;  the 
King's  natural  born  subjects  disin- 
clined to  pay  their,  187;  of  the  Dutch 
Church,  list  of  the,  625. 

Missionaries,  reason  why  the  French, 
withdrew  from  the  Iroquois,  134. 

Mississippi,  discovery  of  the,  158. 

Mohawks,  names  and  description  of  the 
towns  belonging  to  the,  11,  70;  nu- 
merical strength  of  the,  12,  22,  60, 
196;  French  expeditions  against  the, 
56,  65,  et  seq,;  some  French  officers 
murdered  by  the,  68;  verification  of 
the  Frc-nch  conquest  of  the  country 
of  the,  77;  the  English  flag  i.lanted 
in  the  villages  of  the,  99;  map  of  the 
land  on  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
420;  topographical  description  of  the 
valley  of  the,  524. 


782 


INDEX. 


Moore,  Got.,  on  the  French  grants  on 
Lake  Champlain,  547,  552;  instruc- 
tions to,  not  to  make  any  grants  of 


Land  vithln  the  French  Seigniories, 
north  of  Crown  Point,  553. 


K 


Names  of  the  Iroquois  tribes,  3;  and 
towns,  1\,  et  seq.;  of  the  members  of 
Gov.  Dongan's  Counci?,  188 ;  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Ulster  county  in  1689, 
279;  of  those  killed  and  taken  prison- 
ers at  Schenectady  in  1691,  304;  of  the 
Indian  Board,  3^3;  of  inhabitants  of 
Orange  county  in  1704,317;  of  Dutchess 
in  1714,  368;  of  Albany  in  1720,  370; 
of  all  the  civil  and  militia  officers  of 
the  Province  of  New-York  in  1693, 
313;  of  the  killed  and  missing  in  an 
action  near  Oswego,  478 ;  of  the  me- 
chanics and  sailors  taken  prisoners  at 
Oswego,  505;  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  city  of  New- York  in  1703,  611; 
of  the  minfsters  of  the  Dutch  church- 
es, 625;  of  the  first  patentees  of  New 
Utrecht,  634;  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  present  county  of  Kings  in  1687, 
659. 

Negroes  imported  into  New-York,  from 
1701  to  1726,  707. 

New  Amsterdam,  first  application  fur 
a  municipal  form  of  Government  for, 
595;  instructions  for  the  Sheriffof,  600. 

New  England  saved  by  the  Government 
of  New- York,  154. 

New  Orange,  charters  of  the  city  of, 
604,  608,  655. 

New  Rochelle,  names  of  the  militia 
officers  of  the  town  of,  in  1700,  362. 

Newtown,  militia  officers  of,  in  1700, 
359. 

New  Utrecht,  officers  of  the  militia  in 
the  town  of,  360;  history  of  the  first 
settlement  of,  633. 

New-York,  Courts  of  the  city  of,  87,  89, 
148;  Governor's  Reports  on  the  prov. 
of,  85,  89,  147  ;  boundaries,  latitude 
and  places  of  trade  of  the  Province  of, 
90;  population  of,  91 ;  description  of 
buildings  in  the  city  of,  in  1678,  ib. ; 
description  of  the  fort  at,  in  1686, 149; 
Dongan's  cliar.  of  the  people  of,  150; 
Maps  of  the  harbor  and  prov.  of,  sent 
to  England,  158,  160;  M.  de  Denon- 
ville  rccommeniis  the  French  govern- 
ment to  purchase,  202;  (axes  levied 
in  1688,  for  the  support  of  the  govern- 
ment of,  274;  M.  de  Callieres'  projict 
for  the  conquest  of  the  province  of. 


285;  number  of  the  houses  and  adults 
in,  in  1689,  289;  proposed  disposition 
of  the  people  of,  and  their  property 
when  conquered  by  the  French,  293 
et  seq.;  officers  of  the  corporation  of, 
in  1693,  315;  militia  of  the  prov.  of, 
in  1693,  318;  names  of  the  militia  offi- 
cers of  the  prov.  of,  357 ;  address  of  the 
Gov.  and  Council  en  the  state  of  the 
prov.  of,  in  1691,  4)5;  city  of,  in  1691, 
407;  first  settlement  of  the  English  in 
Western,  443 ;  palters  relating  to  the 
city  of,  593;  Nichols  charter  for  the 
city  of,  602 ;  Benck's  and  Evcrtsen's 
charter,  604;  Colve's  charier,  608; 
census  of  the  city  of,  in  1703,  611; 
Dutch  Ministers  of,  1758,  625;  tables 
of  population  of  the  prov.  of,  687; 
population  of,  in  1647,  1673  and  1712, 
691;  in  1723,693;  in  1731  and  1737, 
694;  in  1746  and  1749,  695;  in  1756, 
696;  in  1771  and  1774,  697;  revenue, 
&c.,  of  the  prov.  of,  699;  trade  and 
manufactures  of,  709  ;  Gov.  Tryon's 
report  on  the  state  of  the  province  of, 
737;  civil  establishment  of  the  prov. 
of,  paid  by  the  Crown,  770;  do.,  paid 
by  the  province,  771. 

Niagara,  Gov.  Dongan  recommends  the 
construction  of  a  fort  at,  155 ;  the  Duke 
of  York's  arms  put  up  as  far  as,  157; 
distance  from  Illinois  and  Lake  Supe- 
rior to,  201 ;  M.  de  Denonville  recom- 
mends the  erection  of  a  fort  at,  203; 
advantages  of  a  post  at,  204;  situation 
and  soil  of,  ib.;  Gov.  Dongan  remon- 
strates against  the  erection  by  the 
French  of  a  fort  at,  206;  the  French 
propose  establishing  a  post  at,  232; 
erection  of  a  Frenc.;;  <brt  at,  239;  M. 
de  Denonville  takes  possession  of,  243 ; 
date  of  the  erection  of  La  Salle's  fort 
at,  ib.  ;  French  garrif  m  at,  244  ; 
French  fort  at,  25l,2;rS;  abandons., 
275;  condition  in  1688,  of  fort,  276; 
names  of  the  officers  'hen  at  fort,  277; 
height  of  the  falls  of,  4:^5;  the  French 
erect  another  fort  at,  446. 

NicoLi.s,  Gov  toM.dcTracy,  78;  serv- 
ed in  the  French  army,  ib.;  his  re- 
port on  the  state  of  the  prov.,  87;  his 
charter  to  N.  York,  602. 


i. 


0. 


Observations  of  Wontworth  Gicenhalgh 
among  the  Five  Nations,  11. 

Officers,  civil,  in  16!)H,  313;  of  the  mili- 
tia in  1700,  names  of  the,  ?57. 

Ogdensburgii,    papers   relating    to    an 


early  French  settlement  at,  421 .  (See, 

Presentation.) 
Oneagorah,   Oneigra,    Onyegra.     (See, 

Ma<iarn.) 
Onciilas,  strength  of  the,  in  1674,  12;  in 


J 


INDEX. 


783 


ends  the 

e  Duke 

157; 

{e  Supe- 

recom- 

at,  208; 

luation 

remon- 

by  the 

French 

at,  232; 

239;  M. 

of,  243; 

le'S  fort 

2A4  , 

nUoiJCv., 

.rt,  276; 

3rt,277; 

French 

8;  serv- 
his  re- 

87;  his 


the  year  1736,  22;  in  1763,  26;  speech 
ofa  chief  of  the,  40;  number  of  the, 
in  1664,  60;  sue  for  peace  from  the 
French,  67  ;  treaty  between  the 
French  and  the,  74  ;  acknowledge 
themselves  subjects  of  France,  75  ; 
Father  Millet,  missionary  amon?  the, 
112;  number  of  the,  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms  in  1685,  196 ;  M.  de  Yau- 
drueil  leads  an  expedition  against  the, 
334;  and  lays  waste  the  settlements  of 
the,  339;  papers  relating  to  the  coun- 
try of  the,  507  ;  vindication  of  the 
conduct  of  the.  previous  to  the  burn- 
ing of  the  German  Flatts,  520. 

Onondaga's,  numerical  strength  of  the, 
at  different  periods,  12,  23,  27,  60, 
196 ;  paper?  relating  to  the  first  French 
settlemetit  among  the,  31 ;  Father  Le 
Moine's  mission  to  the,  33 ;  first  adult 
baptism  among  the,  37;  the  French 
invited  to  settle  amon^  the,  41 ;  dis- 
covery of  the  salt  springs  of  the,  42; 
Jesuit  missionaries  proceed  to  the, 
44;  conspiracy  of  the,  against  the 
French,  45 ;  surprize  of  the,  on  learn- 
ing of  the  withdrawal  of  the,  54;  the 
council  of  the,  assert  their  freedom, 
114;  negotiations  between  Father  de 
Lamberville  and  the,  133,  136;  the, 
persuade  the  Senecas  to  accept  their 
mediation,  134;  decline  Gov.  Dongan's 
belts,  137;  papers  relating  to  Count 
de  Frontenac's  expedition  against 
the,  321 ;  send  intelligence  to  Albany 
of  the  march  of  the  French  against 
them,  384;  details  of  Frontenac's  ex- 
pedition against  the,  325. 

Ontario  Lake,  62;  extent  of,  63;  dis- 
tance from  Albany  to,  197;  early  na- 
val operations  on,  479,  481. 

Orange,  list  of  the  inhabitants,  in  1693, 
Of  the  county  of,  317;  population  of, 
in  1698,  689;  in  1703  and  '12,  691;  in 
1723,  693;  in  1731,  '37,  694;  in  1746, 


'49,  695;  in  1756;  696;  in  1771,  697. 

Oswegatchie  River,  the  Abbg  Picquet 
forms  an  establishment  on  the,  424 ; 
dififerent  names  for  the,  439. 

Oswego,  description  by  Abb€  Picquet 
of  the  fort  at,  437;  condition  of,  in 
1725,  444;  the  French  endeavor  to 
persuade  the  Indians  not  to  permit 
the  English  to  settle  at,  445;  a  stone 
wall  built  around  fort,  447 ;  garrison 
in  1742  at,  462;  distance  from  Sche- 
nectady to,  448;  M.  de  Bcauharnois 
protests  aerainst  the  English  erecting 
a  fort  at,  449;  summoned  by  a  French 
officer,  451 ;  formalities  observed  on 
that  occasion,  452;  visited  by  M.  de 
Chauvignerie,460;  the  Indian  traders, 
in  a  panic,  abandon,  469 ;  the  council 
approve  of  strengthening,  471 ;  M.  de 
Vaudreuil  determines  to  reduce,  473; 
description  of  the  forts  at,  ib. ;  M.  de 
Louvigny  makes  a  reconnoissance  of, 
475;  the  French  Indians  surround, 
478;  and  attack  some  ship-carpenters 
near,  476;  Lieut.  Blair  killed  in  the 
vicinity  of,  477;  names  of  the  killed 
and  missing  at  the  fight  near,  478; 
early  naval  operations  before,  479; 
Col.  Bradstreet  defeats  a  French  force 
above,  482;  description  of,  in  1756, 
487;  journal  of  the  siege  of,  488  et  seq. ; 
articles  of  capitulation  of,  495;  return 
of  stores  captured  at,  496;  further  par- 
ticulars of  the  capture  of,  497  ct  seq. ; 
names  of  the  mechanics  and  sailors 
taken  prisoners  at,  505;  description 
of  the  country  between  Albany  and, 
524;  distance  from  Albany  to,  530. 

Ottawas,  confederacy  of  the,  number  of 
the,  28;  first  visit  of  the  English  to 
the,  157. 

Oyer  &  Terminer,  court  of,  erected, 
147. 

Oysterbay,  officers  of  militia,  in  1700, 
belonging  to,  360. 


P. 


Palatines,  settlement  of  the,  on  the  Mo- 
hawk river,  burnt,  515;  number  of 
the,  in  1718,  692. 

Palmer,  Judge,  called  to  the  Council, 
189;  sent  by  Gov.  Dongan  as  agent  to 
England,  255;  his  instructions,  257 

Papers  relating  to  the  Iroquois,  2;  o 
the  first  settlement  at  Onondaga,  31 ; 
to  French  expeditions  against  the 
Mohawks,  56;  to  the  stale  of  the  pro- 
vince, »6,  88,  146,  405,  737;  to  De  la 
Barre's  expedition  to  the  Black  River 
country,  93;  to  de  Denonville's  inva- 
sion of  the  Genesee  country,  191 ;  to 
the  invasion  of  New-York  and  the 
burning  of  Schenectady,  283 ;  to  Fron- 
tenac's expedition  against  the  Onon- 
dagas,  321;  to  the  population  of  Uls- 
ter, Orange,  Dutchess  and  Albany  and 
New-Vfork  counties,   279,   366,   368, 


370,  609;  to  the  Susquehannah  river, 
391;  to  early  settlement  at  Ogdens- 
burgh,  421;  to  Oswego,  443;  to  the 
Oneida  and  Mohawk  country,  507; 
to  French  Seigniories  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  535,  556;  to  the  city  of  New- 
York,  593;  to  Long  Island,  627;  to 
the  population  of  the  province,  687; 
to  revenue,  &c.,  699;  to  trade  and 
manufactures,  709. 

Pawling,  Mr.  Sheriff,  at  Esopus,  165. 

Pemaquid,  89,  90;  recommended  to  be 
annexed  to  Boston,  150, 

Penn,  William,  endeavors  to  acquire 
the  lands  on  the  Susquehanah  river, 
395  et  seq. 

Ponnsylvania.  evils  arising  from  its  be- 
ing indepehdent  of  New-York,  154; 
the  proposed  boundary  between  New- 
York  and,  155;  evils  arising  from  the 


784 


INDEX. 


gurchase  of  land  on  the  Susquehannah 
y,  413,  et  teq. 
Picquet,  /.bbe,  proceeds  from  Quebec 
.  to  establish  a  mission  among  the  Iro- 
quois, 423;  selects  a  site  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Oswegatchie  river,  424;  pro- 
poses a  mode  to  render  the  upper  part 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  navigable,  425; 
expense  incurred  for  imjirovements 
by,  426,  432;  biogra{>hical  sketch  of 
the,  428;  leads  an  expedition  against 
Sarat')^a,  428;  burns  fort  Edward, 
429,  builds  a  fort,  &c.,  at  Oswegatchie, 
431 ;  establishes  a  form  of  government 
among  the  Indians,  433 ;  visits  the  bay 
ofQuInte,  Toronto,  434;  measures  the 
height  of  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  435 ; 
explores  the  Genesee  river,  436;  des- 
cribes )brt  Oswego,  437;  distinguishes 
himself  in  the  war  of  1755,  4^8  and 
439;  T/ithdraws  from  Canada  and  re- 
turns to  France,  439;  his  death,  ib.; 
plants  a  Cross  at  Oswego,  on  the 
reduction  of  that  place  by  the  French, 
495. 


Plan  of  La  Presentation,  430;  of  Oswe- 
go, 449,  482,  487. 

Poor,  provision,  for  the  maintenance 
of  the,  92,  187. 

Population  of  the  province  of  N.  York, 
in  1678,  91 ;  in  1687, 149;  statistics  of, 
from  1647  to  1774,  689  et  seq. 

Powder,  price  of,  in  1696,  338. 

Prerogative  court,  in  1693,  officers  and 
functions  of  the,  318. 

Presbyterians,  92,  186. 

Presentation  la,  the  Abbe  Picquet  es- 
tablishes the  mission  of,  on  the  Oswe- 
gatchie river,  424,  431;  distance  of, 
from  Montreal,  Kingston  and  Oswe- 
go, 425;  post  of,  fortified,  426,  431; 
attacked  and  burnt,  ib.;  latitude  and 
longitude  of,  430;  advantages  of  a  post 
at,  431;  number  of  Indians  at,  432; 
the  Bishop  of  Quebec  visits,  433; 
names  of  maps  in  which  mention  is 
made  of,  44U. 

Pretty,  Mr.,  Sheriff  of  Albany,  179. 

Printer,  allowance,  in  1693,  to  the  pub- 
lic, 314. 


Q. 


Quakers,  92,  186. 

Quarter  Sessions  in  1693,  powers  of  the, 

317. 
Queens  county,  names  of  the  sheriff, 

clerk  and  justices  of,   in  1693,  316; 

strength  of  the  militia  of,  318;  names 

of  the  militia  officers  of,  in  17w,  3')9; 


population  of,  in  1698,  689;  in  1703, 
691 ;  in  1723,  693;  in  1731,  '37,  694;  in 
1746,  '49,  695;  in  1756,  696;  in  1771, 
697. 
Quitrents,  mode  adopted  by  Gov.  Don- 
gan  to  collect,  163;  amount  of,  in 
1767,  705;  how  expended,  ib. 


R. 


RaflFbix,  Rev.  Father,  accompanies  the 
French  expedition  against  the  Mo- 
hawks, 65,  71. 

Raguene-iii,  Father  Paul,  describes  the 
expulsion  of  the  French  from  Onon- 
daga, 49. 

Ranslaer's  Colonic,  Albany  declared  to 
be  within,  179. 

Relation  of  the  Governor  of  Canada's 
march  into  the  territories  of  the  Duke 
of  York,  71. 

Revenue  officers  in  1686,  165;  papers 
relating  to  the  provincial,  699,  et 
seq. 

Rhode  Island,  annexation  of,  to  New- 
York  recommended,  150. 


Richelieu,  fort,  by  whom  built,  59; 
river,  dl ;  why  so  called,  63. 

Richmond  county,  names  of  the  officers 
of,  in  1693,  316;  strength  of  the  mi- 
litia of,  319;  militia  officers  of.  in 
1700,  361;  population  of,  in  1693,689; 
in  1703  and  1712,  691;  in  1723,  693; 
in  1731,  '37,  694;  in  1746,  '49,  695;  in 
1756,  696;  in  1771,  697. 

Ridings,  number  of,  in  1G78,  90. 

RigoUe,  situation  of  la,  330. 

Religions,  variety  o*",  in  New-York,  in 
1678,  91 ;  in  1687,  186. 

Rome,  early  foris  at,  510. 

Rum  considered  by  Christians  better  for 
Indians  than  Brandy,  227. 


A 


Saguinam,  location  of  the  country 
called,  213. 

Salle,  M,  rfe  la,  sent  back  to  France  by 
M.  de  la  Barre,  9f>;  the  Cayugas  and 
Senecus  deniand  that  he  withdraw 
from  the  Illinois  country,  104;  Louis 
XIV.  directs  that  he  be  left  In  pos- 
gession  of  Fort  Frontenac,  107;  dis- 
covery of  a  Great  River  by,  158;  al- 


lusion to  his  having  built  a  fort  above 
the  Falls  of  Niagara,  243;  his  fort 
burnt  by  the  Senecas,  244. 

Salt  Petre,  none  found  in  the  Province 
of  New-York,  90. 

Salt  Springs,  pr.pers  relating  to  the 
discovery  of  the,  31 ;  encampment  of 
M.  de  Frontenac's  army  at  the,  .331. 

Santen,  Lucas,  collector  of  customs  at 


INDEX. 


786 


of  Oswe- 

intenance 

N.  York, 
itistics  of, 

fflcers  and 


icquet  es- 
the  Oswe- 
stance  of, 
ind  Oswe- 
426,  431; 
titude  and 
!s  of  a  post 
s  at,  432; 
isits,  433; 
nention  is 

y,  179. 
o  the  pub- 


>;  in  1703, 
'37,  694;  iu 
16;  in  1771, 

Gov.  Don- 
)unt  of,  in 
ib. 


built,    59; 
63. 

the  officers 
of  the  mi- 

ers  of,    in 
1693,689; 

1723,  693; 
49,695;  in 

90. 

v-York,  in 


abetter  for 


fort  above 
3;  his  fort 

e  Province 

ng    to  the 
jnpment  of 
the,  331. 
customs  at 


N.  York,  165;  charges  against,  167; 
suspended  from  office  and  imprisoned, 

.  170;  Gov.  Dongan's  character  of,  171; 
a  defaulter,  172;  sent  back  to  Eng- 
land, 188. 

Saratoga,  some  of  the  Five  Nations  es- 
tablished at,  156;  settlement  at  de- 
stroyed, 429. 

Schenectady,  M.  de  Courcelles  arrives 
with  his  army  at,  72;  accounts  of  the 
burning  of,  297,  et  seg.;  description 
of,  in  1756,  629. 

Schuyler,  Peter,  253;  Abram,  443. 

Scious,  French  canoes  plundered  on 
their  way  to  trade  with  the,  1(4. 

Seabrook,  Sir  E.  Andros  resisted  by 
the  garrison  of,  187. 

Seigniories,  French,  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  instructions  to  the  government 
of  New-York  not  to  make  any  grants 
within  the,  537,  549, 553 ;  order  of  the 
king  in  council  relative  to  the,  550; 
council  of  New- York  call  on  the 
owners  of  the,  to  produce  their  titles, 
654;  Lt. Gov. Cramalie  communicates 
list  of  the,  555;  list  of  papers  relat- 
ing to  the,  556;  French  ordinance  re- 
uniting several  of  the,  to  the  public 
domain,  558;  report  of  tho  N.York 
council  on  the,  567  ;  report  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  on  M.  u'e  Lotbinicre's, 
581, 585. 

Senecas,  numerical  strengtli  of  the,  13, 
23,  61,  98,  193;  sue  for  psace  irora 
the  French,  67 ;  unite  with  the  Cayu- 
gas  in  plundering  French  canoes,  iiyi, 
109;  account  of  M.  de  la  Barre's  ope- 
rations against  the,  125;  hide  theii 
grain  and  prepare  for  war,  131 ;  the 
Duke  of  York's  arms  erected  in  the 
country  of  the,  and  torn  down,  135; 
description  of  the  forts  of  the,  14)  • 
surrender  their  country  to  theEnglish, 
ri5;  an  account  of  M,  de  Denonville's 
attr'/^'c  on  the,  237;  number  of  the, 
killed  and  wounded,  238;  quantity  of 
grain  possessed  by  the,  239;  verifica- 
tion of  the  French  possession  of  the 
country  of  the,  242;  M.  de  la  Salle's 
fort  burnt  by  the,  244 ;  account  of  the 
French  attack  on  the  ),4n   et  seq. 

Sessions,  County,  in  16.'^  Ji ;  in  1678, 
88;  in  1687,  148. 

Shaw,  Wm.,  Surveyor  of  C^istoms  in 
Albany,  179. 

Sheriff,  by  whom  appointed,  148;  in 
1693,  of  New-York,  Albany,  West- 
chester, 315;  of  Richmond,  Ulster, 
Suffolk,  Queens,  316;  of  Kings,  317; 
names  of  each  in  1731,  694, 


Ships,  number  of,  trading  to  the  Pro- 
vince in  1678,  91 ;  in  1686,  IfiO. 

Slaves,  in  1678,  prices  of,  91 ;  number 
of,  imported  into  New- York,  fr&-a 
1701  to  1726,  707. 

Snow  shoes,  the  French  march  from  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  the  Mohawk  on,  65, 
72. 

Southampton,  names  of  the  officers  of 
militia  of,  iu  1700,  358;  of  the  inha- 
bitants of,  in  1698,  665. 

Southold,  names  of  the  militia  officers 
of,  in  17U0,  358;  of  the  inhabitants 
of,  669. 

Stanwix,  fort,  boundary  between  the 
Whites  and  Indians  agreed  on  at,  587. 

St.  Francis'  Lake,  62. 

St.  Lawrence  river,  61 ;  difficulties  of 
the  navigation  of  the,  62;  Abbe  "ic- 
quet proposes  to  improve  the  rapids 
of  the  425 ;  Gov.  Tryon  claims  for 
N.  Y.,  all  the  lands  south  of  the,  572. 

St.  Louis,  fort,  on  the  river  Richelieu, 
by  whom  built,  59,  64;  in  Illinois  at- 
tacked by  the  Iroquois,  104,  107,  109. 

St.  Marie  of  the  Iroquois,  where,  51. 

St.  Therese,  fort,  when  built,  59. 

Suffolk  county,  names  of  the  civil  of- 
ficers of,  in  1693,  316;  strength  of  the 
militia  of,  318;  names  of  the  militia 
officers  of,  357;  population  of,  in  1698, 
689;  in  1703,  691;  in  1723,  693;  in 
1731,  '37,  694;  in  1746,  '49,  695;  in 
1756,696;  in  1771,  697. 

Superior,  Lake,  distance  from  Niagara 
to,  201 1  sample  of  the  copper  at,  241. 

Supreme  court,  justices  of  the,  in  1693, 
31^;  powers  of  the,  317. 

Susquehanna  River,  Efforts  made  to  en- 
gage New -York  traders  to  move  to 
the,  154 ;  fall  of  the,  recommended  as 
jine  of  division  between  New- York 
and  Penn3ylvania,155;  papers  relating 
to  the,  '?91 ;  distance  of  the,  from  the 
different  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations, 
39;';  map  of  the,  sent  to  New-York, 
394;  Wm  Penn  wants  to  purchase  the, 
395 ;  belongs  alone  to  the  Cayugas  and 
Onondagas,  396;  price  paid  the  lands 
on  the,  by  the  English,  397;  the  Onon- 
dagas  and  Csyugas  confirm  their  con- 
veyance of  their  lands  on  the,  to 
New-York,  400,  40?  403;  address  of 
the  Governor  and  council  of  New- 
York  in  1691,  on  the  subject  of  the, 
405;  letter  of  Sir  W.  Johnson  on  the 
evils  resulting  from  the  purchase  of 
lands  on  the,  412;  evils  produced  by 
the  Pennsylvania  purchases  on  the, 
413. 


786 


IKDSX. 


Tariff  of  1687,  163. 

Toronto,  French  commander  at,  220. 

Tobacco,  the  condemned,  manufactured 
for  the  Indian  trade,  153. 

Tonty,  Chev.  de.  commander  at  Fort  St. 
Louis,  2UU;  despatched  to  the  Illinois 
country,  2Sa) ;  proceeds  in  search  of  M. 
de  la  Salle,  i£21;  his  success  among 
the  Tllinois,  240. 

Tortoise  tribe,  Indian  name  of  the,  1  j 
why  chief  among  the  Iroquois,  3. 

Totums,  enumeration  of  the  several  In- 
dian, 15. 

Towns,  number  of  the,  in  the  Province 
in  1678,  90;  in  1686,  160. 

Tracy,  Marq.  de,  expedition  of  the, 
against  the  Mohawks,  56, 68;  destroys 
their  forts,  70;  suffers  from  the  gout 
on  the  march,  80;  correspondence  be- 
tween Gov.  Nicolls  and,  81;  his  testi- 
mony in  favor  of  the  Dutch  of  New- 


York,  82;  served  in  Germany,  83; 
vessel  belonging  to,seized  by  the  Eng- 
lish, 84;  Gov.  Dongan  alludes  to  lite 
expedition  of,  156. 

Trade,  obstructions  to,  in  1686,  162; 
papers  relating  io,  70\). 

Tribes,  Indian  names  of  the  several 
Iroquois,  1,  et  sea. ;  illustration  of  the, 
7,9. 

Thvon,  Gov.,  to  Lord  Hillsborough, 
claims  for  New-York  all  the  lands 
north  to  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  572 ; 
Lord  Dartmouth  to,  reproving  such  a 
pretension,  573;  letter  of,  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  in  support  of  his  views, 
574;  Lord  Dartmouth  in  reply  to,  578 ; 
to  Lt.  Gov.  Cramahc  subscribing  to 
certain  conditions  proposed  by  the 
counr^il  at  Quebec,  580;  report  of,  on 
the  state  of  the  Province,  737. 


u. 


Ulster  county,  list  of  the  inhabitants 
of,  in  1689,  279;  names  of  t!ie  civil 
officers  of,  in  1693,  316;  Dutchess  an- 
nexed to,  317;  strength  of  i.ie  mili- 
tia of,  319;  names  of  the  ofiSicers  of 


militia  of,  in  1700,368;  population  of, 
in  1700,  1703,  1712  and  1714,  691;  in 
in  1723,693;  in  1731, '37, 694;  in  1746, 
>49,  695;  in  1756,  696;  in  1771,  697. 


¥» 


Vaillant,  Rev.  Father.  253. 

Van  Cortlant,  Mr.  on  the  burning  of 
Schenectady,  311 M 

Vaudreuil,  M.  de,  expedition  of,  against 
the  Oneidas,  334;  informs  the  minis- 
ter of  the  English  movements  at  Os- 
wego, 472;  describes  a  naval  fight  on 
Lake  Orturio,  481. 

Vessels  >.:aplured  at  Oswego,  return  of 
the,  4^7. 


Viele,  Arnaud  Cornelis,  sent  by  Col. 
Dongan  to  plant  the  Duke  of  York's 
arms  in  the  several  Iroquois  villages, 
114;  meets  with  opposition  at  Onon- 
daga, 136,  137;  supposed  to  be  an 
emissary  from  the  Albany  merchants, 
142. 

Virginia,  the  Iroquois  name  for,  401. 


0 


w. 


V/'ashington,  Col.,  415. 

Westchester  county,  officers  of,  in  1693, 
315;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  319; 
names  of  the  m  I'ttia  ofjccrs  of,  in 
1700,  362;  popuktion  of,  in  i698,  689; 
in  1703  Pnd '12,  691?  in  1723,  693;  i.-x 
1731  and  '37,  694;  in  1746  and  '49, 695: 
in  1756,  696;  in  1771,  69V. 


Western  New-York,  first  English  set- 
tlement in,  443. 

Wheat,  price  of,  in  1696,  338. 

Williams  fort,  location  of,  509 ;  aban- 
doned, 525. 

Wolf,  Indian  name  of  the  tribe  of  the,  1. 

Wyoming,  Indian  name  for,  414. 


V. 


York,  Duke  of,  applied  to  by  the  French 
ambassador  to  prevent  liis  governor 
supplying  the  ImUans  with  arms,  108; 


account  of  the  arms  of  the  erected 
in  the  Iroquois  villages,  114;  torn 
down  by  a  drunken  Indian,  135. 


Ma] 
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rectcd 
torn 


DIRECTIONS  TO  BINDER. 


m. 


Map  of  Nuova  Belgia, To  face  Title. 

Indian  Totuias, To  iace  pa^e     7 

That  marked  Ind  ian  Portrait, do  9 ' 

Map  of  tho  head  waters  of  the  Susquehanna, do  420 

Plan  of  La  Presentation, do  430 

Oswego  in  1727, do  449 

English  Piati  of  Oswego  in  1756, do  482 

French  Plan  of  Oswego  in  1756, do  487 

View  of  Oswego, do  495 

Outline  Map,  showing  sites  of  Forts  Dull  and  Williams>  do  5Ud 

French  Map  of  Lake  Champlain, do  657 

English  Map  of  Lake  Champlain, do  572 

Boundary  Line  between  the  Whites  and  Indians,  1768,*  do  687 

Sauthier's  Map  of  the  Province  of  New  York  in  1779,. .  do  774 


